BEGIN:VCALENDAR VERSION:2.0 PRODID:-//InvisionCommunity Events 4.7.23//EN METHOD:PUBLISH CALSCALE:GREGORIAN REFRESH-INTERVAL:PT15M X-PUBLISHED-TTL:PT15M X-WR-CALNAME:RMCommunityCalendar NAME:RMCommunityCalendar BEGIN:VTIMEZONE TZID:Europe/London TZURL:http://tzurl.org/zoneinfo/Europe/London X-LIC-LOCATION:Europe/London BEGIN:DAYLIGHT TZOFFSETFROM:+0000 TZOFFSETTO:+0100 TZNAME:BST DTSTART:20250330T020000Z RRULE:FREQ=YEARLY;BYMONTH=3;BYDAY=-1SU END:DAYLIGHT BEGIN:STANDARD TZOFFSETFROM:+0100 TZOFFSETTO:+0000 TZNAME:GMT DTSTART:20251026T020000Z RRULE:FREQ=YEARLY;BYMONTH=10;BYDAY=-1SU END:STANDARD END:VTIMEZONE BEGIN:VEVENT SUMMARY:Patrick Henry gave a speech at a revolutionary contention ma rch 23rd 1775 DTSTAMP:20250302T021750Z SEQUENCE:0 UID:214-7-c3fe8195a3dde498d013e477e2142422@aalbc.com ORGANIZER;CN="richardmurray":troy@aalbc.com DESCRIPTION:\n Patrick Henry gave a speech to the Second Virginia Revolu tionary Convention meeting at St. John’s Church\, Richmond\, on March 23 \, 1775\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n\n No man thinks more highly than I do of the patr iotism\, as well as abilities\, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in diff erent lights\; and\, therefore\, I hope it will not be thought disrespectf ul to those gentlemen if\, entertaining as I do opinions of a character ve ry opposite to theirs\, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and witho ut reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part\, I consider it as n othing less than a question of freedom or slavery\; and in proportion to t he magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is o nly in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth\, and fulfill the grea t responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time\, through fear of giving offense\, I should con sider myself as guilty of treason towards my country\, and of an act of di sloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven\, which I revere above all earthly k ings.\n\n\n\n Mr. President\, it is natural to man to indulge in the illus ions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth\, and li sten to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men\, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for libert y? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who\, having eyes\, see no t\, and\, having ears\, hear not\, the things which so nearly concern thei r temporal salvation? For my part\, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost \, I am willing to know the whole truth\; to know the worst\, and to provi de for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided\, and that is t he lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging the future but by the p ast. And judging by the past\, I wish to know what there has been in the c onduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hop es with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the Hou se. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately rec eived? Trust it not\, sir\; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious r eception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which co ver our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a w ork of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves\, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation\; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen\, sir\, what me ans this martial array\, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain a ny enemy\, in this quarter of the world\, to call for all this accumulatio n of navies and armies? No\, sir\, she has none. They are meant for us: th ey can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And wh at have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir\, we have been tr ying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the s ubject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable\; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and hu mble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already ex hausted? Let us not\, I beseech you\, sir\, deceive ourselves. Sir\, we ha ve done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now comi ng on. We have petitioned\; we have remonstrated\; we have supplicated\; w e have prostrated ourselves before the throne\, and have implored its inte rposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. O ur petitions have been slighted\; our remonstrances have produced addition al violence and insult\; our supplications have been disregarded\; and we have been spurned\, with contempt\, from the foot of the throne! In vain\, after these things\, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconcilia tion. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free– if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending–if we mean not basely to abandon the noble stru ggle in which we have been so long engaged\, and which we have pledged our selves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained–we must fight! I repeat it\, sir\, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!\n\n\n\n They tell us\ , sir\, that we are weak\; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week\, or the next yea r? Will it be when we are totally disarmed\, and when a British guard shal l be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution an d inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying su pinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope\, until our e nemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir\, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our po wer. The millions of people\, armed in the holy cause of liberty\, and in such a country as that which we possess\, are invincible by any force whic h our enemy can send against us. Besides\, sir\, we shall not fight our ba ttles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nation s\, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle\ , sir\, is not to the strong alone\; it is to the vigilant\, the active\, the brave. Besides\, sir\, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it\, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no ret reat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable–and let it c ome! I repeat it\, sir\, let it come.\n\n\n\n It is in vain\, sir\, to ext enuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry\, Peace\, Peace– but there is no pe ace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north w ill bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are alrea dy in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? W hat would they have? Is life so dear\, or peace so sweet\, as to be purcha sed at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it\, Almighty God! I know n ot what course others may take\; but as for me\, give me liberty or give m e death!\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n\n * William Wirt (1772-1834) reconstructed this accepted text of Patrick Henry’s “Liberty or Death” speech for his b iography of Patrick Henry. Wirt’s Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry was published in 1817 and reprinted about two dozen times in the nineteenth-century. Historians and biographers have often debated the merits and limits of William Wirt’s reconstruction of the text.\n\n\ n\n \n\n\n\n Patrick Henry's 1775 \"Give me liberty\, or give me death!\" speech\, depicted in an 1876 lithograph by Currier and Ives now housed in the Library of Congress in Washington\, D.C.\n\n\n\n Uniform Resource Loca tor\n\n\n\n https://www.historicstjohnschurch.org/the-speech/\n\n\n\n  \n \n\n\n IN AMENDMENT\n\n\n\n  \n\n\n\n The curiosity in Black history in t he united states of america or the white european colonies that preceded i t\, isn't how people of Patrick Henry's appearance gave death or slavery t o the first people/the native american while slavery or death to the black enslaved from africa. I argue said action is inevitable The curiosity is how said butchered or enslaved people had so many leaders who  didn't res ound the same message Patrick HEnry gave to his oppressors but instead sou nded to their own people give me slavery or give me death. Often times Bla ck leaders in the predecessor to the United States of America or the Unite d States of America itself tell their phenotypical kin to accept death or slavery over the finality that liberty offers most. The Black people of Tu lsa knew fully well the violence of whites and essentially built up a loca l financial paradise at knifepoint\, slavery. \n\n\n\n  \n\n\n\n  \n\n DTSTART;VALUE=DATE:20250323 RRULE:FREQ=YEARLY;INTERVAL=1 END:VEVENT END:VCALENDAR