Overview

My 2025 synthographic journey around Deviantart through comments Prompt + Art available for tip jar givers https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/SynthographyConversations-2025-1314168979

NATIONALISM OF CHRIST my comment Posted just now @ProfD On 3/22/2026 at 9:20 PM, ProfD said: I doubt liberal white folks will allow the Chrsitian Nationalists to take over the country & force everyone to adopt it. Well, the issue isn't allowing the issue is who can stop this from going to war. The USA has a long history of internal military conflicts. The secession from the english empire was mostly fought between peoples who were of the english colonies and other european colonies. it wasn't colonists vs the english, it was colonist vs colonist. one side of colonist had aid from the french military and spanis military, the other side of colonist had aid from the english military. In the war of 1812, it was the same, many people in the usa fought with the english to reclaim the usa. new england/virginia/carolinas/kansas all had regional wars between whites. and then came the war between the states. The creation of the federal bureau of investigation was first for the original klu klux klan whose mission it was to become the largest subcommunity in the white populace and thus take over the usa, the fbi, through all sorts of means undid the original klu klux klan, which i argue prevented armed conflict from a larger scale occuring in the white populace in the usa. Then the fbi and other agencies did similar into all organizations in the usa to make sure none ... led to anything, so to speak. The nation of islam, the sons of odin, the tong, every organization in the usa i hear has a three letter agent and their sole role has to be quelling any organizations ability to start a massive armed conflict in the usa, which will lead to larger ones as in the past. This the 1950s 1960s 1970s where many people in the usa were... taken out of commission in various ways. Now in modernity, I argue, the military + three letter organizations are the ones keeping this piece, not so called liberal whites or so called conservative whites. it is the military industrial complex keeping the peace. I don't have proof. But their goal isnt preventing any from taking over the country as you say, their goal in my mind, is keeping a peace, because the usa is demographically very weak. You can't get ten people in the usa in any city to explain what unites people in the usa outside of lies/commercial statements/ or honest I don't knows. All ten will not say the simple truth, individual greed. The problem with that truth is, individual greed doesn't lend to working with others, by default. If you can't get people in the usa to comprehend why they should be aligned casually, if they start thinking the walls will get higher. The question is one of arms. Schrumpft is president now. The states are already showing at least two camps on alot of issues, but they haven't armed themselves. The good news for the military is the post lincoln federalism has successfully defanged all states in the union. None of them can survive a month without the federal welfare check. Circa 1865 most states in the union had totally internal economies, they battled each other for trade let alone places outside the usa. so, the key is the states,will the schrumpf era lead to states developing themselves to be self sufficient as in the past? if so , that will lead to war eventually Another potential is a fissure in the military which would quicken the pace, but it seems the military hasn't fissured but it has happened in the past and will happen again eventually. @aka Contrarian 22 hours ago, aka Contrarian said: Why? Because they promote a lot of issues that Blacks go along with: They are against abortion, believing that life begins at conception, they are homophobic and anti LGBQT, they advocate prayer in public schools, and are not sympathetic about Hispanicl immigrants. The views Blacks have in common with these hypocritical, racist, super patriotic fascistic, fanatical conspiracy theorists make them and Evangelical Nationals strange bedfellows... And to be blunt, the challenge is on our particular tribe. Black DOSers are in a modernity where the usa it is fifty years, a half century, since the sixties and black dosers as individuals have achieved a lot, more than any other group arguably, but as a populace, are even farther from being a potent community. and so i think many DOSers are in the resent phase when plans don't go as some preached or some prayed for or some guaranteed. How many black parents told black children what to do and it turned out hogwash? don't break the law, go to ivy league, be a proud american, embrace the other as a human being, hasn't led to much of anything for a lot of black people, and definitely hasnt led to the black populace being a black community. so, blame game for many, lets blame the immigrant, lets blame muslims. even black immigrants or black muslims are under attack. Not strange bedfellows. many white german jewish organizations were in full support of the nazis with the nazi's yelling death to all jews. it isn't strange. all populaces of people are broken up into tribes in truth because how people see the world, themselves, their future, is rarely the same. These blacks are frightened of white power, are making a gambit that allegiance with them will save them from violence, from harm, they don't care for the multiracial USA that was probably promised by their parents and elders growing up as a positive when that was an over simplification. The black church... whom I have so much to say on, misguided the black populace in all earnest, in times past and has been forever regretful that it fucked up, blaming all but itself for its modern condition. https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12612-christian-nationalism-on-the-rise-in-usa/#findComment-80887 COLORISM BETWEEN COLORS my comment Posted just now @Pioneer1 what do you want exactly? I am a little confused. 11 hours ago, Pioneer1 said: Also, it subconsciously promotes the idea that the "Black children" that result from such hook-ups would be the "ideal" or "designer" children in our community. Infact, the light skinned children of Kanye West and Jay Z and how they're being promoted are yet another example of how light skinned individuals are being promoted as the ideal representatives of our community. At the rate things are going with lighter and lighter skinned people being promoted as "Black"....who's to say that a couple of generations from now ACTUAL WHITE people will not only be accepted as but even promoted as the ideal "Black" people? Expand You know that Black owned media exists and black owned media emphasizes black love between black people who are not yella/light skin/ideal mulatto/ or similar. you know black people have access to black owned media in the usa. So when I see your complaint, it seems to me, what you really want is for non black owned media to present black people a certain way. Am I right? My problem with your desire is, how can that happen in the USA? is not the usa a multiracial country? Many people talk about white jews but many websites in the usa, many groups in the usa are publicly anti jewish, no matter a jews phenotype. All the American civil liberties unions and Defamation Leagues don't stop said anti jewish organizations from posting whole movies online stating the jewish populace, any phenotype, has to be... removed. So what do you want exactly? so yeah. https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12624-examples-of-colorism-in-the-media-the-need-to-reverse-the-hypnois/#findComment-80886 COMMENTS 03262026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12612-christian-nationalism-on-the-rise-in-usa/#findComment-80910 osted just now @ProfD 23 hours ago, ProfD said: The great experiment that is the United States of America (USA) even in its relative youth as a 250-year old nation has studied the history of empires...their rise & fall. The *smartest* thing the USA did was allowing people from all of the planet to come & live in this country. Though its institutions, the USA has tapped into the best & brightest minds from around the world. Through its power of money & influence & military strength, the USA has become the leading super power in the world. There is no other country on the planet to which more people immigrate. I don't believe the USA will implode or self-destruct under the weight of its own largesse. Nor will disputes & bickering among disparate groups of people (tribes) derail the USA either. I believe it will take an act of of the universe i.e. series of natural disasters to dismantle &/or destroy the USA. There's always the remote possibility that white people will get fed up with each other & start firing off those nuclear bombs. Of course, going nuclear means game over for humanity as we know. Expand Well one big correction, the heritage of pan immigration wasn't statian, or of the usa that was actually the english empires doing. The english empire was the one who started the pan immigration starting with pan white europeans, the english didn't have to but the english saw a chance to make money. You suggest the best and the brightest... I don't know about that, but the truth is the usa unlike other countries is willing to grab individuals from the largest labor pool, gardless of their quality. Add enslavement + Genocide to the list of factors on the path of super powedom, it is interesting people mention money and military strength, but never genocide, never enslavement, why? why can't they be mentioned along side the others, they are equal or more important in the path to the super powerdom. Very true, but again when the usa was english colonies that was the beginning of the immigration heritage of the usa. The problem with the usa is that the white power/white terror/pan immigration/multiracial peace/individualism that the usa touts as elements of itself were not started in 1776 but before, the only thing the usa did was take what the english colonies was doing and separate it from england. But all the factors you speak of were english colonial factos , started then by england, not the colonist. Your adding alot of commercial statements to your prose here. I As for the future, I don't know. You are certain, which i think is foolish, to me nothing is more foolish than those who know the future. And I am in error, the usa actually created two things, 1) the seperation from england, 2) the invincibility heritage, I do realize the usa when it was founded had doubts to its life, from its very white european founders, but over the years i do realize a usa eternalism was born and it seems to have adherents in all races. Thank you for helping me take time to think on that. You are not the first to say the usa will be in perpetuity in my earshot offline or online. But, thinking on it, somewhere in the history of the usa, the doubt the founders had was replaced by an eternal certainty that by my ears extends to all races. I wonder when it started. but, the individualism/immigration/multiracial peace/pan white power/pan white terror all stemmed from the english empire's administration of the colonies that would become the usa. @aka Contrarian 3 hours ago, aka Contrarian said: Many think that the ultimate goal of Project 2025 which is the manifesto of the ultra conservative American Heritage Foundation, is to turn this country into a fascistic theocracy. if you look at the history of the usa, it is a country used to internal wars. I will list them. war of secession from the british empire was mostly fought by people who lived in what would become the usa. war of 1812 was the same, fought mostly by those who lived in what would become the usa Seminole wars, between first peoples side blacks against whites war between the states, fought between whites with various non white european allies In between the wars above or just before the first one mentioned are the new england wars, the kansas wars, the carolina wars, virginia wars. The usa has a vibrant heritage of internal violence. Even white people admit more black people died after the war between the states then before, now no one calls it the black white war rather jim crow or the nadir of american race relations but in my view it was in the era of jim crow, 1865 to 1980, the black white war which ended in 1965 with white victory but a law by whites to reduce white violence. What is my point? The usa will split is the most probably outcome, in some form or fashion, based on how people in the usa act and its historical commonalities. The usa has never had a we in itself, it uses that word a lot but the usa has never been a we and with such a multiracial populace, not being a we lends to fractures. in that environment, the key is where you live when it fractures, don't be on the fracture line and hopefully be in the section that you are accepted in. @Pioneer1 45 minutes ago, Pioneer1 said: I don't know if it was the "smartest". Actually giving us Reparations would be MUCH smarter....lol. But I understand your point and believe that it's VERY smart for America to bring in people...especially skilled and educated people...from around the globe to come and help build up the nation's economy. It's called "brain drain" and the West has been doing it for decades. The funny thing is white peoples statistics show, the majority of the people who come in aren't skilled or educated. It is a simple truth. Yes, a minority and large when you consider the population growth of the usa, but the ovrwhelming majority of immigrants to the usa in every year has always been unskilled or uneducated people. I don't know where people get this, idea that usa gets the most skilled people. I don't know where that comes from , cause whites admit it isn't true, so it must be some wild myth.

CONTENT Let's imagine you are the president of the USA in the future and the congress has made a law concerning immigration, that you want to sign immediately after you see it. What will that law be? REFERRAL COMMENTS

THIS IS MY INITIAL REACTION TO A MULTILOG @Pioneer1 First to delete false claims. Television + Univision are not latin american owned, in the same BET which is owned by Skydance is not Black american owned. I could ask why a black person in modern times, seeks to create a false impotency in speaking on the black populace in the usa compared to other non white european populaces. but i will not. The USA is white european owned circa ninety percent. In February 2020, Searchlight Capital Partners and ForgeLight acquired a 64% majority stake in Univision, with Televisa keeping their 36% minority stake. Searchlight was founded by Eric Zinterhofer , Oliver Haarmann , Erol Uzumeri Forgelight I don't know who they are, but they do not sound latin american. NBCUniversal owns Telemundo completely, NBCUniversal is not latino. So your decision to knock down the black populace using another non white european populace is false. @ProfD OWN , the oprah winfrey network is not black owned. Warner Bros. Discovery Global Linear Networks (95%) Harpo Productions (5%) Skydance owns Warner Bros. , Skydance is not black. Oprah WInfrey owns five percent of the OWN Network. Bounce TV is owned by the Scripps Network, Scripps is white. Jonathan KAtz founded Bounce, he is white. I knew Magic Johnson didn't own magic johnson theaters anymore, why didn't you profd? While the chain still bears Johnson's name, he is no longer actively involved in the management committee, strategic planning, operations, or public relations. It is part of the Lows cineplex entertainment company. Now TVOne is black owned, from a black woman in the washington DC area I think. Originally launched as a joint venture with Comcast, Urban One would acquire the former's stake in 2015. So it started as a joint venture like OWN but is completely black owned now. SO, of the media enterprises mentioned in this post only one is black owned. only one is not white european owned. Now, can TV One do better? all firms can, from a raw accounting perspective. But, TV One is doing great in my view. Considering the entertainment industry in the USA is very conglomerated now. The existence of TV One is really against the grain. That is why magic johnson , oprah and others all sold their shares to big firms gobbling. As I said, Netflix was given a favor by Skydance, who now owns paramount + warner bros + discovery and whatever else those firms gobbled before. NEtflix wanted globally known intellectual properties, but I argue adding all that debt would had been a mistake and skydance will have a lot of internal manipulation with all they own now. @admin so many people are tired of commercials, but here is the big problem, subscription is a terrible business model for publicly traded entertainment firms. the problem with subscription as nassr al khaleefi, ceo of beinsports said, I paraphrase, the only way to make continual monetary growth is to add on subscribers but the global economy has a limit on how much growth can exist in that way, while a free app with commercials, the same like network television but with apps, can grow continually because with quality content you can raise the advertising fees overtime. But trying to do both is going to lose out over time, no one wants to pay for a service with commercials. REFERRAL https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12614-netflix-the-new-segregation-in-entertainment/#findComment-80870 POST URL PRIOR EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/676-economic-corner-38-03102026/ NEXT EDITION ? COMMENTARY @Pioneer1 I comprehend your frustration, like james Forten 250 years ago, you have embraced the usa and both of you show a desire to compete side the other people in the usa financially, while in the legal confines. Thus your desire to suggest impotency , not to stymie but to inspire through negative critique. I get it. but be easy. patience is a virtue. 03242026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12614-netflix-the-new-segregation-in-entertainment/#findComment-80874 osted just now @ProfD I have never underestimated, you said and I quote On 3/23/2026 at 6:02 AM, ProfD said: if Magic Johnson is still in that business. you used the word IF right, that means you don't know or are unsure... that isn't me underestimating and I think anyone would evenly ask, why didn't you know. 1 hour ago, ProfD said: The point I was making is that Black folks do have outlets &/or some level of influence over them. I didn't refute that point, which also was pioneer's point, but I cleared up the falsities that either one of you alluded. 1 hour ago, ProfD said: There's nothing to prevent Black folks from investing in more platforms if there is a real desire to do so. There's nothing, that isn't true. Most black people in the usa are still near the financial level their enslaved forebears were, which is by design by whites, not an accident by white planning and an honest financial position not an excuse. White people didn't get rich absent criminal activities, so it is a financial insult to suggest black people can blossom in majority with less opportunity and yes, taking land and enslaving other and cheating others are financial opportunities that matter. Fiscal poverty is powerful. What does desire have to do with anything? I go back to James Forten, again, black man, living at the time of george washington, business owner. Yes, Profd, business owner, white people certified. But, the larger black populace, has always been a different financia reality than the blacks with money. And as this community has already made established, blacks with money couldn't even push to make sure they only sent people to historical black colleges so... are blacks with money not investing in the black populace to their utmost? yes. But, the gap between the black 1% and the black 99% has always been the widest fiscal gap of any populace in the usa. to restate, the gap between the nonblack 1%(whether female/latino/christian / other) and the non black 99% is smaller than the gap between the black 1% and the black 99%. 1 hour ago, ProfD said: TV One is but one an example. Tyler Perry owns a whole movie production set-up in Georgia. yes and he sold his prior studio to a white latino. 1 hour ago, ProfD said: I'm never going to be defeated into believing Black folks cannot afford to establish anything of benefit &/or importance to us. I am glad, in my own mind, I am not trying to bring down any black person's hope BUT when it comes to money , when it comes to the USA , the reality is, we blacks have a lying problem. this very post started with a false financial evaluation pioneer, which you didn't even point out. Are black people in the usa today, circa 2026, financially better than anytime in the past, on average or the whole? the answer is yes. But, black people have always been limited to legal civil financial growth by the non blacks. Again NYC, irish/italians/white jews/chinese/white latinos all to this day each not only commit more financial crimes than black people but have protection from law enforcement for said crimes. Black people are the penultimate, nearest above the least, criminal plus least illegal actors in the usa, the first is the native american whose financial position is the worst of any group in the usa. White jews and italians burned down the entire bronx, to get insurance money and yet, to this day, you still have black people talking about how, black people can't Where was the cops while the bronx was burning? oh right, the cops are the cousins to the italian and white jewish landowners. the biggest financial crime black people had was the numbers and we had to give the italian mob a cut of that. the italian mob which financed the golden gate bridge, through the bank of america, formerly the bank of italy, was able to earn financial fortunes over crimes covering the entire shipping industry/construction industry/gambling industry... the irish/ the white jews/the white latino/ the white asian ala chinese all did and do likewise. I never see the NYPD who always seem interested in hording around congregations of unarmed black children find their way to stopping any crimes from the non black so... that is how nonblack populaces financially grow. They don't admit it. But it is the truth, it is the truth to how the usa works. Black people will never get law enforcement in the usa which is not black and moreover has tons of self hating blacks in it in modernity , to cover for any financial crimes. That cover is how others have afforded the ability to truly grow financially. 1 hour ago, ProfD said: Black development in any industry is a matter of desire & will. The resources exist. no profd, in the usa , white development in any industry has always been a matter of financial growth through criminal means. White people didnt just desire and will, they were allowed to act criminally, which is a big deal in a country that purports to be against illegal activity. Black people can't will or desire through phenotypical bias. That is the point of phenotypical bias. 03252026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12614-netflix-the-new-segregation-in-entertainment/#findComment-80884 osted just now @ProfD 16 hours ago, ProfD said: FBA/AfroAmericans have come a long way between slavery & the present. Especially compared to Black folks who have lived in their own countries over the same period of time. That is a large suggestion... I don't know... 100% your correct that the condition of 99% of black people in the usa 1865 who were completely enslaved, which means financially whites made sure said black percentage had, no money, no bank account, no inheritance, no knowledge of fiscal concerns like a contract or ledger ; educationally means [not through laziness but white power], no ability to read, no ability to write, no knowledge of their forebears, no knowledge of their populaces intricacies[enslaved black people were born enslaved, they didn't know about haiti a land made by DOSers, abyssinia the only part of africa not a european colony, the larger DOS populaces in south america, knowledge of monrovia or freetown, in modernity yes, a black person can say what we know but 1865 most black people in the usa didn't have any knowledge of black people outside of their slave quarter, they didn't know of the gens de colour of new orleans unless they were actually from new orleans which wasn't most black people by a large distance in the usa] ; Culturally, what we grow or are growing to, means [ through white power again]: no direction[and this is huge, again in modernity black people talk about american alot, but in 1865 our forebears weren't american. they wanted to be free yes, but they didn't associate freedom with the usa. this is something we tend to miss today. Our forebears in 1865 didn't want to be president, didn't want fight with whites, didn't want to live with whites, so the fact that a majority of us in the usa do now, means black people made choices BUT they made choices absent all the things in this paragraph i wrote, which are influential. Hell, I argue, most black people at the end of the war between the states, when the usa's modern midwestern/western states were all still territories should had moved en mass to canada. And I know that Frederick Douglass opposed Harriet Tubman because tubman wanted black people to go all the way up north to canada but frederick douglass, very statian, was looking to his individual benefit and knew that whites in the usa have always disliked the idea of Black DOSers leaving this country with hateful hearts in mass for obvious reasons. But Tubman was correct, the better culture for black people circa 1865 was in canada rather than the usa, canada 1865 isn't the canada of today. Canada in 1865 is very much a country place, hard to live but a place black dosers from the usa could had made a home, yes nothing is easy, but it was the better choice and absent all the things mentioned we were able to be manipulated by black individuals or the white populist to make foolish/dysfunctional choices] So, yes, the Black DOS populace today has definitely grown from the conditions of 1865, look at this very forum. Modern Black people are like Common's character in the movie Alice and Alice in the film Alice is like black people of 1865. They would be shocked at us on alot of levels based on their life experiences. BUT, the way or style of growth of DOSers has a lot of negative aspects that don't come from DOSers but the environment. I argue, that black DOSers lost more than we ever gained from 1865 to today. Rosewood the black financial capitol of florida, white people commited crimes, no one white to jail or a court room, black people in florida have never recovered. Greenwood, the black financial capitol of oklahoma, white people committed crimes, no one white to jail or a court room, black people in oklahoma never recovered. Faubourg treme, an educational capitol of black people in the usa , was assaulted by whites cut up, burned down, never recovered. Madame CJ Walker yes, fiscally wealthy but NYC did everything in its power to diminish black financial growth , including burning harlem, driving black people into prison with made up charges... I think black people today love to look on the bright side but the honest side is the better place. This goes back to frederick douglass side harriet tubman. Douglass felt that going through all these hurdles was a positive and Tubman was correct, lets get away from this place, so we can live in peace. from 1865 to 2026 we as a people have daily, not yearly or monthly but daily had to deal with white abuse, what is so valuable about that? That white abuse... the white men who killed malcolm's father never went to jail, no one knows who they are... going through these white hurdles from 1865 in the usa makes Black DOSers fools. So... yes Black DOSers have come a long way, but was it a wise way, was it an honest way, was it a black way... or was it a liars way, was it a fool's way, was it the white mans chosen way for us? And is the path the white man laid for us better in comparison to a path we laid for ourselves. Many black people will argue that the immigration to the usa is a sign of usa greatness, but I always counter with a simple truth, the usa makes the rest of the world poor. The usa had stolen/kidnapped/murdered many leaders of haiti from toussaint louverture to a recent president, acts that the usa would call an act of war but somehow when the usa does it, it isn't an act of war... stole haiti's gold which again, the usa would call an act of war but... the hit list of countries the usa has done similar too: killed/stole/destroyed is very long Mexico/Nicaragua/China/Japan/Vietnam/Korea/Afghanistan/Libya/Iraq/Iran/Congo/Germany/Argentina/Brasil/Chile/Phillipines/Cuba/The palestinean protectorate of the british empire/Uganda/Ghana/Canada Building from the ground up is easy when you have land you can steal like First peoples of the american continet, when you have enslaved other human beings, like Black DOSer forebears... when you have the country who destroyed yours completely, provide the rich people who led the wars against said country so that you and the rest of the poor don't oppose said country, like Germany/Japan/France/Italy.....I can't think of any government in modern human history that actually built from the ground up and became a world leader or fiscally potent. USA had stolen land and enslaved labor, the best of everything to grow. China got the entire global manufacturing industry as a gift by the usa to separate them from russia in the cold war Russia as the Union of Soviet Socialist republics used the end of the second european imperial war to grow their influence and control, the usa had aided them at he begining of said war cause the usa couldn't beat germany+ japan alone. And the USSR was trying to reclaim the lands of the russian empire which were larger. Japan made to rubble by the usa was given a legendary welfare check by the usa so they wouldn't join the ussr. Germany,made to rubble by the usa completely, in its west side, was given a legendary welfare check by the usa so they wouldn't join the ussr. France made to rubble by war, all sides, was given a legendary welfare check by the usa so they wouldn't join the ussr. India was given money by the usa + ussr to picka side , in the end, india didn't pick either and still hasn't, and still does business with both. thus india didn't get what china got from the usa for distancing from russia but still gets some with russia+ china as neighbors and the usa afraid of having three public opponents of the usa representing half of humanities populace together as neighbors. Brasil like the usa had stolen land + enslaved labor, the best of everything to grow and did all the immigration patterns of the usa as well. England... do I have to say this was the country that once boasted the sun never set on its empire, extracting all sorts of wealth from everywhere. ISrael, stole the land from england lived in by the palestinean, the palestinean protectore, but were financed militarilly and governmentally by the usa in perpetuity. Not one government mentioned above built from the ground up on their own, with no massive criminal activity. So, yeah , Nigeria/Haiti/Jamaica/Guyana/Ghana/Ethiopia/ Sri lanka/ Madagascar many countries full of black people immigrate to the usa but the usa has committed successful acts of war against those countries... What would the usa be if its leaders were constantly removed/killed, it resources constantly ripped, if other countries were vulturing. So Black DOSers whose forebears were literally enslaved to the whites of the european colonies and then the usa made from them, are living in the country as allies to the whites who have literally undermined every single black country in humanity... So... I don't know. I think hundreds of years from now, someone will be able to look back and truly compare black populaces around the world and see who has grown more or less. But currently, Brasil/USA/South Africa/India/Nigeria all have black one percents, very wealthy, all have a majority fiscally poor black 99%. All have been enslaved in one form or another to whites in said country. The only variance I can think of is that in the USA's/Brasil's/India's of the world , unlike the Nigeria's/HAiti's/South Africa's the black populaces have hurt themselves to settle non blacks in usa/brasil/india are all the same, have been terrible to black people but blacks in each country has made a choice to coexist to whites who to be blunt, have never stopped terrorizing them... who is the fool, the terrorist or the one who keeps living next to the terrorist? 16 hours ago, ProfD said: The fact that Tyler Perry who wasn't born wealthy has been able to amass a fortune significant enough to buy studios is an accomplishment. I concur, it is a financial accomplishment, For the record I never said he didn't accomplish, i stated to whom he sold his prior stuido 16 hours ago, ProfD said: I'm glad so many FBA/AfroAmericans who were not born wealthy have been able to make a lot of money here in the USA. yeah me too, could had been way better... what would greenville in tulsa be, rosewood in florida be, and so many other places if white people didn't burn whole black communities down to the ground and kill black people who had committed no crime whatsoever. Black people are always free to let the revenge go... BUT financially, the past can not be let go because financially, the past matters. When whites like the nypd round up black people inequally per the law, that is a financial attack on the black populace. Let's be blunt, a show once existed about a white woman selling marijuana in some town outside a city, commonly called a suburb , more correctly an exourb. it is n't under but outside.. Anyway, while in nyc the nypd is rounding up marijuana dealers while never seeming able to find cocaine dealers, the nypd finds cocaine but no cocaine dealers. These are financial attacks. Black people talk about money so much but don't calculate the financial loss/hit/negative black people go through with white interactions. When white states in the south placed trash bin areas next to black towns making black people sick with its fumes, that is a financial cost. Not just healthcost. I am happy for black folk who financially get through white terror, but white terror is still here and it has a huge financial cost that we blacks need to start admitting. 03/26/2026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12614-netflix-the-new-segregation-in-entertainment/#findComment-80907 osted just now @ProfD 23 hours ago, ProfD said: FBA/ADO/AfroAmericans do not have an ancestral homeland to which we can return. FBA/ADO/AfroAmericans were born here in the USA. Over 400 years, FBA/ADO/AfroAmericans have made the *best of* a bad situation, America's original sin *slavery* . In the present, when FBA/ADO/AfroAmericans look back over the past couple hundred years, we have made progress in our homeland, the country that enslaved our forebearers. Expand what determines an ancestral homeland? I am not saying your wrong, or I am not saying a black person whose forebears were enslaved from africa by whites can't say a locale whites shipped them to can't be considered a homeland if they choose, but the choices are still open I give three examples 1) all black peoples enslaved from africa whether they went to the american continent or the asian continent or the european continent have one thing in common, their african ancestry is continental. I have said in this forum before, if anywhere in africa is my hmeland it is the literal continent itself because my forebears who were enslaved come from all over. Often when people immigrate freely, they may call themselves, european/asian/african/south american, but in truth they mean a specific local in a continent. right? but fr DOSers we have to mean, by way of how enslavement worked, the continent of africa itself and considering descended of enslaved people were sent everywhere outside africa, not merely the american continent, a continental ancestry suits all of us whatever countries our forebears were enslaved in. Black People like you or me exist in brasil in india , what shared history heritage/what we carry do we have? that our forebears were all enslaved from africa by whites/ various whites. so I think a continental ancestry , not a local in a continent is historically unquestionable, even if it is also unique among human groups. But, that is fate for you 2)I do think the seas itself is a valid homeland in its own way. the one thing that unites all descneded of enslaved people from africa is that most of our forebears died on the ships to wherever, again not just the usa but all the places, so the sea is where most of our forebears... or at least where most of mine are buried. You have said in the past that because those who died on the boat didn't have issue they are not but I oppose that view. because many black dos lineages have died through the centuries because of white terror anywhere, it is uneven to not include all the people enslaved on the boat , some of whom were definitely genetically related to those who survived. Again, not an common place but the DOS experience is not common . Yes, slavery is throughout all human history, but the mechanics of pan white enslavement to pan blacks in the period of the continental slave trades had unique forms. that were never seen before or since. 3) this is two queries to your position. I)I want clarification to where you stand to places outside the usa that have black dosers. Brasil has to be first on the list as no place in the american continent has more black DOSers than brasil. Brasil had dosers before the usa, so what you are saying is black dosers in brasil's homeland is brasil? what about black dosers in india, india had DOSers before Brasil did by white muslims, so what you are saying is black dosers in india's homeland is india? II) concerning the time, you mention the centuries black dosers have been in a country, in this case usa, as warranting its labeling as a homeland, but is your position that it applies to all DOSers in a particular country whether they view it or not or is it optional? For me, and many other dosers, i want to be the first in my bloodline to choose a homeland, i think that had value. I don't care how long my bloodline has been in the usa, this for me is not my choice or the choice of my forebears. I think having the choice of making a homeland for yourself is one of the gifts DOS forebears gave all DOSers , we don't have to have any allegiance to any of these countries: usa/brasil/india because our forebears never did. It is the freedom to choose. As long as me or any in my bloodline is in the usa, it is a continuation of white peoples desires, not the desires of my own people. I can't call my homeland on what whites desired. And no, I don't think the fiscal reality or impotency of my forebears in not being able to go wherever they want should be held against them. So I conclude with I think your position is true but as an optional. not a definitive. and that is key. 23 hours ago, ProfD said: Still, that should not prevent people from staying in their home countries & rebuilding it. Giving up & running to the colonizers house doesn't make sense either. based on that logic didn't white europeans themselves do that ? it wasn't like ireland was rich, or itlay when the italian hordes came in was rich. And the english who came were from the poor parts of england, they weren't the relatives of the queen fand kings of england. so... outside the native american, who was murdered by immigrants, all other peoples in the usa are immigrants, but only DOSers are immigrants who were forced here, all other immigrants ran from poverty , did they not? You say giving up and running to the colonizers house but lets be more pure, giving up and running away in general , does that make sense? cause the original white european immigrants ran away from their poverty in europe and didn't choose to make any european country better... The whole usa outside two peoples is built on people who were fiscally poor and ran away from it. 23 hours ago, ProfD said: Where else can or should FBA/ADO/AfroAmericans go to live if the USA is their birthplace? I have said it before, DOSers anywhere are free to choose. that is the gift, we are not bound, until we choose to be and present that truth to the next generation, each has to make their choice a heritage, And I feel most black DOSers have never done that, and it isn't up to black dosers to apply our desires to each other, i argue, we should honor each other by leaving it open. But, to DOSers born in the USA, specifically, the only place I can think of that we all should consider based on heritage, our history, is Monrovia, not liberia, but monrovia. yes, black DOSers born in the usa settled in many places outside the usa, black dosers leave the usa every year, for many other lands, to become their homelands, even though we don't seem to know that as a people. But, I think we have a responsibility to Monrovia , as it was started by Black DOSers specifically from the USA. Now can all black dosers born in the usa move to monrovia:) no, but i do think we owe it to ourselves to do better there in some fashion. 23 hours ago, ProfD said: IMO, it does not take that long. We can see the progress or lack thereof around the planet. We know the reasons for it too. Those who are willing to go to war; kill & destroy ultimately enjoy the rewards of it. even enough, for me it isn't about wealth or wars, but the condition of freedom. Black groups in every country in humanity have a fiscally wealthy person, but that isn't enough for me to rank or relate the various black groups, the condition of freedom is what i am looking for and i see little variance in that in any country. I can't think of any black populace in a country that isn't a wealthy black 1% aside a fiscally poor black 99%, usa/brasil/india/south africa/jamaica, what differs the black populaces in any of the countries. in terms of collective freedom. I say nothing. but in the future, will be seen. 23 hours ago, ProfD said: There's a difference between bringing a terrorist into one's country & becoming a subject versus being born in the same country with the terrorist. I am a little confused by the part, bringing a terrorist into one's country , we are talking about DOSers, and in india/brasil/usa and many other countries, like a jamaica DOSers have been born side the terrorist whites. 23 hours ago, ProfD said: oney comes & goes. Even the most honest, astute, savvy, intelligent investors have amassed & lost & regained fortunes. Most successful people fail a lot before they strike it big. The way one chooses to rebound from loss or failure makes a difference. Sitting on the bench crying, grumbling & complaining won't lead to success. Expand I only have one question, are black people in general allowed to admit we have been financially abused? If I have a house and white terror has taken the house, in your opinion, am I allowed to mention it or is mentioning that financial truth crying? If I have a parent sent to jail falsely or unevenly by whites, in your opinion, am I allowed to mention it or is mentioning that financial truth grumbling? I do believe in creating, in nationalism, I like doing, but I like telling the truth and unfortunately, truths for black DOSers tend to be negative, I will apologize for fate, but that is the truth. Our personal histories tend to face financial obstacles, which I feel need to be said , I argue we DOSers have spent far too long being quiet. Again, Pioneer talks about the law alot, but lets call it like it is, the quantity of financial crimes against black people that has gne to court int he usa is less than one percent per year, that is a lot money taken from us. Maybe you will call that complaining but.. I rather it said than not. 23 hours ago, ProfD said: Many Black folks have figured out how to navigate white terror in order to win. Easy...no. Doable...absolutely. You are 100% correct, but the absolute truth requires an addition , winning is based on how they define winning and black DOSers don't define winning the same way. I shouldn't have to go into history for you to know this. @admin 7 hours ago, admin said: You can also raise the subscription price. you know already that raising the price of a good already diminishes those who can afford it, and like the ferrari brand or apple brand shows in the automotive or electronics industries, the higher priced items do have markets but they always lose volume. and reach a volume wall,which is a point of stagnation which the publicly traded environment hates. cause speculation/things to look at that don't have a constant increaseable factor lose their market viability. 7 hours ago, admin said: Period, 'nuff said. So you and profd believe a homeless black man can get a house based on will and desire... hmmmm ok, 03272026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12614-netflix-the-new-segregation-in-entertainment/#findComment-80931 osted just now @ProfD 5 hours ago, ProfD said: 'm sure you understand the context. But, I'll indulge... By every means necessary, the colonizers left Europe and *built* countries like the USA & Australia. That's very different from leaving an *under-developed* home country to struggle in another country. Especially running to a predominantly *white* country that is keeping a boot on the neck of one's *homeland* Expand well... I see, When you speak about leaving an under developed home country to struggle in another country, i think of the conquistador i think of the white european imperial era through france/spain/portugal/netherlands Of the european powers, the only one that built countries as you said were the english, it wasn't really the common way. all the others only wanted to extract resources and leave a set of mixed breeds to manage things to funnel money into whatever european center country. Spain and france and portugal famously had to pay white women to go while the english... was able to et whole communities to go. In the end of the day, the english didn't do it for the building of countries. The english pushed their colonies to be pan white, multiwhite, individualist, not to become the usa or canada or austrailia one day, but to be a haven to make money. Remember the english colonies were not profitable in the international market compared to any of the others. the money in the english colonies was actually in the english colonies spending money. BEcause the english colonies actually invited hordes of white europeans they were given a financial status, that the non white european majority populaces in the non english colonies couldn't get, so the first industry of the usa was as a market place, not because it was special but because it became the first true white european country outsdie europe. Essentailly english goods had a controlled marketplace for tea/furniture and other english content. That was the financial purpose of the usa. its external traffic was not its main finanial agenda. for england. 5 hours ago, ProfD said: What is preventing Black folks from either building up their home countries &/or taking over other lands? well first, for DOSers if you don't view a country as your home country then their is nothing to build up. Again some blacks liek james forten, start business fight and die , having chose the usa as ther home but then they ask questions like you to other black people who havent decided the usa is their home. You use the word prevention but you have to first view the usa as your home, brasil as you rhome, india as your home... before you can act like it is . Black pople are descended of enslaved folk, i argue in our heart, we aren't interested in being black versions of white europeans. yes, cases exist but on average, we have a vengeanful desire but not a enslavement desire. 5 hours ago, ProfD said: Jamaica was Black before white folks showed up & colonized it. yes the caribs are black native americans, like the negrito black asians. 5 hours ago, ProfD said: What are Black folks willing to do these things other than cry, grumble & complain? As a very young person, I was taught that as a male being weak (cry, grumble, complain, lack of self-defense, etc.) doesn't solve anything. Being able to take action & handle bizness is everything. It works. Non verbal action always speaks louder than words. But I get the logic, if you focus on building no matter how many times another burns your house down, you may never realize that you need to stop building where you are cause the place you are is crap. 5 hours ago, ProfD said: No need to go into a history lesson. We know what produces winners & losers. The question is what is one willing to do in order to *win*. no the first question s what is the definition of winning because the definition of winning dictates what is needed to win, and not all definitions of winning are the same, especially for DOSer. One black person can say they have won and mean nothing to another black person cause they dont share the same meaning of winning. 5 hours ago, ProfD said: This Black man was a drug addict & homeless at one point in his life. He's rich now. Anything is possible. I didn't question possibility, i said the pwoer of will and desire, this one instance doesnt prove will and desire, it proves circumstance, @Pioneer1 18 minutes ago, Pioneer1 said: Do you suggest that we compete with others, illegally? I suggest we, meaning black people anywhere on earth, each discover or learn who we are as individuals and who we want to be as part of black groups and then relate that to wherever we live. Yes, it isn't as simple as all others in humanity, but it gives us a freedom of identity. Black DOSers who embrace the usa as their home. need to accept the truth of fiscal capitalism when it comes to legal or illegal financial activity. The great fort nes in fiscal capitalism come in majority through criminal activity.whether that criminal activity is legally noted or not. Second to comprehend the financial limits of being in a multiracial scoiety where all races are free to grow, it means financial control over others is always going to be limited long term

DIRECTORY OF BOOKSTORES https://www.nab2.org/directory ADD YOUR LOCAL BLACK BOOKSTORE https://nab2.app.neoncrm.com/forms/bookstore-directory BEST BOOKSELLERS https://aalbc.com/blackbestsellers/ADULT_FICTION_(Hardcover)_2026-02 UPCOMING RELEASES https://aalbc.com/books/comingsoon.php April 7th is National Black Bookstore Day - Culture, Race & Economy - African American Literature Book Club

search engine tool https://aalbc.com/huria-search/#gsc.tab=0 referral page Your Obligation To AALBC - Culture, Race & Economy - African American Literature Book Club for example, i searched cars and found the following website African American Golfer's Digest https://africanamericangolfersdigest.com/ and has alist of black golf clubs https://africanamericangolfersdigest.com/african-american-golf-clubs/ COMMENTARIES 03162026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80732 osted just now @Troy 9 hours ago, Troy said: I literarily brought it back yesterday. It was down for several years, but as I'm revamping the site I'm bringing back features that I abandoned -- even if a few people will use and benefit from it. It took me all of 5 minutes to bring it back. AI made this possible. When you say AI made this possible, what do you mean? Didn't you have the code? why was AI needed? I imagine all you needed to do was load the frontal code into an aalbc page post and return the backcode onto the server, godaddy. 9 hours ago, Troy said: AI is reminiscent of the early days of the web. This time around fewer people will take advantage of it and the benefit to individuals will not be very long. well, we will see what happens. You offer the question. What advantages does modern computing power you plus others label artificial intelligence offer? Are any fiscal? NYC just finally admitted a quarter of its populace is hungry, circa two million and five hundred thousand people are hungry. Don't tell me they all are lazy. The internet whom you say more took advantage of, at the end of the day has three primary industries: sex/retail shopping/influencers , not all people can offer sex or have anything to sell or wish to evangelize themselves enough to be sponsored. https://www.cityandstateny.com/policy/2024/11/1-8-nyc-public-school-kids-was-homeless-last-school-year/401093/ November 18, 2024 The number of students who experienced homelessness in New York City last school year could fill Yankee Stadium nearly three times over. That’s according to a new report [ https://advocatesforchildren.org/policy-resource/student-homelessness-data-2024/ ] released Monday from Advocates for Children of New York, which found over 146,000 public school children – or 1 in every 8 – didn’t have a permanent place to call home during the 2022-2023 school year. Of the over 146,000 students impacted last year, 41% spent time living in city shelters, 54% were doubled up with other families, and 5% were unsheltered or living in cars or hotels, according to the nonprofit’s annual report on New York State Education Department records. That’s a 23% increase from the 2022-2023 school year, spurred in large part by an uptick of students living in shelters. https://ny1.com/nyc/all-boroughs/news/special-reports/in-the-dark-new-yorks-child-welfare-deaths 26% https://nypost.com/2026/03/16/us-news/nyc-spent-roughly-81k-per-person-on-homeless-services-last-year-comptroller/ 03172026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80739 osted just now @ProfD 20 hours ago, ProfD said: Again, I'll restate some people need to stop procreating. They're not too lazy to stop f8cking but cannot afford their offspring. Makes zero sense. 20 hours ago, ProfD said: It is selfish for people to bring children into the world & not be able to provide shelter, food & clothing for them. Broke men & women should get themselves fixed. That way, they can f8ck from sun up to sun down & not have to worry about bringing someone else into poverty & homelessness. Yeah, black people been mostly, over 95%, fiscally poor their entire history in the usa or the european colonies that preceded, based on the logic you just used, ninety five percent of black people in 1865 should had never had a child. Time is relevant, fiscal poverty doesn't have a time limit in being true so... you agree you shouldn't had been born, because if you are a black descended of enslaved, then your forebears fit the exact category of people whom you say should get themselves fixed. @admin 17 hours ago, admin said: 146,000, i’m surprised it’s not more. I would be willing to bet that it is. New York is Hard and unforgiving if you don’t have any money. I don’t know why people have children they can’t afford. it’s probably the programmed primal instinct to procreate. i am 100% sure the real numbers are worse. ahhh NYC isn't hard and unforgiving, why do people in usa keep trying to soften the ineptitude of the country. NYC isn't hard and unforgiving, it simply is mismanaged in government while infested with charlatan cheater fiscal operators for hundreds of years, longer than the usa was in existence. 17 hours ago, admin said: Well, Richard is not that simple. If it was, I would’ve done it already.The calculus completely changed in an AI world. I’m now doing things that I would not have considered doing because it required effort, time, intellect and money that I did not have. please help me to comprehend. If the code is already present and placing the code in your server was easily doable, then you must have needed to add something to the code and placing it in the server is most convenient with modern computing power. If the code was not already present or the code being placed in wasn't easily doable, then modern computing power allowed you to generate the code needed or place it in the server satisfactory to whatever conventions. 03172026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80742 osted just now @ProfD 9 minutes ago, ProfD said: Would like be any worse if they chose not to procreate? did you mean to ask the following: Would life be any worse if they chose not to procreate? 9 minutes ago, ProfD said: Fiscal poverty has always existed. Many people have found a way out of it too. I apologize, I realized late, I meant to type, time is irrelevant. But, the question isn't the existence of the fiscal poor, the question is, based on your publicly stated position, that fiscal poor should not procreate. so if true, then no one fiscal poor throughout human history should procreate, which means you are definitely not born? 9 minutes ago, ProfD said: If my forebearers had chosen not to procreate that would have been perfectly fine with me. ahh I like my personal life. Always been loved, always been supported. and all by my own kin. I don't mind coming from the enslaved/fiscal poor/bereft of hope... I rather honor a set /a selection of my forebears. ... just to explain, like all DOSers i have some white european forebears, so I can't look to honor all my forebears. 03172026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80747 osted just now @ProfD 10 minutes ago, ProfD said: Would life be any worse if they chose not to procreate? My parents always said that having children is a joy unlike any other... they both helped many children, not their own by blood... I can't answer your question. I think for some no, for some yes. 03182026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80758 osted just now @ProfD 16 hours ago, ProfD said: I would hope that all parents feel similarly & they would do whatever it took to keep their offspring from being hungry &/or homeless. all parents don't cause all parents are human, humanity means various positions not just one , and my parents never said they would do whatever it took, they spoke the truth, they tried their best. My parents never suggested parental success is some mandatory, the key is to try, but failure is an option, a failing parent doesn't mean a malintentioned one. again, my enslaved forebears who were born and died enslaved to some white person weren't malintentioned because they had children. Their descendents first not legally enslaved while in jim crow were not malintentioned by having children absent any financial opportunity. The one thing I don't know is where do black folk like you get the "don't warrant having children" philosophy from? I have read many things of black people in the 1800s, I don't recall any thing like that. The only people saying black people shouldn't have kids in the usa in the 1800s is whites who didn't want black people to have kids cause they dislike /hate/some negative black people. Who was the earliest black leader to push the narrative you and quite a few other blacks I have heard offline or online say? 03192026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80771 osted just now @ProfD 3 hours ago, ProfD said: Irresponsible is the more appropriate word for people bringing children into the world & unable to provide for & protect them. well fiscally poor people are not irresponsible for bringing children in this world, the simple truth is some fiscally poor people never have the ability to raise their children, no matter how hard they try. 3 hours ago, ProfD said: There is no "don't warrant having children" philosophy or movement. Maybe there isn't but I have doubts, too many black people I have heard offline speak of fiscally poor people, especially black people ... being irresponsible having children... One day when I get time I will research and find the source in the usa , cause most of the black people I can think of in the past who said the point in question, were black church folk or old black money in the usa, black people who were rich from the 1800s , and the rest is trickling from either source. 03192026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12590-your-obligation-to-aalbc/#findComment-80775 osted just now @ProfD contraception comes in many forms and the only free contraception i know of is abstinence, which has always existed, but again, if humanity abided by your stated action then humanity wouldn't exist today. A species murdering themselves is the most unnatural thing for any species to do. To rephrase, all children of earth procreate, trees make babies in trashheaps, fish make babies in dirty streams, birds make babies under toxic air. humans like all other children of earth make babies under all sorts of circumstances and are not irresponsible for failing as a parent. PArt of maturity of any living being is comprehending this anceint truth and to think opposite is foolish.

#BlackHistory337 2026-2027 #1 URL https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/journal/BlackHistory337-2026-2027-1-1297938561 CONTENT #BlackHistory337 is about the time between Black History Months, when many people including some Black people don't make an effort to emphasize Black History. A way to cover the rest of the year, the remaining 337 days between each 28. For the first edition, the focus is to present the earliest Black characters in comics in the United States of America. Enjoy the list. If anyone knows the earliest Black Character in Japanese Manga or European Bande Dessinee please share. I was unable to find either but I know they exist. Lion Man- first black male superhero in comics, [All Negro Comics], 1947 Lobo - First Black character to headline their own comic series [ Dell Comics], Dec. 1965 and Sept. 1966 Black Panther - first black male superhero in Marvel, 1966 Mal Duncan- first black male hero in DC, became Guardian, 1970 Butterfly- name is Marian Michaels , first black female superhero , in Hell-rider which became public domain. I am thinking maybe I can do this without getting in any trouble[ skywald publications]. 1971 Luke Cage- first black superhero in Marvel with their own comic, 1972 Nubia - the first black female superhero in DC, 1973 Misty Knight - first black female superhero in Marvel, 1975 Black Lightning- first black superhero in DC with their own comic , 1977 GALLERY OF DEVIANTART ENTRIES LION MAN- sitting in the audience with another in this list LOBO BLACK PANTHER MAL DUNCAN BUTTERFLY LUKE CAGE NUBIA MISTY KNIGHT BLACK LIGHTNING with my original character inspired by him, the Fulgurantess Did you know all these characters? Next time someone asks you about comics in the USA and they talk about or question about Black characters in the earliest times, please inform them of these gems. from @HDdeviant #blackhistory337 Monthly Content, next month another edition of #Black337 will occur https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/678-kassa-or-the-nomadic-endling-jali-vindicador-p1/ OR https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/KASSA-or-THE-NOMADIC-ENDLING-JALI-VINDICADOR-P1-1309539768

KASSA, or THE NOMADIC ENDLING JALI VINDICADOR P1 https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/KASSA-or-THE-NOMADIC-ENDLING-JALI-VINDICADOR-P1-1309539768 #blackhistory337 #black337 CONTENT KASSA, or THE NOMADIC ENDLING JALI VINDICADOR from Richard Murray aka @HDdeviant Prologue Character List Kassa - Roaming storyteller of the entire American continent, modern day Canada to modern day Argentina, the last of many peoples, continuing a heritage of vengeance; he rides a lemon-yellow horse called Tecumseh; his wife known only as Santana is mysterious; he stockfon his rifle, telling stories of his forebears. He is the Son of Yaha side Nili Accita, born in the chaos of their lives; his parents found each other through the period of the Trail of Tears , and were in love at first sight; they : found great connection after as two people who are the endlings to many people, hold earned distrust of all other peoples of the American Continent, participated in more legends or folktales than any other figures in the American Continent before the nineteen hundreds, share a heritage born from the mixing of First Peoples side Black Africans whether enslaved or free, are a loving couple who a enjoy having fun and playing with their children and made legends of their lives beginning at the time of the war between the states their son, Kassa , sings of. He is called a Jineteada in southern South America, Llanero in northern South America, Charrería in Mexico or Central America or Florida, Wrangler in the interior states of United States of America. Yaha- father of Kassa. The son of a Black Seminole couple, loyal to Jonas Caballo, who were murdered in Florida in the Seminole Wars; his parents were betrayed by First Peoples, hounded by Whites whether soldiers or civilians; he was raised by Caballo and traveled on the trail of tears. He helped Caballo settle their people in Nascimento Mexico but then traveled back into the USA with his wife. He is known as a Vaquero in Florida or Mexico, Cowboy or Buckaroo in the interior states of the United States of America. Nili Accita- mother of Kassa. The daughter of Peewaalia parents, the remnants of the ancient Inoka who by the time of the Peewaalia have mixed with various peoples of Africa, through former enslaved or enslaved to themselves, or Europe, whether French/Spanish/English descent from the time of New France onward. The lands of the Inoka are plentiful in lead which was and still is necessary as a material for weapons, from the French for New France in the English-French war, commonly called French Indian war, to the War of secession of the British colonies, to the war of 1812 between USA and UK, to the Seminole Wars and to the War Between The States, and onward. They have ancient knowledge of the land called by some Illinois country. She is a legendary sniper. She is known as a gunwoman in the United States of America, pistolera in Mexico. Verb List Kassa- from Kacca of Muscogee word for cougar/panther/puma Yaha- from Muscogee word for wolf Nili Accita- from Muscogee for moon blanket; Nili means moon, accita means blanket Vindicador- Spanish/Portuguese form of vindicator, one who avenges /get revenge/wants vendetta - vendetta a feud of violence Jali- a word with many variations in West Africa or in, referring to a person who is a blend of storyteller+musician+historian. Endling- meaning last of a kind Nomadic- one who is a nomad, nomad is one without a static home Jineteada- an equestrian of Argentina/Uruguay/Paraguay/Chile/southern states of Brazil. Llanero- meaning from a llano, a plain, in Venezuela/Columbia is a horse rider. Charreria- an equestrian of Mexico or Spanish lands circa Central America. Wrangler- a specific horse trainer type cowboy. Vaquero- cowboy in Mexico or Spanish lands circa Central America, managing cows, farmer of livestock. Cowboy- vaquero in the United States of America. Pistolera- female form of pistolero, one who wields a gun. Tecumseh- shooting star in Shawnee Stockfon- fon means to play in Malinke; stock means a log, like the wood used to make the part of a gun that attaches the barrel, action [loading area], or trigger [ firing tool] of a gun. Peewaalia- phonetic spelling of peoria, the remnant of the Inoka. Inoka, the name of the Illinois for themselves. INFORMATION LIST Short Fiction Guy de Maupassant Translated by Ernest Boyd, Storm Jameson, Jeffery E. Jeffery, Lafcadio Hearn, M. Walter Dunne, Henry C. Olinger, Albert M. Cohn-McMaster, Dora Knowlton Ranous, Bigelow, Brown & Co., Inc., and Francis Steegmuller. https://standardebooks.org/ebooks/guy-de-maupassant/short-fiction/various-translators/text A Vendetta https://standardebooks.org/ebooks/guy-de-maupassant/short-fiction/various-translators/text/a-vendetta epilogues afterwords appendices https://www.writerswrite.co.za/epilogues-afterwords-appendices-whats-the-difference/ forward preface prologue https://www.writerswrite.co.za/forewords-prefaces-prologues-introductions-whats-the-difference/ Tecumseh https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tecumseh Rifle https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rifle Balafon https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balafon Stock https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stock_(firearms) Haitian Freeing 21 August 1791 – 1 January 1804 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haitian_Revolution Seminole Wars 1816–1858 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seminole_Wars Trail of Tears 1830–1850 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trail_of_Tears War Between The States April 12, 1861 – May 26, 1865 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Civil_War French Louisiana and the Mississippi Bubble- a financial collapse https://hnoc.org/virtual-exhibitions/money-money-money/money-and-why-there-was-never-enough lead searching https://atnhayseed.blogspot.com/2018/07/grants-of-land-in-upper-louisiana.html lead history http://www.oldmines.org/history.html

BOOKS The Conquest: The Story of a Negro Pioneer. Lincoln, Nebraska: Woodruff Press. 1913. ISBN 978-0803282094. OCLC 254051406. https://books.google.com/books?id=A9CJ_dPnd18C The Forged Note. Lincoln, Nebraska: Western Book Supply Company. 1915. OCLC 2058028. https://archive.org/details/forgednoteromanc00michrich The Homesteader: A Novel. Sioux City, Iowa: Western Book Supply Company. 1917. OCLC 10616358. https://archive.org/details/homesteadernovel00michrich The Wind from Nowhere. New York: Book Supply Company. 1941. OCLC 682477. https://books.google.com/books?id=XVcGuV3s7s8C The Case of Mrs. Wingate. New York: Book Supply Company. 1944. OCLC 5541463. https://books.google.com/books?id=qMyGFdhojFYC The Story of Dorothy Stanfield. New York: Book Supply Company. 1946. OCLC 300792169. https://books.google.com/books?id=38lxUGc58twC Masquerade, a Historical Novel. New York: Book Supply Company. 1947. OCLC 300739700. https://books.google.com/books?id=3yDWLrSc7KEC FILMS The Homesteader (1919) [Lost] Within Our Gates (1920) [Survives] The Brute (1920) [Lost] The Symbol of the Unconquered (1920)[Survives (incomplete)] The Gunsaulus Mystery (1921) [Lost] The Dungeon (1922) [Lost] The Hypocrite (1922) [Lost] shown in the film deceit as a film within a film Uncle Jasper's Will (1922) [Lost] supposed sequel to within our gates, involving the last will and testament by a sharecropper after falsely accused of murder and lynched by whites The Virgin of the Seminole (1922) [Lost]- a black man becomes a canadian mountie and rescues a black female with fist people plus black enslaved descendency Deceit (1923) [Unknown] about a decieitful preacher has the film the hypocrite in it Birthright (1924) [Lost]- first film version of the story by Thomas Sigismund Stribling a harvard graduate goes back to his black southern town to start a school and faces extreme hardships A Son of Satan (1924) [Lost]- first film involving "horror' man sleeps in a haunted house, shot in the bronx Body and Soul (1925)[Survives] Marcus Garland (1925) [Lost] a historical fiction of the life of marcus garvey in the usa.. Micheaux in his earliest works showed he loved the usa , embraced it at least, and heavily opposed black people who wanted to leave it, even if raped/afriad or other negative https://books.google.com/books?id=1B4ui7EoylwC&dq=%22marcus+garland%22+silent+era&pg=PA50#v=onepage&q&f=false https://books.google.com/books?id=w1zFLK2geOAC&dq=%22marcus+garland%22+micheaux+straight+lick&pg=PA247#v=onepage&q=%22marcus%20garland%22%20micheaux%20straight%20lick&f=false The Conjure Woman (1926), adapted from novel by Charles W. Chesnutt [Lost] The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Conjure Woman This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook. Title: The Conjure Woman Author: Charles W. Chesnutt Release date: March 1, 2004 [eBook #11666] Most recently updated: October 28, 2024 Language: English Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/11666 Credits: Produced by Suzanne Shell, Sjaani and PG Distributed Proofreaders *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONJURE WOMAN *** THE CONJURE WOMAN BY CHARLES W. CHESNUTT First published in 1899 by Houghton, Mifflin & Co. CONTENTS THE GOOPHERED GRAPEVINE PO' SANDY MARS JEEMS'S NIGHTMARE THE CONJURER'S REVENGE SIS' BECKY'S PICKANINNY THE GRAY WOLF'S HA'NT HOT-FOOT HANNIBAL "The Conjurer's Revenge" is reprinted from The Overland Monthly by permission of the publishers. APPENDIX Uncollected Uncle Julius Stories Dave's Neckliss (1889) A Deep Sleeper (1893) Lonesome Ben (1900) Essay Superstitions and Folk-Lore of the South (1901) THE CONJURE WOMAN THE GOOPHERED GRAPEVINE Some years ago my wife was in poor health, and our family doctor, in whose skill and honesty I had implicit confidence, advised a change of climate. I shared, from an unprofessional standpoint, his opinion that the raw winds, the chill rains, and the violent changes of temperature that characterized the winters in the region of the Great Lakes tended to aggravate my wife's difficulty, and would undoubtedly shorten her life if she remained exposed to them. The doctor's advice was that we seek, not a temporary place of sojourn, but a permanent residence, in a warmer and more equable climate. I was engaged at the time in grape-culture in northern Ohio, and, as I liked the business and had given it much study, I decided to look for some other locality suitable for carrying it on. I thought of sunny France, of sleepy Spain, of Southern California, but there were objections to them all. It occurred to me that I might find what I wanted in some one of our own Southern States. It was a sufficient time after the war for conditions in the South to have become somewhat settled; and I was enough of a pioneer to start a new industry, if I could not find a place where grape-culture had been tried. I wrote to a cousin who had gone into the turpentine business in central North Carolina. He assured me, in response to my inquiries, that no better place could be found in the South than the State and neighborhood where he lived; the climate was perfect for health, and, in conjunction with the soil, ideal for grape-culture; labor was cheap, and land could be bought for a mere song. He gave us a cordial invitation to come and visit him while we looked into the matter. We accepted the invitation, and after several days of leisurely travel, the last hundred miles of which were up a river on a sidewheel steamer, we reached our destination, a quaint old town, which I shall call Patesville, because, for one reason, that is not its name. There was a red brick market-house in the public square, with a tall tower, which held a four-faced clock that struck the hours, and from which there pealed out a curfew at nine o'clock. There were two or three hotels, a court-house, a jail, stores, offices, and all the appurtenances of a county seat and a commercial emporium; for while Patesville numbered only four or five thousand inhabitants, of all shades of complexion, it was one of the principal towns in North Carolina, and had a considerable trade in cotton and naval stores. This business activity was not immediately apparent to my unaccustomed eyes. Indeed, when I first saw the town, there brooded over it a calm that seemed almost sabbatic in its restfulness, though I learned later on that underneath its somnolent exterior the deeper currents of life—love and hatred, joy and despair, ambition and avarice, faith and friendship—flowed not less steadily than in livelier latitudes. We found the weather delightful at that season, the end of summer, and were hospitably entertained. Our host was a man of means and evidently regarded our visit as a pleasure, and we were therefore correspondingly at our ease, and in a position to act with the coolness of judgment desirable in making so radical a change in our lives. My cousin placed a horse and buggy at our disposal, and himself acted as our guide until I became somewhat familiar with the country. I found that grape-culture, while it had never been carried on to any great extent, was not entirely unknown in the neighborhood. Several planters thereabouts had attempted it on a commercial scale, in former years, with greater or less success; but like most Southern industries, it had felt the blight of war and had fallen into desuetude. I went several times to look at a place that I thought might suit me. It was a plantation of considerable extent, that had formerly belonged to a wealthy man by the name of McAdoo. The estate had been for years involved in litigation between disputing heirs, during which period shiftless cultivation had well-nigh exhausted the soil. There had been a vineyard of some extent on the place, but it had not been attended to since the war, and had lapsed into utter neglect. The vines—here partly supported by decayed and broken-down trellises, there twining themselves among the branches of the slender saplings which had sprung up among them—grew in wild and unpruned luxuriance, and the few scattered grapes they bore were the undisputed prey of the first comer. The site was admirably adapted to grape-raising; the soil, with a little attention, could not have been better; and with the native grape, the luscious scuppernong, as my main reliance in the beginning, I felt sure that I could introduce and cultivate successfully a number of other varieties. One day I went over with my wife to show her the place. We drove out of the town over a long wooden bridge that spanned a spreading mill-pond, passed the long whitewashed fence surrounding the county fair-ground, and struck into a road so sandy that the horse's feet sank to the fetlocks. Our route lay partly up hill and partly down, for we were in the sand-hill county; we drove past cultivated farms, and then by abandoned fields grown up in scrub-oak and short-leaved pine, and once or twice through the solemn aisles of the virgin forest, where the tall pines, well-nigh meeting over the narrow road, shut out the sun, and wrapped us in cloistral solitude. Once, at a cross-roads, I was in doubt as to the turn to take, and we sat there waiting ten minutes—we had already caught some of the native infection of restfulness—for some human being to come along, who could direct us on our way. At length a little negro girl appeared, walking straight as an arrow, with a piggin full of water on her head. After a little patient investigation, necessary to overcome the child's shyness, we learned what we wished to know, and at the end of about five miles from the town reached our destination. We drove between a pair of decayed gateposts—the gate itself had long since disappeared—and up a straight sandy lane, between two lines of rotting rail fence, partly concealed by jimson-weeds and briers, to the open space where a dwelling-house had once stood, evidently a spacious mansion, if we might judge from the ruined chimneys that were still standing, and the brick pillars on which the sills rested. The house itself, we had been informed, had fallen a victim to the fortunes of war. We alighted from the buggy, walked about the yard for a while, and then wandered off into the adjoining vineyard. Upon Annie's complaining of weariness I led the way back to the yard, where a pine log, lying under a spreading elm, afforded a shady though somewhat hard seat. One end of the log was already occupied by a venerable-looking colored man. He held on his knees a hat full of grapes, over which he was smacking his lips with great gusto, and a pile of grapeskins near him indicated that the performance was no new thing. We approached him at an angle from the rear, and were close to him before he perceived us. He respectfully rose as we drew near, and was moving away, when I begged him to keep his seat. "Don't let us disturb you," I said. "There is plenty of room for us all." He resumed his seat with somewhat of embarrassment. While he had been standing, I had observed that he was a tall man, and, though slightly bowed by the weight of years, apparently quite vigorous. He was not entirely black, and this fact, together with the quality of his hair, which was about six inches long and very bushy, except on the top of his head, where he was quite bald, suggested a slight strain of other than negro blood. There was a shrewdness in his eyes, too, which was not altogether African, and which, as we afterwards learned from experience, was indicative of a corresponding shrewdness in his character. He went on eating the grapes, but did not seem to enjoy himself quite so well as he had apparently done before he became aware of our presence. "Do you live around here?" I asked, anxious to put him at his ease. "Yas, suh. I lives des ober yander, behine de nex' san'-hill, on de Lumberton plank-road." "Do you know anything about the time when this vineyard was cultivated?" "Lawd bless you, suh, I knows all about it. Dey ain' na'er a man in dis settlement w'at won' tell you ole Julius McAdoo 'uz bawn en raise' on dis yer same plantation. Is you de Norv'n gemman w'at's gwine ter buy de ole vimya'd?" "I am looking at it," I replied; "but I don't know that I shall care to buy unless I can be reasonably sure of making something out of it." "Well, suh, you is a stranger ter me, en I is a stranger ter you, en we is bofe strangers ter one anudder, but 'f I 'uz in yo' place, I wouldn' buy dis vimya'd." "Why not?" I asked. "Well, I dunno whe'r you b'lieves in cunj'in' er not,—some er de w'ite folks don't, er says dey don't,—but de truf er de matter is dat dis yer ole vimya'd is goophered." "Is what?" I asked, not grasping the meaning of this unfamiliar word. "Is goophered,—cunju'd, bewitch'." He imparted this information with such solemn earnestness, and with such an air of confidential mystery, that I felt somewhat interested, while Annie was evidently much impressed, and drew closer to me. "How do you know it is bewitched?" I asked. "I wouldn' spec' fer you ter b'lieve me 'less you know all 'bout de fac's. But ef you en young miss dere doan' min' lis'nin' ter a ole nigger run on a minute er two w'ile you er restin', I kin 'splain to you how it all happen'." We assured him that we would be glad to hear how it all happened, and he began to tell us. At first the current of his memory—or imagination—seemed somewhat sluggish; but as his embarrassment wore off, his language flowed more freely, and the story acquired perspective and coherence. As he became more and more absorbed in the narrative, his eyes assumed a dreamy expression, and he seemed to lose sight of his auditors, and to be living over again in monologue his life on the old plantation. "Ole Mars Dugal' McAdoo," he began, "bought dis place long many years befo' de wah, en I'member well w'en he sot out all dis yer part er de plantation in scuppernon's. De vimes growed monst'us fas', en Mars Dugal' made a thousan' gallon er scuppernon' wine eve'y year. "Now, ef dey's an'thing a nigger lub, nex' ter 'possum, en chick'n, en watermillyums, it's scuppernon's. Dey ain' nuffin dat kin stan' up side'n de scuppernon' fer sweetness; sugar ain't a suckumstance ter scuppernon'. W'en de season is nigh 'bout ober, en de grapes begin ter swivel up des a little wid de wrinkles er ole age,—w'en de skin git sof' en brown,—den de scuppernon' make you smack yo' lip en roll yo' eye en wush fer mo'; so I reckon it ain' very 'stonishin' dat niggers lub scuppernon'. "Dey wuz a sight er niggers in de naberhood er de vimya'd. Dere wuz ole Mars Henry Brayboy's niggers, en ole Mars Jeems McLean's niggers, en Mars Dugal's own niggers; den dey wuz a settlement er free niggers en po' buckrahs down by de Wim'l'ton Road, en Mars Dugal' had de only vimya'd in de naberhood. I reckon it ain' so much so nowadays, but befo' de wah, in slab'ry times, a nigger did n' mine goin' fi' er ten mile in a night, w'en dey wuz sump'n good ter eat at de yuther een'. "So atter a w'ile Mars Dugal' begin ter miss his scuppernon's. Co'se he 'cuse' de niggers er it, but dey all 'nied it ter de las'. Mars Dugal' sot spring guns en steel traps, en he en de oberseah sot up nights once't er twice't, tel one night Mars Dugal'—he 'uz a monst'us keerless man—got his leg shot full er cow-peas. But somehow er nudder dey could n' nebber ketch none er de niggers. I dunner how it happen, but it happen des like I tell you, en de grapes kep' on a-goin' des de same. "But bimeby ole Mars Dugal' fix' up a plan ter stop it. Dey wuz a cunjuh 'oman livin' down 'mongs' de free niggers on de Wim'l'ton Road, en all de darkies fum Rockfish ter Beaver Crick wuz feared er her. She could wuk de mos' powerfulles' kin' er goopher,—could make people hab fits, er rheumatiz, er make 'em des dwinel away en die; en dey say she went out ridin' de niggers at night, fer she wuz a witch 'sides bein' a cunjuh 'oman. Mars Dugal' hearn 'bout Aun' Peggy's doin's, en begun ter 'flect whe'r er no he could n' git her ter he'p him keep de niggers off'n de grapevimes. One day in de spring er de year, ole miss pack' up a basket er chick'n en poun'-cake, en a bottle er scuppernon' wine, en Mars Dugal' tuk it in his buggy en driv ober ter Aun' Peggy's cabin. He tuk de basket in, en had a long talk wid Aun' Peggy. "De nex' day Aun' Peggy come up ter de vimya'd. De niggers seed her slippin' 'roun', en dey soon foun' out what she 'uz doin' dere. Mars Dugal' had hi'ed her ter goopher de grapevimes. She sa'ntered 'roun' 'mongs' de vimes, en tuk a leaf fum dis one, en a grape-hull fum dat one, en a grape-seed fum anudder one; en den a little twig fum here, en a little pinch er dirt fum dere,—en put it all in a big black bottle, wid a snake's toof en a speckle' hen's gall en some ha'rs fum a black cat's tail, en den fill' de bottle wid scuppernon' wine. Wen she got de goopher all ready en fix', she tuk 'n went out in de woods en buried it under de root uv a red oak tree, en den come back en tole one er de niggers she done goopher de grapevimes, en a'er a nigger w'at eat dem grapes 'ud be sho ter die inside'n twel' mont's. "Atter dat de niggers let de scuppernon's 'lone, en Mars Dugal' did n' hab no 'casion ter fine no mo' fault; en de season wuz mos' gone, w'en a strange gemman stop at de plantation one night ter see Mars Dugal' on some business; en his coachman, seein' de scuppernon's growin' so nice en sweet, slip 'roun' behine de smoke-house, en et all de scuppernon's he could hole. Nobody did n' notice it at de time, but dat night, on de way home, de gemman's hoss runned away en kill' de coachman. W'en we hearn de noos, Aun' Lucy, de cook, she up 'n say she seed de strange nigger eat'n' er de scuppernon's behine de smoke-house; en den we knowed de goopher had b'en er wukkin'. Den one er de nigger chilluns runned away fum de quarters one day, en got in de scuppernon's, en died de nex' week. W'ite folks say he die' er de fevuh, but de niggers knowed it wuz de goopher. So you k'n be sho de darkies did n' hab much ter do wid dem scuppernon' vimes. "W'en de scuppernon' season 'uz ober fer dat year, Mars Dugal' foun' he had made fifteen hund'ed gallon er wine; en one er de niggers hearn him laffin' wid de oberseah fit ter kill, en sayin' dem fifteen hund'ed gallon er wine wuz monst'us good intrus' on de ten dollars he laid out on de vimya'd. So I 'low ez he paid Aun' Peggy ten dollars fer to goopher de grapevimes. "De goopher did n' wuk no mo' tel de nex' summer, w'en 'long to'ds de middle er de season one er de fiel' han's died; en ez dat lef' Mars Dugal' sho't er han's, he went off ter town fer ter buy anudder. He fotch de noo nigger home wid 'im. He wuz er ole nigger, er de color er a gingy-cake, en ball ez a hoss-apple on de top er his head. He wuz a peart ole nigger, do', en could do a big day's wuk. "Now it happen dat one er de niggers on de nex' plantation, one er ole Mars Henry Brayboy's niggers, had runned away de day befo', en tuk ter de swamp, en ole Mars Dugal' en some er de yuther nabor w'ite folks had gone out wid dere guns en dere dogs fer ter he'p 'em hunt fer de nigger; en de han's on our own plantation wuz all so flusterated dat we fuhgot ter tell de noo han' 'bout de goopher on de scuppernon' vimes. Co'se he smell de grapes en see de vimes, an atter dahk de fus' thing he done wuz ter slip off ter de grapevimes 'dout sayin' nuffin ter nobody. Nex' mawnin' he tole some er de niggers 'bout de fine bait er scuppernon' he et de night befo'. "Wen dey tole 'im 'bout de goopher on de grapevimes, he 'uz dat tarrified dat he turn pale, en look des like he gwine ter die right in his tracks. De oberseah come up en axed w'at 'uz de matter; en w'en dey tole 'im Henry be'n eatin' er de scuppernon's, en got de goopher on 'im, he gin Henry a big drink er w'iskey, en 'low dat de nex' rainy day he take 'im ober ter Aun' Peggy's, en see ef she would n' take de goopher off'n him, seein' ez he did n' know nuffin erbout it tel he done et de grapes. "Sho nuff, it rain de nex' day, en de oberseah went ober ter Aun' Peggy's wid Henry. En Aun' Peggy say dat bein' ez Henry did n' know 'bout de goopher, en et de grapes in ign'ance er de conseq'ences, she reckon she mought be able fer ter take de goopher off'n him. So she fotch out er bottle wid some cunjuh medicine in it, en po'd some out in a go'd fer Henry ter drink. He manage ter git it down; he say it tas'e like whiskey wid sump'n bitter in it. She 'lowed dat 'ud keep de goopher off'n him tel de spring; but w'en de sap begin ter rise in de grapevimes he ha' ter come en see her ag'in, en she tell him w'at e's ter do. "Nex' spring, w'en de sap commence' ter rise in de scuppernon' vime, Henry tuk a ham one night. Whar'd he git de ham? I doan know; dey wa'n't no hams on de plantation 'cep'n' w'at 'uz in de smoke-house, but I never see Henry 'bout de smoke-house. But ez I wuz a-sayin', he tuk de ham ober ter Aun' Peggy's; en Aun' Peggy tole 'im dat w'en Mars Dugal' begin ter prune de grapevimes, he mus' go en take 'n scrape off de sap whar it ooze out'n de cut een's er de vimes, en 'n'int his ball head wid it; en ef he do dat once't a year de goopher would n' wuk agin 'im long ez he done it. En bein' ez he fotch her de ham, she fix' it so he kin eat all de scuppernon' he want. "So Henry 'n'int his head wid de sap out'n de big grapevime des ha'f way 'twix' de quarters en de big house, en de goopher nebber wuk agin him dat summer. But de beatenes' thing you eber see happen ter Henry. Up ter dat time he wuz ez ball ez a sweeten' 'tater, but des ez soon ez de young leaves begun ter come out on de grapevimes, de ha'r begun ter grow out on Henry's head, en by de middle er de summer he had de bigges' head er ha'r on de plantation. Befo' dat, Henry had tol'able good ha'r 'roun' de aidges, but soon ez de young grapes begun ter come, Henry's ha'r begun to quirl all up in little balls, des like dis yer reg'lar grapy ha'r, en by de time de grapes got ripe his head look des like a bunch er grapes. Combin' it did n' do no good; he wuk at it ha'f de night wid er Jim Crow[1], en think he git it straighten' out, but in de mawnin' de grapes 'ud be dere des de same. So he gin it up, en tried ter keep de grapes down by havin' his ha'r cut sho't. [1] A small card, resembling a currycomb in construction, and used by negroes in the rural districts instead of a comb. "But dat wa'n't de quares' thing 'bout de goopher. When Henry come ter de plantation, he wuz gittin' a little ole an stiff in de j'ints. But dat summer he got des ez spry en libely ez any young nigger on de plantation; fac', he got so biggity dat Mars Jackson, de oberseah, ha' ter th'eaten ter whip 'im, ef he did n' stop cuttin' up his didos en behave hisse'f. But de mos' cur'ouses' thing happen' in de fall, when de sap begin ter go down in de grapevimes. Fus', when de grapes 'uz gethered, de knots begun ter straighten out'n Henry's ha'r; en w'en de leaves begin ter fall, Henry's ha'r 'mence' ter drap out; en when de vimes 'uz bar', Henry's head wuz baller 'n it wuz in de spring, en he begin ter git ole en stiff in de j'ints ag'in, en paid no mo' 'tention ter de gals dyoin' er de whole winter. En nex' spring, w'en he rub de sap on ag'in, he got young ag'in, en so soopl en libely dat none er de young niggers on de plantation could n' jump, ner dance, ner hoe ez much cotton ez Henry. But in de fall er de year his grapes 'mence' ter straighten out, en his j'ints ter git stiff, en his ha'r drap off, en de rheumatiz begin ter wrastle wid 'im. "Now, ef you 'd 'a' knowed ole Mars Dugal' McAdoo, you 'd 'a' knowed dat it ha' ter be a mighty rainy day when he could n' fine sump'n fer his niggers ter do, en it ha' ter be a mighty little hole he could n' crawl thoo, en ha' ter be a monst'us cloudy night when a dollar git by him in de dahkness; en w'en he see how Henry git young in de spring en ole in de fall, he 'lowed ter hisse'f ez how he could make mo' money out'n Henry dan by wukkin' him in de cotton-fiel'. 'Long de nex' spring, atter de sap 'mence' ter rise, en Henry 'n'int 'is head en sta'ted fer ter git young en soopl, Mars Dugal' up 'n tuk Henry ter town, en sole 'im fer fifteen hunder' dollars. Co'se de man w'at bought Henry did n' know nuffin 'bout de goopher, en Mars Dugal' did n' see no 'casion fer ter tell 'im. Long to'ds de fall, w'en de sap went down, Henry begin ter git ole ag'in same ez yuzhal, en his noo marster begin ter git skeered les'n he gwine ter lose his fifteen-hunder'-dollar nigger. He sent fer a mighty fine doctor, but de med'cine did n' 'pear ter do no good; de goopher had a good holt. Henry tole de doctor 'bout de goopher, but de doctor des laff at 'im. "One day in de winter Mars Dugal' went ter town, en wuz santerin' 'long de Main Street, when who should he meet but Henry's noo marster. Dey said 'Hoddy,' en Mars Dugal' ax 'im ter hab a seegyar; en atter dey run on awhile 'bout de craps en de weather, Mars Dugal' ax 'im, sorter keerless, like ez ef he des thought of it,— "'How you like de nigger I sole you las' spring?' "Henry's marster shuck his head en knock de ashes off'n his seegyar. "'Spec' I made a bad bahgin when I bought dat nigger. Henry done good wuk all de summer, but sence de fall set in he 'pears ter be sorter pinin' away. Dey ain' nuffin pertickler de matter wid 'im—leastways de doctor say so—'cep'n' a tech er de rheumatiz; but his ha'r is all fell out, en ef he don't pick up his strenk mighty soon, I spec' I'm gwine ter lose 'im.' "Dey smoked on awhile, en bimeby ole mars say, 'Well, a bahgin 's a bahgin, but you en me is good fren's, en I doan wan' ter see you lose all de money you paid fer dat nigger; en ef w'at you say is so, en I ain't 'sputin' it, he ain't wuf much now. I 'spec's you wukked him too ha'd dis summer, er e'se de swamps down here don't agree wid de san'-hill nigger. So you des lemme know, en ef he gits any wusser I'll be willin' ter gib yer five hund'ed dollars fer 'im, en take my chances on his livin'.' "Sho 'nuff, when Henry begun ter draw up wid de rheumatiz en it look like he gwine ter die fer sho, his noo marster sen' fer Mars Dugal', en Mars Dugal' gin him what he promus, en brung Henry home ag'in. He tuk good keer uv 'im dyoin' er de winter,—give 'im w'iskey ter rub his rheumatiz, en terbacker ter smoke, en all he want ter eat,—'caze a nigger w'at he could make a thousan' dollars a year off'n did n' grow on eve'y huckleberry bush. "Nex' spring, w'en de sap ris en Henry's ha'r commence' ter sprout, Mars Dugal' sole 'im ag'in, down in Robeson County dis time; en he kep' dat sellin' business up fer five year er mo'. Henry nebber say nuffin 'bout de goopher ter his noo marsters, 'caze he know he gwine ter be tuk good keer uv de nex' winter, w'en Mars Dugal' buy him back. En Mars Dugal' made 'nuff money off'n Henry ter buy anudder plantation ober on Beaver Crick. "But 'long 'bout de een' er dat five year dey come a stranger ter stop at de plantation. De fus' day he 'uz dere he went out wid Mars Dugal' en spent all de mawnin' lookin' ober de vimya'd, en atter dinner dey spent all de evenin' playin' kya'ds. De niggers soon 'skiver' dat he wuz a Yankee, en dat he come down ter Norf C'lina fer ter l'arn de w'ite folks how to raise grapes en make wine. He promus Mars Dugal' he c'd make de grapevimes b'ar twice't ez many grapes, en dat de noo winepress he wuz a-sellin' would make mo' d'n twice't ez many gallons er wine. En ole Mars Dugal' des drunk it all in, des 'peared ter be bewitch' wid dat Yankee. Wen de darkies see dat Yankee runnin' 'roun' de vimya'd en diggin' under de grapevimes, dey shuk dere heads, en 'lowed dat dey feared Mars Dugal' losin' his min'. Mars Dugal' had all de dirt dug away fum under de roots er all de scuppernon' vimes, an' let 'em stan' dat away fer a week er mo'. Den dat Yankee made de niggers fix up a mixtry er lime en ashes en manyo, en po' it 'roun' de roots er de grapevimes. Den he 'vise Mars Dugal' fer ter trim de vimes close't, en Mars Dugal' tuck 'n done eve'ything de Yankee tole him ter do. Dyoin' all er dis time, mind yer, dis yer Yankee wuz libbin' off'n de fat er de lan', at de big house, en playin' kya'ds wid Mars Dugal' eve'y night; en dey say Mars Dugal' los' mo'n a thousan' dollars dyoin' er de week dat Yankee wuz a-ruinin' de grapevimes. "Wen de sap ris nex' spring, ole Henry 'n'inted his head ez yuzhal, en his ha'r 'mence' ter grow des de same ez it done eve'y year. De scuppernon' vimes growed monst's fas', en de leaves wuz greener en thicker dan dey eber be'n dyoin' my rememb'ance; en Henry's ha'r growed out thicker dan eber, en he 'peared ter git younger 'n younger, en soopler 'n soopler; en seein' ez he wuz sho't er ban's dat spring, havin' tuk in consid'able noo groun', Mars Dugal' 'eluded he would n' sell Henry 'tel he git de crap in en de cotton chop'. So he kep' Henry on de plantation. "But 'long 'bout time fer de grapes ter come on de scuppernon' vimes, dey 'peared ter come a change ober 'em; de leaves withered en swivel' up, en de young grapes turn' yaller, en bimeby eve'ybody on de plantation could see dat de whole vimya'd wuz dyin'. Mars Dugal' tuk'n water de vimes en done all he could, but 't wa'n' no use: dat Yankee had done bus' de watermillyum. One time de vimes picked up a bit, en Mars Dugal' 'lowed dey wuz gwine ter come out ag'in; but dat Yankee done dug too close under de roots, en prune de branches too close ter de vime, en all dat lime en ashes done burn' de life out'n de vimes, en dey des kep' a-with'in' en a-swivelin'. "All dis time de goopher wuz a-wukkin'. When de vimes sta'ted ter wither, Henry 'mence' ter complain er his rheumatiz; en when de leaves begin ter dry up, his ha'r 'mence' ter drap out. When de vimes fresh' up a bit, Henry 'd git peart ag'in, en when de vimes wither' ag'in, Henry 'd git ole ag'in, en des kep' gittin' mo' en mo' fitten fer nuffin; he des pined away, en pined away, en fine'ly tuk ter his cabin; en when de big vime whar he got de sap ter 'n'int his head withered en turned yaller en died, Henry died too,—des went out sorter like a cannel. Dey didn't 'pear ter be nuffin de matter wid 'im, 'cep'n' de rheumatiz, but his strenk des dwinel' away 'tel he did n' hab ernuff lef ter draw his bref. De goopher had got de under holt, en th'owed Henry dat time fer good en all. "Mars Dugal' tuk on might'ly 'bout losin' his vimes en his nigger in de same year; en he swo' dat ef he could git holt er dat Yankee he 'd wear 'im ter a frazzle, en den chaw up de frazzle; en he'd done it, too, for Mars Dugal' 'uz a monst'us brash man w'en he once git started. He sot de vimya'd out ober ag'in, but it wuz th'ee er fo' year befo' de vimes got ter b'arin' any scuppernon's. "W'en de wah broke out, Mars Dugal' raise' a comp'ny, en went off ter fight de Yankees. He say he wuz mighty glad dat wah come, en he des want ter kill a Yankee fer eve'y dollar he los' 'long er dat grape-raisin' Yankee. En I 'spec' he would 'a' done it, too, ef de Yankees had n' s'picioned sump'n, en killed him fus'. Atter de s'render ole miss move' ter town, de niggers all scattered 'way fum de plantation, en de vimya'd ain' be'n cultervated sence." "Is that story true?" asked Annie doubtfully, but seriously, as the old man concluded his narrative. "It's des ez true ez I'm a-settin' here, miss. Dey's a easy way ter prove it: I kin lead de way right ter Henry's grave ober yander in de plantation buryin'-groun'. En I tell yer w'at, marster, I would n' 'vise you to buy dis yer ole vimya'd, 'caze de goopher 's on it yit, en dey ain' no tellin' w'en it's gwine ter crap out." "But I thought you said all the old vines died." "Dey did 'pear ter die, but a few un 'em come out ag'in, en is mixed in 'mongs' de yuthers. I ain' skeered ter eat de grapes, 'caze I knows de old vimes fum de noo ones; but wid strangers dey ain' no tellin' w'at mought happen. I would n' 'vise yer ter buy dis vimya'd." I bought the vineyard, nevertheless, and it has been for a long time in a thriving condition, and is often referred to by the local press as a striking illustration of the opportunities open to Northern capital in the development of Southern industries. The luscious scuppernong holds first rank among our grapes, though we cultivate a great many other varieties, and our income from grapes packed and shipped to the Northern markets is quite considerable. I have not noticed any developments of the goopher in the vineyard, although I have a mild suspicion that our colored assistants do not suffer from want of grapes during the season. I found, when I bought the vineyard, that Uncle Julius had occupied a cabin on the place for many years, and derived a respectable revenue from the product of the neglected grapevines. This, doubtless, accounted for his advice to me not to buy the vineyard, though whether it inspired the goopher story I am unable to state. I believe, however, that the wages I paid him for his services as coachman, for I gave him employment in that capacity, were more than an equivalent for anything he lost by the sale of the vineyard. PO' SANDY On the northeast corner of my vineyard in central North Carolina, and fronting on the Lumberton plank-road, there stood a small frame house, of the simplest construction. It was built of pine lumber, and contained but one room, to which one window gave light and one door admission. Its weatherbeaten sides revealed a virgin innocence of paint. Against one end of the house, and occupying half its width, there stood a huge brick chimney: the crumbling mortar had left large cracks between the bricks; the bricks themselves had begun to scale off in large flakes, leaving the chimney sprinkled with unsightly blotches. These evidences of decay were but partially concealed by a creeping vine, which extended its slender branches hither and thither in an ambitious but futile attempt to cover the whole chimney. The wooden shutter, which had once protected the unglazed window, had fallen from its hinges, and lay rotting in the rank grass and jimson-weeds beneath. This building, I learned when I bought the place, had been used as a schoolhouse for several years prior to the breaking out of the war, since which time it had remained unoccupied, save when some stray cow or vagrant hog had sought shelter within its walls from the chill rains and nipping winds of winter. One day my wife requested me to build her a new kitchen. The house erected by us, when we first came to live upon the vineyard, contained a very conveniently arranged kitchen; but for some occult reason my wife wanted a kitchen in the back yard, apart from the dwelling-house, after the usual Southern fashion. Of course I had to build it. To save expense, I decided to tear down the old schoolhouse, and use the lumber, which was in a good state of preservation, in the construction of the new kitchen. Before demolishing the old house, however, I made an estimate of the amount of material contained in it, and found that I would have to buy several hundred feet of lumber additional, in order to build the new kitchen according to my wife's plan. One morning old Julius McAdoo, our colored coachman, harnessed the gray mare to the rockaway, and drove my wife and me over to the sawmill from which I meant to order the new lumber. We drove down the long lane which led from our house to the plank-road; following the plank-road for about a mile, we turned into a road running through the forest and across the swamp to the sawmill beyond. Our carriage jolted over the half-rotted corduroy road which traversed the swamp, and then climbed the long hill leading to the sawmill. When we reached the mill, the foreman had gone over to a neighboring farmhouse, probably to smoke or gossip, and we were compelled to await his return before we could transact our business. We remained seated in the carriage, a few rods from the mill, and watched the leisurely movements of the mill-hands. We had not waited long before a huge pine log was placed in position, the machinery of the mill was set in motion, and the circular saw began to eat its way through the log, with a loud whir which resounded throughout the vicinity of the mill. The sound rose and fell in a sort of rhythmic cadence, which, heard from where we sat, was not unpleasing, and not loud enough to prevent conversation. When the saw started on its second journey through the log, Julius observed, in a lugubrious tone, and with a perceptible shudder:— "Ugh! but dat des do cuddle my blood!" "What's the matter, Uncle Julius?" inquired my wife, who is of a very sympathetic turn of mind. "Does the noise affect your nerves?" "No, Mis' Annie," replied the old man, with emotion, "I ain' narvous; but dat saw, a-cuttin' en grindin' thoo dat stick er timber, en moanin', en groanin,' en sweekin', kyars my 'memb'ance back ter ole times, en 'min's me er po' Sandy." The pathetic intonation with which he lengthened out the "po' Sandy" touched a responsive chord in our own hearts. "And who was poor Sandy?" asked my wife, who takes a deep interest in the stories of plantation life which she hears from the lips of the older colored people. Some of these stories are quaintly humorous; others wildly extravagant, revealing the Oriental cast of the negro's imagination; while others, poured freely into the sympathetic ear of a Northern-bred woman, disclose many a tragic incident of the darker side of slavery. "Sandy," said Julius, in reply to my wife's question, "was a nigger w'at useter b'long ter ole Mars Marrabo McSwayne. Mars Marrabo's place wuz on de yuther side'n de swamp, right nex' ter yo' place. Sandy wuz a monst'us good nigger, en could do so many things erbout a plantation, en alluz 'ten' ter his wuk so well, dat w'en Mars Marrabo's chilluns growed up en married off, dey all un 'em wanted dey daddy fer ter gin 'em Sandy fer a weddin' present. But Mars Marrabo knowed de res' would n' be satisfied ef he gin Sandy ter a'er one un 'em; so w'en dey wuz all done married, he fix it by 'lowin' one er his chilluns ter take Sandy fer a mont' er so, en den ernudder for a mont' er so, en so on dat erway tel dey had all had 'im de same lenk er time; en den dey would all take him roun' ag'in, 'cep'n' oncet in a w'ile w'en Mars Marrabo would len' 'im ter some er his yuther kinfolks 'roun' de country, w'en dey wuz short er han's; tel bimeby it got so Sandy did n' hardly knowed whar he wuz gwine ter stay fum one week's een' ter de yuther. "One time w'en Sandy wuz lent out ez yushal, a spekilater come erlong wid a lot er niggers, en Mars Marrabo swap' Sandy's wife off fer a noo 'oman. W'en Sandy come back, Mars Marrabo gin 'im a dollar, en 'lowed he wuz monst'us sorry fer ter break up de fambly, but de spekilater had gin 'im big boot, en times wuz hard en money skase, en so he wuz bleedst ter make de trade. Sandy tuk on some 'bout losin' his wife, but he soon seed dey want no use cryin' ober spilt merlasses; en bein' ez he lacked de looks er de noo 'oman, he tuk up wid her atter she'd be'n on de plantation a mont' er so. "Sandy en his noo wife got on mighty well tergedder, en de niggers all 'mence' ter talk about how lovin' dey wuz. Wen Tenie wuz tuk sick oncet, Sandy useter set up all night wid 'er, en den go ter wuk in de mawnin' des lack he had his reg'lar sleep; en Tenie would 'a' done anythin' in de worl' for her Sandy. "Sandy en Tenie had n' be'n libbin' tergedder fer mo' d'n two mont's befo' Mars Marrabo's old uncle, w'at libbed down in Robeson County, sent up ter fin' out ef Mars Marrabo could n' len' 'im er hire 'im a good ban' fer a mont' er so. Sandy's marster wuz one er dese yer easy-gwine folks w'at wanter please eve'ybody, en he says yas, he could len' 'im Sandy. En Mars Marrabo tol' Sandy fer ter git ready ter go down ter Robeson nex' day, fer ter stay a mont' er so. "It wuz monst'us hard on Sandy fer ter take 'im 'way fum Tenie. It wuz so fur down ter Robeson dat he did n' hab no chance er comin' back ter see her tel de time wuz up; he would n' 'a' mine comin' ten er fifteen mile at night ter see Tenie, but Mars Marrabo's uncle's plantation wuz mo' d'n forty mile off. Sandy wuz mighty sad en cas' down atter w'at Mars Marrabo tol' 'im, en he says ter Tenie, sezee:— "'I'm gittin' monst'us ti'ed er dish yer gwine roun' so much. Here I is lent ter Mars Jeems dis mont', en I got ter do so-en-so; en ter Mars Archie de nex' mont', en I got ter do so-en-so; den I got ter go ter Miss Jinnie's: en hit's Sandy dis en Sandy dat, en Sandy yer en Sandy dere, tel it 'pears ter me I ain' got no home, ner no marster, ner no mistiss, ner no nuffin. I can't eben keep a wife: my yuther ole 'oman wuz sol' away widout my gittin' a chance fer ter tell her good-by; en now I got ter go off en leab you, Tenie, en I dunno whe'r I'm eber gwine ter see you ag'in er no. I wisht I wuz a tree, er a stump, er a rock, er sump'n w'at could stay on de plantation fer a w'ile.' "Atter Sandy got thoo talkin', Tenie didn' say naer word, but des sot dere by de fier, studyin' en studyin'. Bimeby she up 'n' says:— "'Sandy, is I eber tol' you I wuz a cunjuh 'oman?' "Co'se Sandy had n' nebber dremp' er nuffin lack dat, en he made a great 'miration w'en he hear w'at Tenie say. Bimeby Tenie went on:— "'I ain' goophered nobody, ner done no cunjuh wuk, fer fifteen year er mo'; en w'en I got religion I made up my mine I would n' wuk no mo' goopher. But dey is some things I doan b'lieve it's no sin fer ter do; en ef you doan wanter be sent roun' fum pillar ter pos', en ef you doan wanter go down ter Robeson, I kin fix things so you won't haf ter. Ef you'll des say de word, I kin turn you ter w'ateber you wanter be, en you kin stay right whar you wanter, ez long ez you mineter.' "Sandy say he doan keer; he's will-in' fer ter do anythin' fer ter stay close ter Tenie. Den Tenie ax 'im ef he doan wanter be turnt inter a rabbit. "Sandy say, 'No, de dogs mought git atter me.' "'Shill I turn you ter a wolf?' sez Tenie. "'No, eve'ybody 's skeered er a wolf, en I doan want nobody ter be skeered er me.' "'Shill I turn you ter a mawkin'-bird?' "'No, a hawk mought ketch me. I wanter be turnt inter sump'n w'at'll stay in one place.' "'I kin turn you ter a tree,' sez Tenie. 'You won't hab no mouf ner years, but I kin turn you back oncet in a w'ile, so you kin git sump'n ter eat, en hear w'at 's gwine on.' "Well, Sandy say dat'll do. En so Tenie tuk 'im down by de aidge er de swamp, not fur fum de quarters, en turnt 'im inter a big pine-tree, en sot 'im out 'mongs' some yuther trees. En de nex' mawnin', ez some er de fiel' han's wuz gwine long dere, dey seed a tree w'at dey did n' 'member er habbin' seed befo'; it wuz monst'us quare, en dey wuz bleedst ter 'low dat dey had n' 'membered right, er e'se one er de saplin's had be'n growin' monst'us fas'. "W'en Mars Marrabo 'skiver' dat Sandy wuz gone, he 'lowed Sandy had runned away. He got de dogs out, but de las' place dey could track Sandy ter wuz de foot er dat pine-tree. En dere de dogs stood en barked, en bayed, en pawed at de tree, en tried ter climb up on it; en w'en dey wuz tuk roun' thoo de swamp ter look fer de scent, dey broke loose en made fer dat tree ag'in. It wuz de beatenis' thing de w'ite folks eber hearn of, en Mars Marrabo 'lowed dat Sandy must 'a' clim' up on de tree en jump' off on a mule er sump'n, en rid fur ernuff fer ter spile de scent. Mars Marrabo wanted ter 'cuse some er de yuther niggers er heppin' Sandy off, but dey all 'nied it ter de las'; en eve'ybody knowed Tenie sot too much sto' by Sandy fer ter he'p 'im run away whar she could n' nebber see 'im no mo'. "W'en Sandy had be'n gone long ernuff fer folks ter think he done got clean away, Tenie useter go down ter de woods at night en turn 'im back, en den dey 'd slip up ter de cabin en set by de fire en talk. But dey ha' ter be monst'us keerful, er e'se somebody would 'a' seed 'em, en dat would 'a' spile' de whole thing; so Tenie alluz turnt Sandy back in de mawnin' early, befo' anybody wuz a-stirrin'. "But Sandy did n' git erlong widout his trials en tribberlations. One day a woodpecker come erlong en 'mence' ter peck at de tree; en de nex' time Sandy wuz turnt back he had a little roun' hole in his arm, des lack a sharp stick be'n stuck in it. Atter dat Tenie sot a sparrer-hawk fer ter watch de tree; en w'en de woodpecker come erlong nex' mawnin' fer ter finish his nes', he got gobble' up mos' 'fo' he stuck his bill in de bark. "Nudder time, Mars Marrabo sent a nigger out in de woods fer ter chop tuppentime boxes. De man chop a box in dish yer tree, en hack' de bark up two er th'ee feet, fer ter let de tuppentime run. De nex' time Sandy wuz turnt back he had a big skyar on his lef' leg, des lack it be'n skunt; en it tuk Tenie nigh 'bout all night fer ter fix a mixtry ter kyo it up. Atter dat, Tenie sot a hawnet fer ter watch de tree; en w'en de nigger come back ag'in fer ter cut ernudder box on de yuther side'n de tree, de hawnet stung 'im so hard dat de ax slip en cut his foot nigh 'bout off. "W'en Tenie see so many things happenin' ter de tree, she 'eluded she 'd ha' ter turn Sandy ter sump'n e'se; en atter studyin' de matter ober, en talkin' wid Sandy one ebenin', she made up her mine fer ter fix up a goopher mixtry w'at would turn herse'f en Sandy ter foxes, er sump'n, so dey could run away en go some'rs whar dey could be free en lib lack w'ite folks. "But dey ain' no tellin' w'at's gwine ter happen in dis worl'. Tenie had got de night sot fer her en Sandy ter run away, w'en dat ve'y day one er Mars Marrabo's sons rid up ter de big house in his buggy, en say his wife wuz monst'us sick, en he want his mammy ter len' 'im a 'oman fer ter nuss his wife. Tenie's mistiss say sen' Tenie; she wuz a good nuss. Young mars wuz in a tarrible hurry fer ter git back home. Tenie wuz washin' at de big house dat day, en her mistiss say she should go right 'long wid her young marster. Tenie tried ter make some 'scuse fer ter git away en hide 'tel night, w'en she would have eve'ything fix' up fer her en Sandy; she say she wanter go ter her cabin fer ter git her bonnet. Her mistiss say it doan matter 'bout de bonnet; her head-hank-cher wuz good ernuff. Den Tenie say she wanter git her bes' frock; her mistiss say no, she doan need no mo' frock, en w'en dat one got dirty she could git a clean one whar she wuz gwine. So Tenie had ter git in de buggy en go 'long wid young Mars Dunkin ter his plantation, w'ich wuz mo' d'n twenty mile away; en dey wa'n't no chance er her seein' Sandy no mo' 'tel she come back home. De po' gal felt monst'us bad 'bout de way things wuz gwine on, en she knowed Sandy mus' be a wond'rin' why she didn' come en turn 'im back no mo'. "Wiles Tenie wuz away nussin' young Mars Dunkin's wife, Mars Marrabo tuk a notion fer ter buil' 'im a noo kitchen; en bein' ez he had lots er timber on his place, he begun ter look 'roun' fer a tree ter hab de lumber sawed out'n. En I dunno how it come to be so, but he happen fer ter hit on de ve'y tree w'at Sandy wuz turnt inter. Tenie wuz gone, en dey wa'n't nobody ner nuffin fer ter watch de tree. "De two men w'at cut de tree down say dey nebber had sech a time wid a tree befo': dey axes would glansh off, en did n' 'pear ter make no progress thoo de wood; en of all de creakin', en shakin', en wobblin' you eber see, dat tree done it w'en it commence' ter fall. It wuz de beatenis' thing! "W'en dey got de tree all trim' up, dey chain it up ter a timber waggin, en start fer de sawmill. But dey had a hard time gittin' de log dere: fus' dey got stuck in de mud w'en dey wuz gwine crosst de swamp, en it wuz two er th'ee hours befo' dey could git out. W'en dey start' on ag'in, de chain kep' a-comin' loose, en dey had ter keep a-stoppin' en a-stoppin' fer ter hitch de log up ag'in. W'en dey commence' ter climb de hill ter de sawmill, de log broke loose, en roll down de hill en in 'mongs' de trees, en hit tuk nigh 'bout half a day mo' ter git it haul' up ter de sawmill. "De nex' mawnin' atter de day de tree wuz haul' ter de sawmill, Tenie come home. W'en she got back ter her cabin, de fus' thing she done wuz ter run down ter de woods en see how Sandy wuz gittin' on. Wen she seed de stump standin' dere, wid de sap runnin' out'n it, en de limbs layin' scattered roun', she nigh 'bout went out'n her min'. She run ter her cabin, en got her goopher mixtry, en den follered de track er de timber waggin ter de sawmill. She knowed Sandy could n' lib mo' d'n a minute er so ef she turnt him back, fer he wuz all chop' up so he 'd 'a' be'n bleedst ter die. But she wanted ter turn 'im back long ernuff fer ter 'splain ter 'im dat she had n' went off a-purpose, en lef 'im ter be chop' down en sawed up. She did n' want Sandy ter die wid no hard feelin's to'ds her. "De han's at de sawmill had des got de big log on de kerridge, en wuz start-in' up de saw, w'en dey seed a 'oman runnin' up de hill, all out er bref, cryin' en gwine on des lack she wuz plumb 'stracted. It wuz Tenie; she come right inter de mill, en th'owed herse'f on de log, right in front er de saw, a-hollerin' en cryin' ter her Sandy ter fergib her, en not ter think hard er her, fer it wa'n't no fault er hern. Den Tenie 'membered de tree did n' hab no years, en she wuz gittin' ready fer ter wuk her goopher mixtry so ez ter turn Sandy back, w'en de mill-hands kotch holt er her en tied her arms wid a rope, en fasten' her to one er de posts in de sawmill; en den dey started de saw up ag'in, en cut de log up inter bo'ds en scantlin's right befo' her eyes. But it wuz mighty hard wuk; fer of all de sweekin', en moanin', en groanin', dat log done it w'iles de saw wuz a-cuttin' thoo it. De saw wuz one er dese yer ole-timey, up-en-down saws, en hit tuk longer dem days ter saw a log 'en it do now. Dey greased de saw, but dat did n' stop de fuss; hit kep' right on, tel fin'ly dey got de log all sawed up. "W'en de oberseah w'at run de sawmill come fum breakfas', de han's up en tell him 'bout de crazy 'oman—ez dey s'posed she wuz—w'at had come runnin' in de sawmill, a-hollerin' en gwine on, en tried ter th'ow herse'f befo' de saw. En de oberseah sent two er th'ee er de han's fer ter take Tenie back ter her marster's plantation. "Tenie 'peared ter be out'n her min' fer a long time, en her marster ha' ter lock her up in de smoke-'ouse 'tel she got ober her spells. Mars Marrabo wuz monst'us mad, en hit would 'a' made yo' flesh crawl fer ter hear him cuss, 'caze he say de spekilater w'at he got Tenie fum had fooled 'im by wukkin' a crazy 'oman off on him. Wiles Tenie wuz lock up in de smoke-'ouse, Mars Marrabo tuk 'n' haul de lumber fum de sawmill, en put up his noo kitchen. "Wen Tenie got quiet' down, so she could be 'lowed ter go 'roun' de plantation, she up'n' tole her marster all erbout Sandy en de pine-tree; en w'en Mars Marrabo hearn it, he 'lowed she wuz de wuss 'stracted nigger he eber hearn of. He did n' know w'at ter do wid Tenie: fus' he thought he 'd put her in de po'house; but fin'ly, seein' ez she did n' do no harm ter nobody ner nuffin, but des went 'roun' moanin', en groanin', en shakin' her head, he 'cluded ter let her stay on de plantation en nuss de little nigger chilluns w'en dey mammies wuz ter wuk in de cotton-fiel'. "De noo kitchen Mars Marrabo buil' wuz n' much use, fer it had n' be'n put up long befo' de niggers 'mence' ter notice quare things erbout it. Dey could hear sump'n moanin' en groanin' 'bout de kitchen in de night-time, en w'en de win' would blow dey could hear sump'n a-hollerin' en sweekin' lack it wuz in great pain en sufferin'. En it got so atter a w'ile dat it wuz all Mars Marrabo's wife could do ter git a 'oman ter stay in de kitchen in de daytime long ernuff ter do de cookin'; en dey wa'n't naer nigger on de plantation w'at would n' rudder take forty dan ter go 'bout dat kitchen atter dark,—dat is, 'cep'n' Tenie; she did n' 'pear ter min' de ha'nts. She useter slip 'roun' at night, en set on de kitchen steps, en lean up agin de do'-jamb, en run on ter herse'f wid some kine er foolishness w'at nobody could n' make out; fer Mars Marrabo had th'eaten' ter sen' her off'n de plantation ef she say anything ter any er de yuther niggers 'bout de pine-tree. But somehow er 'nudder de niggers foun' out all erbout it, en dey all knowed de kitchen wuz ha'nted by Sandy's sperrit. En bimeby hit got so Mars Marrabo's wife herse'f wuz skeered ter go out in de yard atter dark. "Wen it come ter dat, Mars Marrabo tuk en to' de kitchen down, en use' de lumber fer ter buil' dat ole school'ouse w'at you er talkin' 'bout pullin' down. De school'ouse wuz n' use' 'cep'n' in de daytime, en on dark nights folks gwine 'long de road would hear quare soun's en see quare things. Po' ole Tenie useter go down dere at night, en wander 'roun' de school'ouse; en de niggers all 'lowed she went fer ter talk wid Sandy's sperrit. En one winter mawnin', w'en one er de boys went ter school early fer ter start de fire, w'at should he fin' but po' ole Tenie, layin' on de flo', stiff, en col', en dead. Dere did n' 'pear ter be nuffin pertickler de matter wid her,—she had des grieve' herse'f ter def fer her Sandy. Mars Marrabo didn' shed no tears. He thought Tenie wuz crazy, en dey wa'n't no tellin' w'at she mought do nex'; en dey ain' much room in dis worl' fer crazy w'ite folks, let 'lone a crazy nigger. "Hit wa'n't long atter dat befo' Mars Marrabo sol' a piece er his track er lan' ter Mars Dugal' McAdoo,—my ole marster,—en dat 's how de ole school'ouse happen to be on yo' place. Wen de wah broke out, de school stop', en de ole school'ouse be'n stannin' empty ever sence,—dat is, 'cep'n' fer de ha'nts. En folks sez dat de ole school'ouse, er any yuther house w'at got any er dat lumber in it w'at wuz sawed out'n de tree w'at Sandy wuz turnt inter, is gwine ter be ha'nted tel de las' piece er plank is rotted en crumble' inter dus'." Annie had listened to this gruesome narrative with strained attention. "What a system it was," she exclaimed, when Julius had finished, "under which such things were possible!" "What things?" I asked, in amazement. "Are you seriously considering the possibility of a man's being turned into a tree?" "Oh, no," she replied quickly, "not that;" and then she murmured absently, and with a dim look in her fine eyes, "Poor Tenie!" We ordered the lumber, and returned home. That night, after we had gone to bed, and my wife had to all appearances been sound asleep for half an hour, she startled me out of an incipient doze by exclaiming suddenly,— "John, I don't believe I want my new kitchen built out of the lumber in that old schoolhouse." "You wouldn't for a moment allow yourself," I replied, with some asperity, "to be influenced by that absurdly impossible yarn which Julius was spinning to-day?" "I know the story is absurd," she replied dreamily, "and I am not so silly as to believe it. But I don't think I should ever be able to take any pleasure in that kitchen if it were built out of that lumber. Besides, I think the kitchen would look better and last longer if the lumber were all new." Of course she had her way. I bought the new lumber, though not without grumbling. A week or two later I was called away from home on business. On my return, after an absence of several days, my wife remarked to me,— "John, there has been a split in the Sandy Run Colored Baptist Church, on the temperance question. About half the members have come out from the main body, and set up for themselves. Uncle Julius is one of the seceders, and he came to me yesterday and asked if they might not hold their meetings in the old schoolhouse for the present." "I hope you didn't let the old rascal have it," I returned, with some warmth. I had just received a bill for the new lumber I had bought. "Well," she replied, "I couldn't refuse him the use of the house for so good a purpose." "And I'll venture to say," I continued, "that you subscribed something toward the support of the new church?" She did not attempt to deny it. "What are they going to do about the ghost?" I asked, somewhat curious to know how Julius would get around this obstacle. "Oh," replied Annie, "Uncle Julius says that ghosts never disturb religious worship, but that if Sandy's spirit should happen to stray into meeting by mistake, no doubt the preaching would do it good." MARS JEEMS'S NIGHTMARE We found old Julius very useful when we moved to our new residence. He had a thorough knowledge of the neighborhood, was familiar with the roads and the watercourses, knew the qualities of the various soils and what they would produce, and where the best hunting and fishing were to be had. He was a marvelous hand in the management of horses and dogs, with whose mental processes he manifested a greater familiarity than mere use would seem to account for, though it was doubtless due to the simplicity of a life that had kept him close to nature. Toward my tract of land and the things that were on it—the creeks, the swamps, the hills, the meadows, the stones, the trees—he maintained a peculiar personal attitude, that might be called predial rather than proprietary. He had been accustomed, until long after middle life, to look upon himself as the property of another. When this relation was no longer possible, owing to the war, and to his master's death and the dispersion of the family, he had been unable to break off entirely the mental habits of a lifetime, but had attached himself to the old plantation, of which he seemed to consider himself an appurtenance. We found him useful in many ways and entertaining in others, and my wife and I took quite a fancy to him. Shortly after we became established in our home on the sand-hills, Julius brought up to the house one day a colored boy of about seventeen, whom he introduced as his grandson, and for whom he solicited employment. I was not favorably impressed by the youth's appearance,—quite the contrary, in fact; but mainly to please the old man I hired Tom—his name was Tom—to help about the stables, weed the garden, cut wood and bring water, and in general to make himself useful about the outdoor work of the household. My first impression of Tom proved to be correct. He turned out to be very trifling, and I was much annoyed by his laziness, his carelessness, and his apparent lack of any sense of responsibility. I kept him longer than I should, on Julius's account, hoping that he might improve; but he seemed to grow worse instead of better, and when I finally reached the limit of my patience, I discharged him. "I am sorry, Julius," I said to the old man; "I should have liked to oblige you by keeping him; but I can't stand Tom any longer. He is absolutely untrustworthy." "Yas, suh," replied Julius, with a deep sigh and a long shake of the head, "I knows he ain' much account, en dey ain' much 'pen'ence ter be put on 'im. But I wuz hopin' dat you mought make some 'lowance fuh a' ign'ant young nigger, suh, en gib 'im one mo' chance." But I had hardened my heart. I had always been too easily imposed upon, and had suffered too much from this weakness. I determined to be firm as a rock in this instance. "No, Julius," I rejoined decidedly, "it is impossible. I gave him more than a fair trial, and he simply won't do." When my wife and I set out for our drive in the cool of the evening,—afternoon is "evening" in Southern parlance,—one of the servants put into the rock-away two large earthenware jugs. Our drive was to be down through the swamp to the mineral spring at the foot of the sand-hills beyond. The water of this spring was strongly impregnated with sulphur and iron, and, while not particularly agreeable of smell or taste, was used by us, in moderation, for sanitary reasons. When we reached the spring, we found a man engaged in cleaning it out. In answer to an inquiry he said that if we would wait five or ten minutes, his task would be finished and the spring in such condition that we could fill our jugs. We might have driven on, and come back by way of the spring, but there was a bad stretch of road beyond, and we concluded to remain where we were until the spring should be ready. We were in a cool and shady place. It was often necessary to wait awhile in North Carolina; and our Northern energy had not been entirely proof against the influences of climate and local custom. While we sat there, a man came suddenly around a turn of the road ahead of us. I recognized in him a neighbor with whom I had exchanged formal calls. He was driving a horse, apparently a high-spirited creature, possessing, so far as I could see at a glance, the marks of good temper and good breeding; the gentleman, I had heard it suggested, was slightly deficient in both. The horse was rearing and plunging, and the man was beating him furiously with a buggy-whip. When he saw us, he flushed a fiery red, and, as he passed, held the reins with one hand, at some risk to his safety, lifted his hat, and bowed somewhat constrainedly as the horse darted by us, still panting and snorting with fear. "He looks as though he were ashamed of himself," I observed. "I'm sure he ought to be," exclaimed my wife indignantly. "I think there is no worse sin and no more disgraceful thing than cruelty." "I quite agree with you," I assented. "A man w'at 'buses his hoss is gwine ter be ha'd on de folks w'at wuks fer 'im," remarked Julius. "Ef young Mistah McLean doan min', he'll hab a bad dream one er dese days, des lack 'is grandaddy had way back yander, long yeahs befo' de wah." "What was it about Mr. McLean's dream, Julius?" I asked. The man had not yet finished cleaning the spring, and we might as well put in time listening to Julius as in any other way. We had found some of his plantation tales quite interesting. "Mars Jeems McLean," said Julius, "wuz de grandaddy er dis yer gent'eman w'at is des gone by us beatin' his hoss. He had a big plantation en a heap er niggers. Mars Jeems wuz a ha'd man, en monst'us stric' wid his han's. Eber sence he growed up he nebber 'peared ter hab no feelin' fer nobody. W'en his daddy, ole Mars John McLean, died, de plantation en all de niggers fell ter young Mars Jeems. He had be'n bad 'nuff befo', but it wa'n't long atterwa'ds 'tel he got so dey wuz no use in libbin' at all ef you ha' ter lib roun' Mars Jeems. His niggers wuz bleedzd ter slabe fum daylight ter da'k, w'iles yuther folks's did n' hafter wuk 'cep'n' fum sun ter sun; en dey did n' git no mo' ter eat dan dey oughter, en dat de coa'ses' kin'. Dey wa'n't 'lowed ter sing, ner dance, ner play de banjo w'en Mars Jeems wuz roun' de place; fer Mars Jeems say he would n' hab no sech gwines-on,—said he bought his han's ter wuk, en not ter play, en w'en night come dey mus' sleep en res', so dey 'd be ready ter git up soon in de mawnin' en go ter dey wuk fresh en strong. "Mars Jeems did n' 'low no co'tin' er juneseyin' roun' his plantation,—said he wanted his niggers ter put dey min's on dey wuk, en not be wastin' dey time wid no sech foolis'ness. En he would n' let his han's git married,—said he wuz n' raisin' niggers, but wuz raisin' cotton. En w'eneber any er de boys en gals 'ud 'mence ter git sweet on one ernudder, he 'd sell one er de yuther un 'em, er sen' 'em way down in Robeson County ter his yuther plantation, whar dey could n' nebber see one ernudder. "Ef any er de niggers eber complained, dey got fo'ty; so co'se dey did n' many un 'em complain. But dey did n' lack it, des de same, en nobody could n' blame 'em, fer dey had a ha'd time. Mars Jeems did n' make no 'lowance fer nachul bawn laz'ness, ner sickness, ner trouble in de min', ner nuffin; he wuz des gwine ter git so much wuk outer eve'y han', er know de reason w'y. "Dey wuz one time de niggers 'lowed, fer a spell, dat Mars Jeems mought git bettah. He tuk a lackin' ter Mars Marrabo McSwayne's oldes' gal, Miss Libbie, en useter go ober dere eve'y day er eve'y ebenin', en folks said dey wuz gwine ter git married sho'. But it 'pears dat Miss Libbie heared 'bout de gwineson on Mars Jeems's plantation, en she des 'lowed she could n' trus' herse'f wid no sech a man; dat he mought git so useter 'busin' his niggers dat he 'd 'mence ter 'buse his wife atter he got useter habbin' her roun' de house. So she 'clared she wuz n' gwine ter hab nuffin mo' ter do wid young Mars Jeems. "De niggers wuz all monst'us sorry w'en de match wuz bust' up, fer now Mars Jeems got wusser 'n he wuz befo' he sta'ted sweethea'tin'. De time he useter spen' co'tin' Miss Libbie he put in findin' fault wid de niggers, en all his bad feelin's 'ca'se Miss Libbie th'owed 'im ober he 'peared ter try ter wuk off on de po' niggers. "W'iles Mars Jeems wuz co'tin' Miss Libbie, two er de han's on de plantation had got ter settin' a heap er sto' by one ernudder. One un 'em wuz name' Solomon, en de yuther wuz a 'oman w'at wukked in de fiel' 'long er 'im—I fe'git dat 'oman's name, but it doan 'mount ter much in de tale nohow. Now, whuther 'ca'se Mars Jeems wuz so tuk up wid his own junesey[2] dat he did n' paid no 'tention fer a w'ile ter w'at wuz gwine on 'twix' Solomon en his junesey, er whuther his own co'tin' made 'im kin' er easy on de co'tin' in de qua'ters, dey ain' no tellin'. But dey's one thing sho', dat w'en Miss Libbie th'owed 'im ober, he foun' out 'bout Solomon en de gal monst'us quick, en gun Solomon fo'ty, en sont de gal down ter de Robeson County plantation, en tol' all de niggers ef he ketch 'em at any mo' sech foolishness, he wuz gwine ter skin 'em alibe en tan dey hides befo' dey ve'y eyes. Co'se he would n' 'a' done it, but he mought 'a' made things wusser 'n dey wuz. So you kin 'magine dey wa'n't much lub-makin' in de qua'ters fer a long time. [2] Sweetheart. "Mars Jeems useter go down ter de yuther plantation sometimes fer a week er mo', en so he had ter hab a oberseah ter look atter his wuk w'iles he 'uz gone. Mars Jeems's oberseah wuz a po' w'ite man name' Nick Johnson,—de niggers called 'im Mars Johnson ter his face, but behin' his back dey useter call 'im Ole Nick, en de name suited 'im ter a T. He wuz wusser 'n Mars Jeems ever da'ed ter be. Co'se de darkies did n' lack de way Mars Jeems used 'em, but he wuz de marster, en had a right ter do ez he please'; but dis yer Ole Nick wa'n't nuffin but a po' buckrah, en all de niggers 'spised 'im ez much ez dey hated 'im, fer he did n' own nobody, en wa'n't no bettah 'n a nigger, fer in dem days any 'spectable pusson would ruther be a nigger dan a po' w'ite man. "Now, atter Solomon's gal had be'n sont away, he kep' feelin' mo' en mo' bad erbout it, 'tel fin'lly he 'lowed he wuz gwine ter see ef dey could n' be sump'n done fer ter git 'er back, en ter make Mars Jeems treat de darkies bettah. So he tuk a peck er co'n out'n de ba'n one night, en went ober ter see ole Aun' Peggy, de free-nigger cunjuh 'oman down by de Wim'l'ton Road. "Aun' Peggy listen' ter 'is tale, en ax' him some queshtuns, en den tol' 'im she 'd wuk her roots, en see w'at dey 'd say 'bout it, en ter-morrer night he sh'd come back ag'in en fetch ernudder peck er co'n, en den she 'd hab sump'n fer ter tell 'im. "So Solomon went back de nex' night, en sho' 'nuff, Aun' Peggy tol' 'im w'at ter do. She gun 'im some stuff w'at look' lack it be'n made by poundin' up some roots en yarbs wid a pestle in a mo'tar. "'Dis yer stuff,' sez she, 'is monst'us pow'ful kin' er goopher. You take dis home, en gin it ter de cook, ef you kin trus' her, en tell her fer ter put it in yo' marster's soup de fus' cloudy day he hab okra soup fer dinnah. Min' you follers de d'rections.' "'It ain' gwineter p'isen 'im, is it?' ax' Solomon, gittin' kin' er skeered; fer Solomon wuz a good man, en did n' want ter do nobody no rale ha'm. "'Oh, no,' sez ole Aun' Peggy, 'it's gwine ter do 'im good, but he'll hab a monst'us bad dream fus'. A mont' fum now you come down heah en lemme know how de goopher is wukkin'. Fer I ain' done much er dis kin' er cunj'in' er late yeahs, en I has ter kinder keep track un it ter see dat it doan 'complish no mo' d'n I 'lows fer it ter do. En I has ter be kinder keerful 'bout cunj'in' w'ite folks; so be sho' en lemme know, w'ateber you do, des w'at is gwine on roun' de plantation.' "So Solomon say all right, en tuk de goopher mixtry up ter de big house en gun it ter de cook, en tol' her fer ter put it in Mars Jeems's soup de fus' cloudy day she hab okra soup fer dinnah. It happen' dat de ve'y nex' day wuz a cloudy day, en so de cook made okra soup fer Mars Jeems's dinnah, en put de powder Solomon gun her inter de soup, en made de soup rale good, so Mars Jeems eat a whole lot of it en 'peared ter enjoy it. "De nex' mawnin' Mars Jeems tol' de oberseah he wuz gwine 'way on some bizness, en den he wuz gwine ter his yuther plantation, down in Robeson County, en he did n' 'spec' he 'd be back fer a mont' er so. "But,' sezee, 'I wants you ter run dis yer plantation fer all it's wuth. Dese yer niggers is gittin' monst'us triflin' en lazy en keerless, en dey ain' no 'pen'ence ter be put in 'em. I wants dat stop', en w'iles I 'm gone erway I wants de 'spenses cut 'way down en a heap mo' wuk done. Fac', I wants dis yer plantation ter make a reco'd dat'll show w'at kinder oberseah you is.' "Ole Nick did n' said nuffin but 'Yas, suh,' but de way he kinder grin' ter hisse'f en show' his big yaller teef, en snap' de rawhide he useter kyar roun' wid 'im, made col' chills run up and down de backbone er dem niggers w'at heared Mars Jeems a-talkin'. En dat night dey wuz mo'nin' en groanin' down in de qua'ters, fer de niggers all knowed w'at wuz comin'. "So, sho' 'nuff, Mars Jeems went erway nex' mawnin', en de trouble begun. Mars Johnson sta'ted off de ve'y fus' day fer ter see w'at he could hab ter show Mars Jeems w'en he come back. He made de tasks bigger en de rashuns littler, en w'en de niggers had wukked all day, he 'd fin' sump'n fer 'em ter do roun' de ba'n er som'ers atter da'k, fer ter keep 'em busy a' hour er so befo' dey went ter sleep. "About th'ee er fo' days atter Mars Jeems went erway, young Mars Dunkin McSwayne rode up ter de big house one day wid a nigger settin' behin' 'im in de buggy, tied ter de seat, en ax' ef Mars Jeems wuz home. Mars Johnson wuz at de house, and he say no. "'Well,' sez Mars Dunkin, sezee, 'I fotch dis nigger ober ter Mistah McLean fer ter pay a bet I made wid 'im las' week w'en we wuz playin' kya'ds te'gedder. I bet 'im a nigger man, en heah 's one I reckon'll fill de bill. He wuz tuk up de yuther day fer a stray nigger, en he could n' gib no 'count er hisse'f, en so he wuz sol' at oction, en I bought 'im. He's kinder brash, but I knows yo' powers, Mistah Johnson, en I reckon ef anybody kin make 'im toe de ma'k, you is de man.' "Mars Johnson grin' one er dem grins w'at show' all his snaggle teef, en make de niggers 'low he look lack de ole debbil, en sezee ter Mars Dunkin:— "'I reckon you kin trus' me, Mistah Dunkin, fer ter tame any nigger wuz eber bawn. De nigger doan lib w'at I can't take down in 'bout fo' days.' "Well, Ole Nick had 'is han's full long er dat noo nigger; en w'iles de res' er de darkies wuz sorry fer de po' man, dey 'lowed he kep' Mars Johnson so busy dat dey got along better 'n dey 'd 'a' done ef de noo nigger had nebber come. "De fus' thing dat happen', Mars Johnson sez ter dis yer noo man:— "'W'at 's yo' name, Sambo?' "'My name ain' Sambo,' 'spon' de noo nigger. "'Did I ax you w'at yo' name wa'n't?' sez Mars Johnson. 'You wants ter be pa'tic'lar how you talks ter me. Now, w'at is yo' name, en whar did you come fum?' "'I dunno my name,' sez de nigger, 'en I doan 'member whar I come fum. My head is all kin' er mix' up.' "'Yas,' sez Mars Johnson, 'I reckon I'll ha' ter gib you sump'n fer ter cl'ar yo' head. At de same time, it'll l'arn you some manners, en atter dis mebbe you'll say "suh" w'en you speaks ter me.' "Well, Mars Johnson haul' off wid his rawhide en hit de noo nigger once. De noo man look' at Mars Johnson fer a minute ez ef he did n' know w'at ter make er dis yer kin' er l'arnin'. But w'en de oberseah raise' his w'ip ter hit him ag'in, de noo nigger des haul' off en made fer Mars Johnson, en ef some er de yuther niggers had n' stop' 'im, it 'peared ez ef he mought 'a' made it wa'm fer Ole Nick dere fer a w'ile. But de oberseah made de yuther niggers he'p tie de noo nigger up, en den gun 'im fo'ty, wid a dozen er so th'owed in fer good measure, fer Ole Nick wuz nebber stingy wid dem kin' er rashuns. De nigger went on at a tarrable rate, des lack a wil' man, but co'se he wuz bleedzd ter take his med'cine, fer he wuz tied up en could n' he'p his-se'f. "Mars Johnson lock' de noo nigger up in de ba'n, en did n' gib 'im nuffin ter eat fer a day er so, 'tel he got 'im kin'er quiet' down, en den he tu'nt 'im loose en put 'im ter wuk. De nigger 'lowed he wa'n't useter wukkin', en would n' wuk, en Mars Johnson gun 'im anudder fo'ty fer laziness en impidence, en let 'im fas' a day er so mo', en den put 'im ter wuk ag'in. De nigger went ter wuk, but did n' 'pear ter know how ter han'le a hoe. It tuk des 'bout half de oberseah's time lookin' atter 'im, en dat po' nigger got mo' lashin's en cussin's en cuffin's dan any fo' yuthers on de plantation. He did n' mix' wid ner talk much ter de res' er de niggers, en could n' 'pear ter git it th'oo his min' dat he wuz a slabe en had ter wuk en min' de w'ite folks, spite er de fac' dat Ole Nick gun 'im a lesson eve'y day. En fin'lly Mars Johnson 'lowed dat he could n' do nuffin wid 'im; dat ef he wuz his nigger, he 'd break his sperrit er break 'is neck, one er de yuther. But co'se he wuz only sont ober on trial, en ez he did n' gib sat'sfaction, en he had n' heared fum Mars Jeems 'bout w'en he wuz comin' back; en ez he wuz feared he 'd git mad some time er 'nuther en kill de nigger befo' he knowed it, he 'lowed he 'd better sen' 'im back whar he come fum. So he tied 'im up en sont 'im back ter Mars Dunkin. "Now, Mars Dunkin McSwayne wuz one er dese yer easy-gwine gent'emen w'at did n' lack ter hab no trouble wid niggers er nobody e'se, en he knowed ef Mars Ole Nick could n' git 'long wid dis nigger, nobody could. So he tuk de nigger ter town dat same day, en sol' 'im ter a trader w'at wuz gittin' up a gang er lackly niggers fer ter ship off on de steamboat ter go down de ribber ter Wim'l'ton en fum dere ter Noo Orleens. "De nex' day atter de noo man had be'n sont away, Solomon wuz wukkin' in de cotton-fiel', en w'en he got ter de fence nex' ter de woods, at de een' er de row, who sh'd he see on de yuther side but ole Aun' Peggy. She beckon' ter 'im,—de oberseah wuz down on de yuther side er de fiel',—en sez she:— "'W'y ain' you done come en 'po'ted ter me lack I tol' you?' "'W'y, law! Aun' Peggy,' sez Solomon, 'dey ain' nuffin ter 'po't. Mars Jeems went away de day atter we gun 'im de goopher mixtry, en we ain' seed hide ner hair un 'im sence, en co'se we doan know nuffin 'bout w'at 'fec' it had on 'im.' "'I doan keer nuffin 'bout yo' Mars Jeems now; w'at I wants ter know is w'at is be'n gwine on 'mongs' de niggers. Has you be'n gittin' 'long any better on de plantation?' "'No, Aun' Peggy, we be'n gittin' 'long wusser. Mars Johnson is stric'er 'n he eber wuz befo', en de po' niggers doan ha'dly git time ter draw dey bref, en dey 'lows dey mought des ez well be dead ez alibe.' "' Uh huh!' sez Aun' Peggy, sez she, 'I tol' you dat 'uz monst'us pow'ful goopher, en its wuk doan 'pear all at once.' "'Long ez we had dat noo nigger heah,' Solomon went on, 'he kep' Mars Johnson busy pa't er de time; but now he 's gone erway, I s'pose de res' un us'll ketch it wusser 'n eber.' "'W'at's gone wid de noo nigger?' sez Aun' Peggy, rale quick, battin' her eyes en straight'nin' up. "'Ole Nick done sont 'im back ter Mars Dunkin, who had fotch 'im heah fer ter pay a gamblin' debt ter Mars Jeems,' sez Solomon, 'en I heahs Mars Dunkin has sol' 'im ter a nigger-trader up in Patesville, w'at 's gwine ter ship 'im off wid a gang ter-morrer.' "Ole Aun' Peggy 'peared ter git rale stirred up w'en Solomon tol' 'er dat, en sez she, shakin' her stick at 'im:— "'W'y did n' you come en tell me 'bout dis noo nigger bein' sol' erway? Did n' you promus me, ef I 'd gib you dat goopher, you 'd come en 'po't ter me 'bout all w'at wuz gwine on on dis plantation Co'se I could 'a' foun' out fer myse'f, but I 'pended on yo' tellin' me, en now by not doin' it I's feared you gwine spile my cunj'in'. You come down ter my house ter-night en do w'at I tells you, er I'll put a spell on you dat 'll make yo' ha'r fall out so you'll be bal', en yo' eyes drap out so you can't see, en yo teef fall out so you can't eat, en yo' years grow up so you can't heah. Wen you is foolin' wid a cunjuh 'oman lack me, you got ter min' yo' P's en Q's er dey'll be trouble sho' 'nuff.' "So co'se Solomon went down ter Aun' Peggy's dat night, en she gun 'im a roasted sweet'n' 'tater. "'You take dis yer sweet'n' 'tater,' sez she,—'I done goophered it 'speshly fer dat noo nigger, so you better not eat it yo'se'f er you'll wush you had n',—en slip off ter town, en fin' dat strange man, en gib 'im dis yer sweet'n' 'tater. He mus' eat it befo' mawnin', sho', ef he doan wanter be sol' erway ter Noo Orleens.' "'But s'posen de patteroles ketch me, Aun' Peggy, w'at I gwine ter do?' sez Solomon. "'De patteroles ain' gwine tech you, but ef you doan fin' dat nigger, I 'm gwine git you, en you'll fin' me wusser 'n de patteroles. Des hol' on a minute, en I'll sprinkle you wid some er dis mixtry out'n dis yer bottle, so de patteroles can't see you, en you kin rub yo' feet wid some er dis yer grease out'n dis go'd, so you kin run fas', en rub some un it on yo' eyes so you kin see in de da'k; en den you mus' fin' dat noo nigger en gib 'im dis yer 'tater, er you gwine ter hab mo' trouble on yo' ban's 'n you eber had befo' in yo' life er eber will hab sence.' "So Solomon tuk de sweet'n' 'tater en sta'ted up de road fas' ez he could go, en befo' long he retch' town. He went right 'long by de patteroles, en dey did n' 'pear ter notice 'im, en bimeby he foun' whar de strange nigger was kep', en he walked right pas' de gyard at de do' en foun' 'im. De nigger could n' see 'im, ob co'se, en he could n' 'a' seed de nigger in de da'k, ef it had n' be'n fer de stuff Aun' Peggy gun 'im ter rub on 'is eyes. De nigger wuz layin' in a co'nder, 'sleep, en Solomon des slip' up ter 'im, en hilt dat sweet'n' 'tater 'fo' de nigger's nose, en he des nach'ly retch' up wid his han', en tuk de 'tater en eat it in his sleep, widout knowin' it. Wen Solomon seed he 'd done eat de 'tater, he went back en tol' Aun' Peggy, en den went home ter his cabin ter sleep, 'way 'long 'bout two o'clock in de mawnin'. "De nex' day wuz Sunday, en so de niggers had a little time ter deyse'ves. Solomon wuz kinder 'sturb' in his min' thinkin' 'bout his junesey w'at 'uz gone away, en wond'rin' w'at Aun' Peggy had ter do wid dat noo nigger; en he had sa'ntered up in de woods so 's ter be by hisse'f a little, en at de same time ter look atter a rabbit-trap he'd sot down in de aidge er de swamp, w'en who sh'd he see stan'in' unner a tree but a w'ite man. "Solomon did n' knowed de w'ite man at fus', 'tel de w'ite man spoke up ter 'im. "'Is dat you, Solomon?' sezee. "Den Solomon reco'nized de voice. "'Fer de Lawd's sake, Mars Jeems! is dat you?' "'Yas, Solomon,' sez his marster, 'dis is me, er w'at's lef er me.' "It wa'n't no wonder Solomon had n' knowed Mars Jeems at fus', fer he wuz dress' lack a po' w'ite man, en wuz barefooted, en look' monst'us pale en peaked, ez ef he'd des come th'oo a ha'd spell er sickness. "'You er lookin' kinder po'ly, Mars Jeems,' sez Solomon. 'Is you be'n sick, suh?' "'No, Solomon,' sez Mars Jeems, shakin' his head, en speakin' sorter slow en sad, 'I ain' be'n sick, but I's had a monst'us bad dream,—fac', a reg'lar, nach'ul nightmare. But tell me how things has be'n gwine on up ter de plantation sence I be'n gone, Solomon.' "So Solomon up en tol' 'im 'bout de craps, en 'bout de hosses en de mules, en 'bout de cows en de hawgs. En w'en he 'mence' ter tell 'bout de noo nigger, Mars Jeems prick' up 'is yeahs en listen', en eve'y now en den he 'd say, 'Uh huh! uh huh!' en nod 'is head. En bimeby, w'en he'd ax' Solomon some mo' queshtuns, he sez, sezee:— "'Now, Solomon, I doan want you ter say a wo'd ter nobody 'bout meetin' me heah, but I wants you ter slip up ter de house, en fetch me some clo's en some shoes,—I fergot ter tell you dat a man rob' me back yander on de road en swap' clo's wid me widout axin' me whuther er no,—but you neenter say nuffin 'bout dat, nuther. You go en fetch me some clo's heah, so nobody won't see you, en keep yo' mouf shet, en I 'll gib you a dollah.' "Solomon wuz so 'stonish' he lack ter fell ober in his tracks, w'en Mars Jeems promus' ter gib 'im a dollah. Dey su't'nly wuz a change come ober Mars Jeems, w'en he offer' one er his niggers dat much money. Solomon 'mence' ter 'spec' dat Aun' Peggy's cunj'ation had be'n wukkin' monst'us strong. "Solomon fotch Mars Jeems some clo's en shoes, en dat same eb'nin' Mars Jeems 'peared at de house, en let on lack he des dat minute got home fum Robeson County. Mars Johnson was all ready ter talk ter 'im, but Mars Jeems sont 'im wo'd he wa'n't feelin' ve'y well dat night, en he'd see 'im ter-morrer. "So nex' mawnin' atter breakfus' Mars Jeems sont fer de oberseah, en ax' 'im fer ter gib 'count er his styoa'dship. Ole Nick tol' Mars Jeems how much wuk be'n done, en got de books en showed 'im how much money be'n save'. Den Mars Jeems ax' 'im how de darkies be'n behabin', en Mars Johnson say dey be'n behabin' good, most un 'em, en dem w'at did n' behabe good at fus' change dey conduc' atter he got holt un 'em a time er two. "'All,' sezee, ''cep'n' de noo nigger Mistah Dunkin fotch ober heah en lef on trial, w'iles you wuz gone.' "'Oh, yas,' 'lows Mars Jeems, 'tell me all 'bout dat noo nigger. I heared a little 'bout dat quare noo nigger las' night, en it wuz des too rediklus. Tell me all 'bout dat noo nigger.' "So seein' Mars Jeems so good-na-chu'd 'bout it, Mars Johnson up en tol' 'im how he tied up de noo ban' de fus' day en gun 'im fo'ty 'ca'se he would n' tell 'im 'is name. "'Ha, ha, ha!' sez Mars Jeems, laffin' fit ter kill, 'but dat is too funny fer any use. Tell me some mo' 'bout dat noo nigger.' "So Mars Johnson went on en tol' 'im how he had ter starbe de noo nigger 'fo' he could make 'im take holt er a hoe. "'Dat wuz de beatinis' notion fer a nigger,' sez Mars Jeems, 'puttin' on airs, des lack he wuz a w'ite man! En I reckon you did n' do nuffin ter 'im?' "'Oh, no, suh,' sez de oberseah, grinnin' lack a chessy-cat, 'I did n' do nuffin but take de hide off'n 'im.' "Mars Jeems lafft en lafft, 'tel it 'peared lack he wuz des gwine ter bu'st. 'Tell me some mo' 'bout dat noo nigger, oh, tell me some mo'. Dat noo nigger int'rusts me, he do, en dat is a fac'.' "Mars Johnson did n' quite un'erstan' w'y Mars Jeems sh'd make sich a great 'miration 'bout de noo nigger, but co'se he want' ter please de gent'eman w'at hi'ed 'im, en so he 'splain' all 'bout how many times he had ter cowhide de noo nigger, en how he made 'im do tasks twicet ez big ez some er de yuther han's, en how he 'd chain 'im up in de ba'n at night en feed 'im on co'n-bread en water. "'Oh! but you is a monst'us good oberseah; you is de bes' oberseah in dis county, Mistah Johnson,' sez Mars Jeems, w'en de oberseah got th'oo wid his tale; 'en dey ain' nebber be'n no nigger-breaker lack you roun' heah befo'. En you desarbes great credit fer sendin' dat nigger 'way befo' you sp'ilt 'im fer de market. Fac', you is sech a monst'us good oberseah, en you is got dis yer plantation in sech fine shape, dat I reckon I doan need you no mo'. You is got dese yer darkies so well train' dat I 'spec' I kin run 'em myse'f fum dis time on. But I does wush you had 'a' hilt on ter dat noo nigger 'tel I got home, fer I 'd 'a' lack ter 'a' seed 'im, I su't'nly should.' "De oberseah wuz so 'stonish' he did n' ha'dly know w'at ter say, but fin'lly he ax' Mars Jeems ef he would n' gib'im a riccommen' fer ter git ernudder place. "'No, suh,' sez Mars Jeems, 'somehow er 'nuther I doan lack yo' looks sence I come back dis time, en I'd much ruther you would n' stay roun' heah. Fac', I's feared ef I 'd meet you alone in de woods some time, I mought wanter ha'm you. But layin' dat aside, I be'n lookin' ober dese yer books er yo'n w'at you kep' w'iles I wuz 'way, en fer a yeah er so back, en dere's some figgers w'at ain' des cl'ar ter me. I ain' got no time fer ter talk 'bout 'em now, but I 'spec' befo' I settles wid you fer dis las' mont', you better come up heah ter-morrer, atter I's look' de books en 'counts ober some mo', en den we'll straighten ou' business all up.' "Mars Jeems 'lowed atterwa'ds dat he wuz des shootin' in de da'k w'en he said dat 'bout de books, but howsomeber, Mars Nick Johnson lef dat naberhood 'twix' de nex' two suns, en nobody roun' dere nebber seed hide ner hair un 'im sence. En all de darkies t'ank de Lawd, en 'lowed it wuz a good riddance er bad rubbage. "But all dem things I done tol' you ain' nuffin 'side'n de change w'at come ober Mars Jeems fum dat time on. Aun' Peggy's goopher had made a noo man un 'im enti'ely. De nex' day atter he come back, he tol' de han's dey neenter wuk on'y fum sun ter sun, en he cut dey tasks down so dey did n' nobody hab ter stan' ober 'em wid a rawhide er a hick'ry. En he 'lowed ef de niggers want ter hab a dance in de big ba'n any Sad'day night, dey mought hab it. En bimeby, w'en Solomon seed how good Mars Jeems wuz, he ax' 'im ef he would n' please sen' down ter de yuther plantation fer his junesey. Mars Jeems say su't'nly, en gun Solomon a pass en a note ter de oberseah on de yuther plantation, en sont Solomon down ter Robeson County wid a hoss en buggy fer ter fetch his junesey back. Wen de niggers see how fine Mars Jeems gwine treat 'em, dey all tuk ter sweethea'tin' en juneseyin' en singin' en dancin', en eight er ten couples got married, en bimeby eve'ybody 'mence' ter say Mars Jeems McLean got a finer plantation, en slicker-lookin' niggers, en dat he 'uz makin' mo' cotton en co'n, dan any yuther gent'eman in de county. En Mars Jeems's own junesey, Miss Libbie, heared 'bout de noo gwines-on on Mars Jeems's plantation, en she change' her min' 'bout Mars Jeems en tuk 'im back ag'in, en 'fo' long dey had a fine weddin', en all de darkies had a big feas', en dey wuz fiddlin' en dancin' en funnin' en frolic'in' fum sundown 'tel mawnin'." "And they all lived happy ever after," I said, as the old man reached a full stop. "Yas, suh," he said, interpreting my remarks as a question, "dey did. Solomon useter say," he added, "dat Aun' Peggy's goopher had turnt Mars Jeems ter a nigger, en dat dat noo ban' wuz Mars Jeems hisse'f. But co'se Solomon did n' das' ter let on 'bout w'at he 'spicioned, en ole Aun' Peggy would 'a' 'nied it ef she had be'n ax', fer she 'd 'a' got in trouble sho', ef it 'uz knowed she 'd be'n cunj'in' de w'ite folks. "Dis yer tale goes ter show," concluded Julius sententiously, as the man came up and announced that the spring was ready for us to get water, "dat w'ite folks w'at is so ha'd en stric', en doan make no 'lowance fer po' ign'ant niggers w'at ain' had no chanst ter l'arn, is li'ble ter hab bad dreams, ter say de leas', en dat dem w'at is kin' en good ter po' people is sho' ter prosper en git 'long in de worl'." "That is a very strange story, Uncle Julius," observed my wife, smiling, "and Solomon's explanation is quite improbable." "Yes, Julius," said I, "that was powerful goopher. I am glad, too, that you told us the moral of the story; it might have escaped us otherwise. By the way, did you make that up all by yourself?" The old man's face assumed an injured look, expressive more of sorrow than of anger, and shaking his head he replied:— "No, suh, I heared dat tale befo' you er Mis' Annie dere wuz bawn, suh. My mammy tol' me dat tale w'en I wa'n't mo' d'n knee-high ter a hopper-grass." I drove to town next morning, on some business, and did not return until noon; and after dinner I had to visit a neighbor, and did not get back until supper-time. I was smoking a cigar on the back piazza in the early evening, when I saw a familiar figure carrying a bucket of water to the barn. I called my wife. "My dear," I said severely, "what is that rascal doing here? I thought I discharged him yesterday for good and all." "Oh, yes," she answered, "I forgot to tell you. He was hanging round the place all the morning, and looking so down in the mouth, that I told him that if he would try to do better, we would give him one more chance. He seems so grateful, and so really in earnest in his promises of amendment, that I'm sure you'll not regret taking him back." I was seriously enough annoyed to let my cigar go out. I did not share my wife's rose-colored hopes in regard to Tom; but as I did not wish the servants to think there was any conflict of authority in the household, I let the boy stay. THE CONJURER'S REVENGE Sunday was sometimes a rather dull day at our place. In the morning, when the weather was pleasant, my wife and I would drive to town, a distance of about five miles, to attend the church of our choice. The afternoons we spent at home, for the most part, occupying ourselves with the newspapers and magazines, and the contents of a fairly good library. We had a piano in the house, on which my wife played with skill and feeling. I possessed a passable baritone voice, and could accompany myself indifferently well when my wife was not by to assist me. When these resources failed us, we were apt to find it a little dull. One Sunday afternoon in early spring,—the balmy spring of North Carolina, when the air is in that ideal balance between heat and cold where one wishes it could always remain,—my wife and I were seated on the front piazza, she wearily but conscientiously ploughing through a missionary report, while I followed the impossible career of the blonde heroine of a rudimentary novel. I had thrown the book aside in disgust, when I saw Julius coming through the yard, under the spreading elms, which were already in full leaf. He wore his Sunday clothes, and advanced with a dignity of movement quite different from his week-day slouch. "Have a seat, Julius," I said, pointing to an empty rocking-chair. "No, thanky, boss, I'll des set here on de top step." "Oh, no, Uncle Julius," exclaimed Annie, "take this chair. You will find it much more comfortable." The old man grinned in appreciation of her solicitude, and seated himself somewhat awkwardly. "Julius," I remarked, "I am thinking of setting out scuppernong vines on that sand-hill where the three persimmon-trees are; and while I'm working there, I think I'll plant watermelons between the vines, and get a little something to pay for my first year's work. The new railroad will be finished by the middle of summer, and I can ship the melons North, and get a good price for them." "Ef you er gwine ter hab any mo' ploughin' ter do," replied Julius, "I 'spec' you'll ha' ter buy ernudder creetur, 'ca'se hit's much ez dem hosses kin do ter 'ten' ter de wuk dey got now." "Yes, I had thought of that. I think I'll get a mule; a mule can do more work, and doesn't require as much attention as a horse." "I would n' 'vise you ter buy no mule," remarked Julius, with a shake of his head. "Why not?" "Well, you may 'low hit's all foolis'ness, but ef I wuz in yo' place, I would n' buy no mule." "But that isn't a reason; what objection have you to a mule?" "Fac' is," continued the old man, in a serious tone, "I doan lack ter dribe a mule. I 's alluz afeared I mought be imposin' on some human creetur; eve'y time I cuts a mule wid a hick'ry, 'pears ter me mos' lackly I's cuttin' some er my own relations, er somebody e'se w'at can't he'p deyse'ves." "What put such an absurd idea into your head?" I asked. My question was followed by a short silence, during which Julius seemed engaged in a mental struggle. "I dunno ez hit's wuf w'ile ter tell you dis," he said, at length. "I doan ha'dly 'spec' fer you ter b'lieve it. Does you 'member dat club-footed man w'at hilt de hoss fer you de yuther day w'en you was gittin' out'n de rockaway down ter Mars Archie McMillan's sto'?" "Yes, I believe I do remember seeing a club-footed man there." "Did you eber see a club-footed nigger befo' er sence?" "No, I can't remember that I ever saw a club-footed colored man," I replied, after a moment's reflection. "You en Mis' Annie would n' wanter b'lieve me, ef I wuz ter 'low dat dat man was oncet a mule?" "No," I replied, "I don't think it very likely that you could make us believe it." "Why, Uncle Julius!" said Annie severely, "what ridiculous nonsense!" This reception of the old man's statement reduced him to silence, and it required some diplomacy on my part to induce him to vouchsafe an explanation. The prospect of a long, dull afternoon was not alluring, and I was glad to have the monotony of Sabbath quiet relieved by a plantation legend. "W'en I wuz a young man," began Julius, when I had finally prevailed upon him to tell us the story, "dat club-footed nigger—his name is Primus—use' ter b'long ter ole Mars Jim McGee ober on de Lumbe'ton plank-road. I use' ter go ober dere ter see a 'oman w'at libbed on de plantation; dat 's how I come ter know all erbout it. Dis yer Primus wuz de livelies' han' on de place, alluz a-dancin', en drinkin', en runnin' roun', en singin', en pickin' de banjo; 'cep'n' once in a w'ile, w'en he 'd 'low he wa'n't treated right 'bout sump'n ernudder, he'd git so sulky en stubborn dat de w'ite folks could n' ha'dly do nuffin wid 'im. "It wuz 'gin' de rules fer any er de han's ter go 'way fum de plantation at night; but Primus did n' min' de rules, en went w'en he felt lack it; en de w'ite folks purten' lack dey did n' know it, fer Primus was dange'ous w'en he got in dem stubborn spells, en dey 'd ruther not fool wid 'im. "One night in de spring er de year, Primus slip' off fum de plantation, en went down on de Wim'l'ton Road ter a dance gun by some er de free niggers down dere. Dey wuz a fiddle, en a banjo, en a jug gwine roun' on de outside, en Primus sung en dance' 'tel 'long 'bout two o'clock in de mawnin', w'en he start' fer home. Ez he come erlong back, he tuk a nigh-cut 'cross de cottonfiel's en 'long by de aidge er de Min'al Spring Swamp, so ez ter git shet er de patteroles w'at rid up en down de big road fer ter keep de darkies fum runnin' roun' nights. Primus was sa'nt'rin' 'long, studyin' 'bout de good time he 'd had wid de gals, w'en, ez he wuz gwine by a fence co'nder, w'at sh'd he heah but sump'n grunt. He stopped a minute ter listen, en he heared sump'n grunt ag'in. Den he went ober ter de fence whar he heard de fuss, en dere, layin' in de fence co'nder, on a pile er pine straw, he seed a fine, fat shote. "Primus look' ha'd at de shote, en den sta'ted home. But somehow er 'nudder he could n' git away fum dat shote; w'en he tuk one step for'ards wid one foot, de yuther foot 'peared ter take two steps back'ards, en so he kep' nachly gittin' closeter en closeter ter de shote. It was de beatin'es' thing! De shote des 'peared ter cha'm Primus, en fus' thing you know Primus foun' hisse'f 'way up de road wid de shote on his back. "Ef Primus had 'a' knowed whose shote dat wuz, he 'd 'a' manage' ter git pas' it somehow er 'nudder. Ez it happen', de shote b'long ter a cunjuh man w'at libbed down in de free-nigger sett'ement. Co'se de cunjuh man did n' hab ter wuk his roots but a little w'ile 'fo' he foun' out who tuk his shote, en den de trouble begun. One mawnin', a day er so later, en befo' he got de shote eat up, Primus did n' go ter wuk w'en de hawn blow, en w'en de oberseah wen' ter look fer him, dey wa' no trace er Primus ter be 'skivered nowhar. W'en he did n' come back in a day er so mo', eve'ybody on de plantation 'lowed he had runned erway. His marster a'vertise' him in de papers, en offered a big reward fer 'im. De nigger-ketchers fotch out dey dogs, en track' 'im down ter de aidge er de swamp, en den de scent gun out; en dat was de las' anybody seed er Primus fer a long, long time. "Two er th'ee weeks atter Primus disappear', his marster went ter town one Sad'day. Mars Jim was stan'in' in front er Sandy Campbell's bar-room, up by de ole wagon-ya'd, w'en a po' w'ite man fum down on de Wim'l'ton Road come up ter 'im en ax' 'im, kinder keerless lack, ef he did n' wanter buy a mule. "'I dunno,' says Mars Jim; 'it 'pen's on de mule, en on de price. Whar is de mule?' "'Des 'roun' heah back er ole Tom McAllister's sto',' says de po' w'ite man. "'I reckon I'll hab a look at de mule,' says Mars Jim, 'en ef he suit me, I dunno but w'at I mought buy 'im.' "So de po' w'ite man tuk Mars Jim 'roun' back er de sto', en dere stood a monst'us fine mule. W'en de mule see Mars Jim, he gun a whinny, des lack he knowed him befo'. Mars Jim look' at de mule, en de mule 'peared ter be soun' en strong. Mars Jim 'lowed dey 'peared ter be sump'n fermilyus 'bout de mule's face, 'spesh'ly his eyes; but he had n' los' naer mule, en did n' hab no recommemb'ance er habin' seed de mule befo'. He ax' de po' buckrah whar he got de mule, en de po' buckrah say his brer raise' de mule down on Rockfish Creek. Mars Jim was a little s'picious er seein' a po' w'ite man wid sech a fine creetur, but he fin'lly 'greed ter gib de man fifty dollars fer de mule,—'bout ha'f w'at a good mule was wuf dem days. "He tied de mule behin' de buggy w'en he went home, en put 'im ter ploughin' cotton de nex' day. De mule done mighty well fer th'ee er fo' days, en den de niggers 'mence' ter notice some quare things erbout him. Dey wuz a medder on de plantation whar dey use' ter put de hosses en mules ter pastur'. Hit was fence' off fum de cornfiel' on one side, but on de yuther side'n de pastur' was a terbacker-patch w'at wa'n't fence' off, 'ca'se de beastisses doan none un 'em eat terbacker. Dey doan know w'at 's good! Terbacker is lack religion, de good Lawd made it fer people, en dey ain' no yuther creetur w'at kin 'preciate it. De darkies notice' dat de fus' thing de new mule done, w'en he was turnt inter de pastur', wuz ter make fer de terbacker-patch. Co'se dey didn' think nuffin un it, but nex' mawnin', w'en dey went ter ketch 'im, dey 'skivered dat he had eat up two whole rows er terbacker plants. Atter dat dey had ter put a halter on 'im, en tie 'im ter a stake, er e'se dey would n' 'a' been naer leaf er terbacker lef' in de patch. "Ernudder day one er de han's, name' 'Dolphus, hitch' de mule up, en dribe up here ter dis yer vimya'd,—dat wuz w'en ole Mars Dugal' own' dis place. Mars Dugal' had kilt a yearlin', en de naber w'ite folks all sont ober fer ter git some fraish beef, en Mars Jim had sont 'Dolphus fer some too. Dey wuz a winepress in de ya'd whar 'Dolphus lef' de mule a-stan'in', en right in front er de press dey wuz a tub er grape-juice, des pressed out, en a little ter one side a bairl erbout half full er wine w'at had be'n stan'in' two er th'ee days, en had begun ter git sorter sha'p ter de tas'e. Dey wuz a couple er bo'ds on top er dis yer bairl, wid a rock laid on 'em ter hol' 'em down. Ez I wuz a-sayin', 'Dolphus lef' de mule stan'in' in de ya'd, en went inter de smoke-house fer ter git de beef. Bimeby, w'en he come out, he seed de mule a-stagg'rin' 'bout de ya'd; en 'fo' 'Dolphus could git dere ter fin' out w'at wuz de matter, de mule fell right ober on his side, en laid dere des' lack he was dead. "All de niggers 'bout de house run out dere fer ter see w'at wuz de matter. Some say de mule had de colic; some say one thing en some ernudder; 'tel bimeby one er de han's seed de top wuz off'n de bairl, en run en looked in. "'Fo' de Lawd!' he say, 'dat mule drunk! he be'n drinkin' de wine.' En sho' 'nuff, de mule had pas' right by de tub er fraish grape-juice en push' de kiver off'n de bairl, en drunk two er th'ee gallon er de wine w'at had been stan'in' long ernough fer ter begin ter git sha'p. "De darkies all made a great 'miration 'bout de mule gittin' drunk. Dey never had n' seed nuffin lack it in dey bawn days. Dey po'd water ober de mule, en tried ter sober 'im up; but it wa'n't no use, en 'Dolphus had ter take de beef home on his back, en leabe de mule dere, 'tel he slep' off 'is spree. "I doan 'member whe'r I tol' you er no, but w'en Primus disappear' fum de plantation, he lef' a wife behin' 'im,—a monst'us good-lookin' yaller gal, name' Sally. W'en Primus had be'n gone a mont' er so, Sally 'mence' fer ter git lonesome, en tuk up wid ernudder young man name' Dan, w'at b'long' on de same plantation. One day dis yer Dan tuk de noo mule out in de cotton-fiel' fer ter plough, en w'en dey wuz gwine 'long de tu'n-row, who sh'd he meet but dis yer Sally. Dan look' 'roun' en he did n' see de oberseah nowhar, so he stop' a minute fer ter run on wid Sally. "'Hoddy, honey,' sezee. 'How you feelin' dis mawnin'?' "'Fus' rate,' 'spon' Sally. "Dey wuz lookin' at one ernudder, en dey did n' naer one un 'em pay no 'tention ter de mule, who had turnt 'is head 'roun' en wuz lookin' at Sally ez ha'd ez he could, en stretchin' 'is neck en raisin' 'is years, en whinnyin' kinder sof' ter hisse'f. "'Yas, honey,' 'lows Dan, 'en you gwine ter feel fus' rate long ez you sticks ter me. Fer I's a better man dan dat low-down runaway nigger Primus dat you be'n wastin' yo' time wid.' "Dan had let go de plough-handle, en had put his arm 'roun' Sally, en wuz des gwine ter kiss her, w'en sump'n ketch' 'im by de scruff er de neck en flung 'im 'way ober in de cotton-patch. W'en he pick' 'isse'f up, Sally had gone kitin' down de tu'n-row, en de mule wuz stan'in' dere lookin' ez ca'm en peaceful ez a Sunday mawnin'. "Fus' Dan had 'lowed it wuz de oberseah w'at had cotch' 'im wastin' 'is time. But dey wa'n't no oberseah in sight, so he 'cluded it must 'a' be'n de mule. So he pitch' inter de mule en lammed 'im ez ha'd ez he could. De mule tuk it all, en 'peared ter be ez 'umble ez a mule could be; but w'en dey wuz makin' de turn at de een' er de row, one er de plough-lines got under de mule's hin' leg. Dan retch' down ter git de line out, sorter keerless like, w'en de mule haul' off en kick him clean ober de fence inter a brier-patch on de yuther side. "Dan wuz mighty so' fum 'is woun's en scratches, en wuz laid up fer two er th'ee days. One night de noo mule got out'n de pastur', en went down to de quarters. Dan wuz layin' dere on his pallet, w'en he heard sump'n bangin' erway at de side er his cabin. He raise' up on one shoulder en look' roun', w'en w'at should he see but de noo mule's head stickin' in de winder, wid his lips drawed back over his toofs, grinnin' en snappin' at Dan des' lack he wanter eat 'im up. Den de mule went roun' ter de do', en kick' erway lack he wanter break de do' down, 'tel bimeby somebody come 'long en driv him back ter de pastur'. W'en Sally come in a little later fum de big house, whar she 'd be'n waitin' on de w'ite folks, she foun' po' Dan nigh 'bout dead, he wuz so skeered. She 'lowed Dan had had de nightmare; but w'en dey look' at de do', dey seed de marks er de mule's huffs, so dey could n' be no mistake 'bout w'at had happen'. "Co'se de niggers tol' dey marster 'bout de mule's gwines-on. Fust he did n' pay no 'tention ter it, but atter a w'ile he tol' 'em ef dey did n' stop dey foolis'ness, he gwine tie some un 'em up. So atter dat dey did n' say nuffin mo' ter dey marster, but dey kep' on noticin' de mule's quare ways des de same. "'Long 'bout de middle er de summer dey wuz a big camp-meetin' broke out down on de Wim'l'ton Road, en nigh 'bout all de po' w'ite folks en free niggers in de settlement got 'ligion, en lo en behol'! 'mongs' 'em wuz de cunjuh man w'at own' de shote w'at cha'med Primus. "Dis cunjuh man wuz a Guinea nigger, en befo' he wuz sot free had use' ter b'long ter a gent'eman down in Sampson County. De cunjuh man say his daddy wuz a king, er a guv'ner, er some sorter w'at-you-may-call-'em 'way ober yander in Affiky whar de niggers come fum, befo' he was stoled erway en sol' ter de spekilaters. De cunjuh man had he'ped his marster out'n some trouble ernudder wid his goopher, en his marster had sot him free, en bought him a trac' er land down on de Wim'l'ton Road. He purten' ter be a cow-doctor, but eve'ybody knowed w'at he r'al'y wuz. "De cunjuh man had n' mo' d'n come th'oo good, befo' he wuz tuk sick wid a col' w'at he kotch kneelin' on de groun' so long at de mou'ners' bench. He kep' gittin' wusser en wusser, en bimeby de rheumatiz tuk holt er 'im, en drawed him all up, 'tel one day he sont word up ter Mars Jim McGee's plantation, en ax' Pete, de nigger w'at tuk keer er de mules, fer ter come down dere dat night en fetch dat mule w'at his marster had bought fum de po' w'ite man dyoin' er de summer. "Pete did n' know w'at de cunjuh man wuz dribin' at, but he did n' daster stay way; en so dat night, w'en he 'd done eat his bacon en his hoe-cake, en drunk his 'lasses-en-water, he put a bridle on de mule, en rid 'im down ter de cunjuh man's cabin. W'en he got ter de do', he lit en hitch' de mule, en den knock' at de do'. He felt mighty jubous 'bout gwine in, but he was bleedst ter do it; he knowed he could n' he'p 'isse'f. "'Pull de string,' sez a weak voice, en w'en Pete lif de latch en went in, de cunjuh man was layin' on de bed, lookin' pale en weak, lack he did n' hab much longer fer ter lib. "'Is you fotch' de mule?' sezee. "Pete say yas, en de cunjuh man kep' on. "'Brer Pete,' sezee, 'I's be'n a monst'us sinner man, en I's done a power er wickedness endyoin' er my days; but de good Lawd is wash' my sins erway, en I feels now dat I's boun' fer de kingdom. En I feels, too, dat I ain' gwine ter git up fum dis bed no mo' in dis worl', en I wants ter ondo some er de harm I done. En dat's de reason, Brer Pete, I sont fer you ter fetch dat mule down here. You 'member dat shote I was up ter yo' plantation inquirin' 'bout las' June?' "'Yas,' says Brer Pete, 'I'member yo' axin' 'bout a shote you had los'.' "'I dunno whe'r you eber l'arnt it er no,' says de cunjuh man, 'but I done knowed yo' marster's Primus had tuk de shote, en I wuz boun' ter git eben wid 'im. So one night I cotch' 'im down by de swamp on his way ter a candy-pullin', en I th'owed a goopher mixtry on 'im, en turnt 'im ter a mule, en got a po' w'ite man ter sell de mule, en we 'vided de money. But I doan want ter die 'tel I turn Brer Primus back ag'in.' "Den de cunjuh man ax' Pete ter take down one er two go'ds off'n a she'f in de corner, en one er two bottles wid some kin' er mixtry in 'em, en set 'em on a stool by de bed; en den he ax' 'im ter fetch de mule in. "W'en de mule come in de do', he gin a snort, en started fer de bed, des lack he was gwine ter jump on it. "'Hol' on dere, Brer Primus!' de cunjuh man hollered. 'I's monst'us weak, en ef you 'mence on me, you won't nebber hab no chance fer ter git turn' back no mo'.' "De mule seed de sense er dat, en stood still. Den de cunjuh man tuk de go'ds en bottles, en 'mence' ter wuk de roots en yarbs, en de mule 'mence' ter turn back ter a man,—fust his years, den de res' er his head, den his shoulders en arms. All de time de cunjuh man kep' on wukkin' his roots; en Pete en Primus could see he wuz gittin' weaker en weaker all de time. "'Brer Pete,' sezee, bimeby, 'gimme a drink er dem bitters out'n dat green bottle on de she'f yander. I's gwine fas', en it'll gimme strenk fer ter finish dis wuk.' "Brer Pete look' up on de mantelpiece, en he seed a bottle in de corner. It was so da'k in de cabin he could n' tell whe'r it wuz a green bottle er no. But he hilt de bottle ter de cunjuh man's mouf, en he tuk a big mouff'l. He had n' mo' d'n swallowed it befo' he 'mence' ter holler. "'You gimme de wrong bottle, Brer Pete; dis yer bottle 's got pizen in it, en I's done fer dis time, sho'. Hol' me up, fer de Lawd's sake! 'tel I git th'oo turnin' Brer Primus back.' "So Pete hilt him up, en he kep' on wukkin' de roots, 'tel he got de goopher all tuk off'n Brer Primus 'cep'n' one foot. He had n' got dis foot mo' d'n half turnt back befo' his strenk gun out enti'ely, en he drap' de roots en fell back on de bed. "'I can't do no mo' fer you, Brer Primus,' sezee, 'but I hopes you will fergib me fer w'at harm I done you. I knows de good Lawd done fergib me, en I hope ter meet you bofe in glory. I sees de good angels waitin' fer me up yander, wid a long w'ite robe en a starry crown, en I'm on my way ter jine 'em.' En so de cunjuh man died, en Pete en Primus went back ter de plantation. "De darkies all made a great 'miration w'en Primus come back. Mars Jim let on lack he did n' b'lieve de tale de two niggers tol'; he sez Primus had runned erway, en stay' 'tel he got ti'ed er de swamps, en den come back on him ter be fed. He tried ter 'count fer de shape er Primus' foot by sayin' Primus got his foot smash', er snake-bit, er sump'n, w'iles he wuz erway, en den stayed out in de woods whar he could n' git it kyoed up straight, 'stidder comin' long home whar a doctor could 'a' 'tended ter it. But de niggers all notice' dey marster did n' tie Primus up, ner take on much 'ca'se de mule wuz gone. So dey 'lowed dey marster must 'a' had his s'picions 'bout dat cunjuh man." My wife had listened to Julius's recital with only a mild interest. When the old man had finished it she remarked:— "That story does not appeal to me, Uncle Julius, and is not up to your usual mark. It isn't pathetic, it has no moral that I can discover, and I can't see why you should tell it. In fact, it seems to me like nonsense." The old man looked puzzled as well as pained. He had not pleased the lady, and he did not seem to understand why. "I'm sorry, ma'm," he said reproachfully, "ef you doan lack dat tale. I can't make out w'at you means by some er dem wo'ds you uses, but I'm tellin' nuffin but de truf. Co'se I did n' see de cunjuh man tu'n 'im back, fer I wuz n' dere; but I be'n hearin' de tale fer twenty-five yeahs, en I ain' got no 'casion fer ter 'spute it. Dey 's so many things a body knows is lies, dat dey ain' no use gwine roun' findin' fault wid tales dat mought des ez well be so ez not. F' instance, dey's a young nigger gwine ter school in town, en he come out heah de yuther day en 'lowed dat de sun stood still en de yeath turnt roun' eve'y day on a kinder axletree. I tol' dat young nigger ef he didn' take hisse'f 'way wid dem lies, I 'd take a buggy-trace ter 'im; fer I sees de yeath stan'in' still all de time, en I sees de sun gwine roun' it, en ef a man can't b'lieve w'at 'e sees, I can't see no use in libbin'—mought's well die en be whar we can't see nuffin. En ernudder thing w'at proves de tale 'bout dis ole Primus is de way he goes on ef anybody ax' him how he come by dat club-foot. I axed 'im one day, mighty perlite en civil, en he call' me a' ole fool, en got so mad he ain' spoke ter me sence. Hit's monst'us quare. But dis is a quare worl', anyway yer kin fix it," concluded the old man, with a weary sigh. "Ef you makes up yo' min' not ter buy dat mule, suh," he added, as he rose to go, "I knows a man w'at 's got a good hoss he wants ter sell,—leas'ways dat's w'at I heared. I'm gwine ter pra'rmeetin' ter-night, en I'm gwine right by de man's house, en ef you 'd lack ter look at de hoss, I'll ax 'im ter fetch him roun'." "Oh, yes," I said, "you can ask him to stop in, if he is passing. There will be no harm in looking at the horse, though I rather think I shall buy a mule." Early next morning the man brought the horse up to the vineyard. At that time I was not a very good judge of horseflesh. The horse appeared sound and gentle, and, as the owner assured me, had no bad habits. The man wanted a large price for the horse, but finally agreed to accept a much smaller sum, upon payment of which I became possessed of a very fine-looking animal. But alas for the deceitfulness of appearances! I soon ascertained that the horse was blind in one eye, and that the sight of the other was very defective; and not a month elapsed before my purchase developed most of the diseases that horse-flesh is heir to, and a more worthless, broken-winded, spavined quadruped never disgraced the noble name of horse. After worrying through two or three months of life, he expired one night in a fit of the colic. I replaced him with a mule, and Julius henceforth had to take his chances of driving some metamorphosed unfortunate. Circumstances that afterwards came to my knowledge created in my mind a strong suspicion that Julius may have played a more than unconscious part in this transaction. Among other significant facts was his appearance, the Sunday following the purchase of the horse, in a new suit of store clothes, which I had seen displayed in the window of Mr. Solomon Cohen's store on my last visit to town, and had remarked on account of their striking originality of cut and pattern. As I had not recently paid Julius any money, and as he had no property to mortgage, I was driven to conjecture to account for his possession of the means to buy the clothes. Of course I would not charge him with duplicity unless I could prove it, at least to a moral certainty, but for a long time afterwards I took his advice only in small doses and with great discrimination. SIS' BECKY'S PICKANINNY We had not lived in North Carolina very long before I was able to note a marked improvement in my wife's health. The ozone-laden air of the surrounding piney woods, the mild and equable climate, the peaceful leisure of country life, had brought about in hopeful measure the cure we had anticipated. Toward the end of our second year, however, her ailment took an unexpected turn for the worse. She became the victim of a settled melancholy, attended with vague forebodings of impending misfortune. "You must keep up her spirits," said our physician, the best in the neighboring town. "This melancholy lowers her tone too much, tends to lessen her strength, and, if it continue too long, may be fraught with grave consequences." I tried various expedients to cheer her up. I read novels to her. I had the hands on the place come up in the evening and serenade her with plantation songs. Friends came in sometimes and talked, and frequent letters from the North kept her in touch with her former home. But nothing seemed to rouse her from the depression into which she had fallen. One pleasant afternoon in spring, I placed an armchair in a shaded portion of the front piazza, and filling it with pillows led my wife out of the house and seated her where she would have the pleasantest view of a somewhat monotonous scenery. She was scarcely placed when old Julius came through the yard, and, taking off his tattered straw hat, inquired, somewhat anxiously:— "How is you feelin' dis atternoon, ma'm?" "She is not very cheerful, Julius," I said. My wife was apparently without energy enough to speak for herself. The old man did not seem inclined to go away, so I asked him to sit down. I had noticed, as he came up, that he held some small object in his hand. When he had taken his seat on the top step, he kept fingering this object,—what it was I could not quite make out. "What is that you have there, Julius?" I asked, with mild curiosity. "Dis is my rabbit foot, suh." This was at a time before this curious superstition had attained its present jocular popularity among white people, and while I had heard of it before, it had not yet outgrown the charm of novelty. "What do you do with it?" "I kyars it wid me fer luck, suh." "Julius," I observed, half to him and half to my wife, "your people will never rise in the world until they throw off these childish superstitions and learn to live by the light of reason and common sense. How absurd to imagine that the fore-foot of a poor dead rabbit, with which he timorously felt his way along through a life surrounded by snares and pitfalls, beset by enemies on every hand, can promote happiness or success, or ward off failure or misfortune!" "It is ridiculous," assented my wife, with faint interest. "Dat 's w'at I tells dese niggers roun' heah," said Julius. "De fo'-foot ain' got no power. It has ter be de hin'-foot, suh,—de lef hin'-foot er a grabe-ya'd rabbit, killt by a cross-eyed nigger on a da'k night in de full er de moon." "They must be very rare and valuable," I said. "Dey is kinder ska'ce, suh, en dey ain' no 'mount er money could buy mine, suh. I mought len' it ter anybody I sot sto' by, but I would n' sell it, no indeed, suh, I would n'." "How do you know it brings good luck?" I asked. "'Ca'se I ain' had no bad luck sence I had it, suh, en I's had dis rabbit foot fer fo'ty yeahs. I had a good marster befo' de wah, en I wa'n't sol' erway, en I wuz sot free; en dat 'uz all good luck." "But that doesn't prove anything," I rejoined. "Many other people have gone through a similar experience, and probably more than one of them had no rabbit's foot." "Law, suh! you doan hafter prove 'bout de rabbit foot! Eve'ybody knows dat; leas'ways eve'ybody roun' heah knows it. But ef it has ter be prove' ter folks w'at wa'n't bawn en raise' in dis naberhood, dey is a' easy way ter prove it. Is I eber tol' you de tale er Sis' Becky en her pickaninny?" "No," I said, "let us hear it." I thought perhaps the story might interest my wife as much or more than the novel I had meant to read from. "Dis yer Becky," Julius began, "useter b'long ter ole Kunnel Pen'leton, who owned a plantation down on de Wim'l'ton Road, 'bout ten miles fum heah, des befo' you gits ter Black Swamp. Dis yer Becky wuz a fiel'-han', en a monst'us good 'un. She had a husban' oncet, a nigger w'at b'longed on de nex' plantation, but de man w'at owned her husban' died, en his lan' en his niggers had ter be sol' fer ter pay his debts. Kunnel Pen'leton 'lowed he'd 'a' bought dis nigger, but he had be'n bettin' on hoss races, en did n' hab no money, en so Becky's husban' wuz sol' erway ter Fuhginny. "Co'se Becky went on some 'bout losin' her man, but she could n' he'p herse'f; en 'sides dat, she had her pickaninny fer ter comfo't her. Dis yer little Mose wuz de cutes', blackes', shiny-eyedes' little nigger you eber laid eyes on, en he wuz ez fon' er his mammy ez his mammy wuz er him. Co'se Becky had ter wuk en did n' hab much time ter was'e wid her baby. Ole Aun' Nancy, de plantation nuss down at de qua'ters, useter take keer er little Mose in de daytime, en atter de niggers come in fum de cotton-fiel' Becky 'ud git her chile en kiss 'im en nuss 'im, en keep 'im 'tel mawnin'; en on Sundays she 'd hab 'im in her cabin wid her all day long. "Sis' Becky had got sorter useter gittin' 'long widout her husban', w'en one day Kunnel Pen'leton went ter de races. Co'se w'en he went ter de races, he tuk his hosses, en co'se he bet on 'is own hosses, en co'se he los' his money; fer Kunnel Pen'leton did n' nebber hab no luck wid his hosses, ef he did keep hisse'f po' projeckin' wid 'em. But dis time dey wuz a hoss name' Lightnin' Bug, w'at b'longed ter ernudder man, en dis hoss won de sweep-stakes; en Kunnel Pen'leton tuk a lackin' ter dat hoss, en ax' his owner w'at he wuz willin' ter take fer 'im. "'I'll take a thousan' dollahs fer dat hoss,' sez dis yer man, who had a big plantation down to'ds Wim'l'ton, whar he raise' hosses fer ter race en ter sell. "Well, Kunnel Pen'leton scratch' 'is head, en wonder whar he wuz gwine ter raise a thousan' dollahs; en he did n' see des how he could do it, fer he owed ez much ez he could borry a'ready on de skyo'ity he could gib. But he wuz des boun' ter hab dat hoss, so sezee:— "'I'll gib you my note fer' 'leven hund'ed dollahs fer dat hoss.' "De yuther man shuck 'is head, en sezee:— "'Yo' note, suh, is better 'n gol', I doan doubt; but I is made it a rule in my bizness not ter take no notes fum nobody. Howsomeber, suh, ef you is kinder sho't er fun's, mos' lackly we kin make some kin' er bahg'in. En w'iles we is talkin', I mought 's well say dat I needs ernudder good nigger down on my place. Ef you is got a good one ter spar', I mought trade wid you.' "Now, Kunnel Pen'leton did n' r'ally hab no niggers fer ter spar', but he 'lowed ter hisse'f he wuz des bleedzd ter hab dat hoss, en so he sez, sezee:— "'Well, I doan lack ter, but I reckon I'll haf ter. You come out ter my plantation ter-morrer en look ober my niggers, en pick out de one you wants.' "So sho' 'nuff nex' day dis yer man come out ter Kunnel Pen'leton's place en rid roun' de plantation en glanshed at de niggers, en who sh'd he pick out fum 'em all but Sis' Becky. "'I needs a noo nigger 'oman down ter my place,' sezee, 'fer ter cook en wash, en so on; en dat young 'oman'll des fill de bill. You gimme her, en you kin hab Lightnin' Bug.'" "Now, Kunnel Pen'leton did n' lack ter trade Sis' Becky, 'ca'se she wuz nigh 'bout de bes' fiel'-han' he had; en 'sides, Mars Kunnel did n' keer ter take de mammies 'way fum dey chillun w'iles de chillun wuz little. But dis man say he want Becky, er e'se Kunnel Pen'leton could n' hab de race hoss. "'Well,' sez de kunnel, 'you kin hab de 'oman. But I doan lack ter sen' her 'way fum her baby. W'at'll you gimme fer dat nigger baby?' "'I doan want de baby,' sez de yuther man. 'I ain' got no use fer de baby.' "'I tell yer w'at I'll do,' 'lows Kunnel Pen'leton, 'I'll th'ow dat pickaninny in fer good measure.' "But de yuther man shuck his head. 'No,' sezee, 'I's much erbleedzd, but I doan raise niggers; I raises hosses, en I doan wanter be both'rin' wid no nigger babies. Nemmine de baby. I'll keep dat 'oman so busy she 'll fergit de baby; fer niggers is made ter wuk, en dey ain' got no time fer no sich foolis'ness ez babies.' "Kunnel Pen'leton did n' wanter hu't Becky's feelin's,—fer Kunnel Pen'leton wuz a kin'-hea'ted man, en nebber lack' ter make no trouble fer nobody,—en so he tol' Becky he wuz gwine sen' her down ter Robeson County fer a day er so, ter he'p out his son-in-law in his wuk; en bein' ez dis yuther man wuz gwine dat way, he had ax' 'im ter take her 'long in his buggy. "'Kin I kyar little Mose wid me, marster?' ax' Sis' Becky. "'N-o,' sez de kunnel, ez ef he wuz studyin' whuther ter let her take 'im er no;' I reckon you better let Aun' Nancy look atter yo' baby fer de day er two you'll be gone, en she'll see dat he gits ernuff ter eat 'tel you gits back.' "So Sis' Becky hug' en kiss' little Mose, en tol' 'im ter be a good little pickaninny, en take keer er hisse'f, en not fergit his mammy w'iles she wuz gone. En little Mose put his arms roun' his mammy en lafft en crowed des lack it wuz monst'us fine fun fer his mammy ter go 'way en leabe 'im. "Well, dis yer hoss trader sta'ted out wid Becky, en bimeby, atter dey 'd gone down de Lumbe'ton Road fer a few miles er so, dis man tu'nt roun' in a diffe'nt d'rection, en kep' goin' dat erway, 'tel bimeby Sis' Becky up 'n ax' 'im ef he wuz gwine' ter Robeson County by a noo road. "'No, nigger,' sezee, 'I ain' gwine ter Robeson County at all. I's gwine ter Bladen County, whar my plantation is, en whar I raises all my hosses.' "'But how is I gwine ter git ter Mis' Laura's plantation down in Robeson County?' sez Becky, wid her hea't in her mouf, fer she 'mence' ter git skeered all er a sudden. "'You ain' gwine ter git dere at all,' sez de man. 'You b'longs ter me now, fer I done traded my bes' race hoss fer you, wid yo' ole marster. Ef you is a good gal, I'll treat you right, en ef you doan behabe yo'se'f,—w'y, w'at e'se happens'll be yo' own fault.' "Co'se Sis' Becky cried en went on 'bout her pickaninny, but co'se it did n' do no good, en bimeby dey got down ter dis yer man's place, en he put Sis' Becky ter wuk, en fergot all 'bout her habin' a pickaninny. "Meanw'iles, w'en ebenin' come, de day Sis' Becky wuz tuk 'way, little Mose mence' ter git res'less, en bimeby, w'en his mammy did n' come, he sta'ted ter cry fer 'er. Aun' Nancy fed 'im en rocked 'im en rocked 'im, en fin'lly he des cried en cried 'tel he cried hisse'f ter sleep. "De nex' day he did n' 'pear ter be as peart ez yushal, en w'en night come he fretted en went on wuss 'n he did de night befo'. De nex' day his little eyes 'mence' ter lose dey shine, en he would n' eat nuffin, en he 'mence' ter look so peaked dat Aun' Nancy tuk 'n kyared 'im up ter de big house, en showed 'im ter her ole missis, en her ole missis gun her some med'cine fer 'im, en 'lowed ef he did n' git no better she sh'd fetch 'im up ter de big house ag'in, en dey 'd hab a doctor, en nuss little Mose up dere. Fer Aun' Nancy's ole missis 'lowed he wuz a lackly little nigger en wu'th raisin'. "But Aun' Nancy had l'arn' ter lack little Mose, en she did n' wanter hab 'im tuk up ter de big house. En so w'en he did n' git no better, she gethered a mess er green peas, and tuk de peas en de baby, en went ter see ole Aun' Peggy, de cunjuh 'oman down by de Wim'l'ton Road. She gun Aun' Peggy de mess er peas, en tol' her all 'bout Sis' Becky en little Mose. "'Dat is a monst'us small mess er peas you is fotch' me,' sez Aun' Peggy, sez she. "'Yas, I knows,' 'lowed Aun' Nancy, 'but dis yere is a monst'us small pickaninny.' "'You'll hafter fetch me sump'n mo',' sez Aun' Peggy, 'fer you can't 'spec' me ter was'e my time diggin' roots en wukkin' cunj'ation fer nuffin.' "'All right,' sez Aun' Nancy, 'I'll fetch you sump'n mo' nex' time.' "'You bettah,' sez Aun' Peggy, 'er e'se dey'll be trouble. Wat dis yer little pickaninny needs is ter see his mammy. You leabe 'im heah 'tel ebenin' en I'll show 'im his mammy.' "So w'en Aun' Nancy had gone 'way, Aun' Peggy tuk 'n wukked her roots, en tu'nt little Mose ter a hummin'-bird, en sont 'im off fer ter fin' his mammy. "So little Mose flewed, en flewed, en flewed away, 'tel bimeby he got ter de place whar Sis' Becky b'longed. He seed his mammy wukkin' roun' de ya'd, en he could tell fum lookin' at her dat she wuz trouble' in her min' 'bout sump'n, en feelin' kin' er po'ly. Sis' Becky heared sump'n hummin' roun' en roun' her, sweet en low. Fus' she 'lowed it wuz a hummin'-bird; den she thought it sounded lack her little Mose croonin' on her breas' way back yander on de ole plantation. En she des 'magine' it wuz her little Mose, en it made her feel bettah, en she went on 'bout her wuk pearter 'n she'd done sence she 'd be'n down dere. Little Mose stayed roun' 'tel late in de ebenin', en den flewed back ez hard ez he could ter Aun' Peggy. Ez fer Sis' Becky, she dremp all dat night dat she wuz holdin' her pickaninny in her arms, en kissin' him, en nussin' him, des lack she useter do back on de ole plantation whar he wuz bawn. En fer th'ee er fo' days Sis' Becky went 'bout her wuk wid mo' sperrit dan she 'd showed sence she 'd be'n down dere ter dis man's plantation. "De nex' day atter he come back, little Mose wuz mo' pearter en better 'n he had be'n fer a long time. But to'ds de een' er de week he 'mence' ter git res'less ag'in, en stop' eatin', en Aun' Nancy kyared 'im down ter Aun' Peggy once mo', en she tu'nt 'im ter a mawkin'-bird dis time, en sont 'im off ter see his mammy ag'in. "It didn' take him long fer ter git dere, en w'en he did, he seed his mammy standin' in de kitchen, lookin' back in de d'rection little Mose wuz comin' fum. En dey wuz tears in her eyes, en she look' mo' po'ly en peaked 'n she had w'en he wuz down dere befo'. So little Mose sot on a tree in de ya'd en sung, en sung, en sung, des fittin' ter split his th'oat. Fus' Sis' Becky did n' notice 'im much, but dis mawkin'-bird kep' stayin' roun' de house all day, en bimeby Sis' Becky des 'magine' dat mawkin'-bird wuz her little Mose crowin' en crowin', des lack he useter do w'en his mammy would come home at night fum de cotton-fiel'. De mawkin'-bird stayed roun' dere 'mos' all day, en w'en Sis' Becky went out in de ya'd one time, dis yer mawkin'-bird lit on her shoulder en peck' at de piece er bread she wuz eatin', en fluttered his wings so dey rub' up agin de side er her head. En w'en he flewed away 'long late in de ebenin', des 'fo' sundown, Sis' Becky felt mo' better 'n she had sence she had heared dat hummin'-bird a week er so pas'. En dat night she dremp 'bout ole times ag'in, des lack she did befo'. "But dis yer totin' little Mose down ter ole Aun' Peggy, en dis yer gittin' things fer ter pay de cunjuh 'oman, use' up a lot er Aun' Nancy's time, en she begun ter git kinder ti'ed. 'Sides dat, w'en Sis' Becky had be'n on de plantation, she had useter he'p Aun' Nancy wid de young uns ebenin's en Sundays; en Aun' Nancy 'mence' ter miss 'er monst'us, 'speshly sence she got a tech er de rheumatiz herse'f, en so she 'lows ter ole Aun' Peggy one day:— "'Aun' Peggy, ain' dey no way you kin fetch Sis' Becky back home?' "'Huh!' sez Aun' Peggy, 'I dunno 'bout dat. I'll hafter wuk my roots en fin' out whuther I kin er no. But it'll take a monst'us heap er wuk, en I can't was'e my time fer nuffin. Ef you'll fetch me sump'n ter pay me fer my trouble, I reckon we kin fix it.' "So nex' day Aun' Nancy went down ter see Aun' Peggy ag'in. "'Aun' Peggy,' sez she, 'I is fotch' you my bes' Sunday head-hankercher. Will dat do?' "Aun' Peggy look' at de head-hankercher, en run her han' ober it, en sez she:— "'Yas, dat'll do fus'-rate. I's be'n wukkin' my roots sence you be'n gone, en I 'lows mos' lackly I kin git Sis' Becky back, but it 's gwine take fig'rin' en studyin' ez well ez cunj'in'. De fus' thing ter do'll be ter stop fetchin' dat pickaninny down heah, en not sen' 'im ter see his mammy no mo'. Ef he gits too po'ly, you lemme know, en I'll gib you some kin' er mixtry fer ter make 'im fergit Sis' Becky fer a week er so. So 'less'n you comes fer dat, you neenter come back ter see me no mo' 'tel I sen's fer you.' "So Aun' Peggy sont Aun' Nancy erway, en de fus' thing she done wuz ter call a hawnet fum a nes' unner her eaves. "You go up ter Kunnel Pen'leton's stable, hawnet,' sez she, 'en sting de knees er de race hoss name' Lightnin' Bug. Be sho' en git de right one.' "So de hawnet flewed up ter Kunnel Pen'leton's stable en stung Lightnin' Bug roun' de laigs, en de nex' mawnin' Lightnin' Bug's knees wuz all swoll' up, twice't ez big ez dey oughter be. W'en Kunnel Pen'leton went out ter de stable en see de hoss's laigs, hit would 'a' des made you trimble lack a leaf fer ter heah him cuss dat hoss trader. Howsomeber, he cool' off bimeby en tol' de stable boy fer ter rub Lightnin' Bug's laigs wid some linimum. De boy done ez his marster tol' 'im, en by de nex' day de swellin' had gone down consid'able. Aun' Peggy had sont a sparrer, w'at had a nes' in one er de trees close ter her cabin, fer ter watch w'at wuz gwine on 'roun' de big house, en w'en dis yer sparrer tol' 'er de hoss wuz gittin' ober de swellin', she sont de hawnet back fer ter sting 'is knees some mo', en de nex' mawnin' Lightnin' Bug's laigs wuz swoll' up wuss 'n befo'. "Well, dis time Kunnel Pen'leton wuz mad th'oo en th'oo, en all de way 'roun', en he cusst dat hoss trader up en down, fum A ter Izzard. He cusst so ha'd dat de stable boy got mos' skeered ter def, en went off en hid hisse'f in de hay. "Ez fer Kunnel Pen'leton, he went right up ter de house en got out his pen en ink, en tuk off his coat en roll' up his sleeves, en writ a letter ter dis yer hoss trader, en sezee:— "'You is sol' me a hoss w'at is got a ringbone er a spavin er sump'n, en w'at I paid you fer wuz a soun' hoss. I wants you ter sen' my nigger 'oman back en take yo' ole hoss, er e'se I'll sue you, sho 's you bawn.' "But dis yer man wa'n't skeered a bit, en he writ back ter Kunnel Pen'leton dat a bahg'in wuz a bahg'in; dat Lightnin' Bug wuz soun' w'en he sol' 'im, en ef Kunnel Pen'leton did n' knowed ernuff 'bout hosses ter take keer er a fine racer, dat wuz his own fune'al. En he say Kunnel Pen'leton kin sue en be cusst fer all he keer, but he ain' gwine ter gib up de nigger he bought en paid fer. "W'en Kunnel Pen'leton got dis letter he wuz madder 'n he wuz befo', 'speshly 'ca'se dis man 'lowed he did n' know how ter take keer er fine hosses. But he could n' do nuffin but fetch a lawsuit, en he knowed, by his own 'spe'ience, dat lawsuits wuz slow ez de seben-yeah eetch and cos' mo' d'n dey come ter, en he 'lowed he better go slow en wait awhile. "Aun' Peggy knowed w'at wuz gwine on all dis time, en she fix' up a little bag wid some roots en one thing en ernudder in it, en gun it ter dis sparrer er her'n, en tol' 'im ter take it 'way down yander whar Sis' Becky wuz, en drap it right befo' de do' er her cabin, so she 'd be sho' en fin' it de fus' time she come out'n de do'. "One night Sis' Becky dremp' her pickaninny wuz dead, en de nex' day she wuz mo'nin' en groanin' all day. She dremp' de same dream th'ee nights runnin', en den, de nex' mawnin' atter de las' night, she foun' dis yer little bag de sparrer had drap' in front her do'; en she 'lowed she'd be'n cunju'd, en wuz gwine ter die, en ez long ez her pickaninny wuz dead dey wa'n't no use tryin' ter do nuffin nohow. En so she tuk 'n went ter bed, en tol' her marster she 'd be'n cunju'd en wuz gwine ter die. "Her marster lafft at her, en argyed wid her, en tried ter 'suade her out'n dis yer fool notion, ez he called it,—fer he wuz one er dese yer w'ite folks w'at purten' dey doan b'liebe in cunj'in',—but hit wa'n't no use. Sis' Becky kep' gittin' wusser en wusser, 'tel fin'lly dis yer man 'lowed Sis' Becky wuz gwine ter die, sho' 'nuff. En ez he knowed dey had n' be'n nuffin de matter wid Lightnin' Bug w'en he traded 'im, he 'lowed mebbe he could kyo' 'im en fetch 'im roun' all right, leas'ways good 'nuff ter sell ag'in. En anyhow, a lame hoss wuz better 'n a dead nigger. So he sot down en writ Kunnel Pen'leton a letter. "'My conscience,' sezee, 'has be'n troublin' me 'bout dat ringbone' hoss I sol' you. Some folks 'lows a hoss trader ain' got no conscience, but dey doan know me, fer dat is my weak spot, en de reason I ain' made no mo' money hoss tradin'. Fac' is,' sezee, 'I is got so I can't sleep nights fum studyin' 'bout dat spavin' hoss; en I is made up my min' dat, w'iles a bahg'in is a bahg'in, en you seed Lightnin' Bug befo' you traded fer 'im, principle is wuth mo' d'n money er hosses er niggers. So ef you'll sen' Lightnin' Bug down heah, I'll sen' yo' nigger 'oman back, en we'll call de trade off, en be ez good frien's ez we eber wuz, en no ha'd feelin's.' "So sho' 'nuff, Kunnel Pen'leton sont de hoss back. En w'en de man w'at come ter bring Lightnin' Bug tol' Sis' Becky her pickaninny wa'n't dead, Sis' Becky wuz so glad dat she 'lowed she wuz gwine ter try ter lib 'tel she got back whar she could see little Mose once mo'. En w'en she retch' de ole plantation en seed her baby kickin' en crowin' en holdin' out his little arms to'ds her, she wush' she wuz n' cunju'd en did n' hafter die. En w'en Aun' Nancy tol' 'er all 'bout Aun' Peggy, Sis' Becky went down ter see de cunjuh 'oman, en Aun' Peggy tol' her she had cunju'd her. En den Aun' Peggy tuk de goopher off'n her, en she got well, en stayed on de plantation, en raise' her pickaninny. En w'en little Mose growed up, he could sing en whistle des lack a mawkin'-bird, so dat de w'ite folks useter hab 'im come up ter de big house at night, en whistle en sing fer 'em, en dey useter gib 'im money en vittles en one thing er ernudder, w'ich he alluz tuk home ter his mammy; fer he knowed all 'bout w'at she had gone th'oo. He tu'nt out ter be a sma't man, en l'arnt de blacksmif trade; en Kunnel Pen'leton let 'im hire his time. En bimeby he bought his mammy en sot her free, en den he bought hisse'f, en tuk keer er Sis' Becky ez long ez dey bofe libbed." My wife had listened to this story with greater interest than she had manifested in any subject for several days. I had watched her furtively from time to time during the recital, and had observed the play of her countenance. It had expressed in turn sympathy, indignation, pity, and at the end lively satisfaction. "That is a very ingenious fairy tale, Julius," I said, "and we are much obliged to you." "Why, John!" said my wife severely, "the story bears the stamp of truth, if ever a story did." "Yes," I replied, "especially the humming-bird episode, and the mocking-bird digression, to say nothing of the doings of the hornet and the sparrow." "Oh, well, I don't care," she rejoined, with delightful animation; "those are mere ornamental details and not at all essential. The story is true to nature, and might have happened half a hundred times, and no doubt did happen, in those horrid days before the war." "By the way, Julius," I remarked, "your story doesn't establish what you started out to prove,—that a rabbit's foot brings good luck." "Hit's plain 'nuff ter me, suh," replied Julius. "I bet young missis dere kin 'splain it herse'f." "I rather suspect," replied my wife promptly, "that Sis' Becky had no rabbit's foot." "You is hit de bull's-eye de fus' fire, ma'm," assented Julius. "Ef Sis' Becky had had a rabbit foot, she nebber would 'a' went th'oo all dis trouble." I went into the house for some purpose, and left Julius talking to my wife. When I came back a moment later, he was gone. My wife's condition took a turn for the better from this very day, and she was soon on the way to ultimate recovery. Several weeks later, after she had resumed her afternoon drives, which had been interrupted by her illness, Julius brought the rockaway round to the front door one day, and I assisted my wife into the carriage. "John," she said, before I had taken my seat, "I wish you would look in my room, and bring me my handkerchief. You will find it in the pocket of my blue dress." I went to execute the commission. When I pulled the handkerchief out of her pocket, something else came with it and fell on the floor. I picked up the object and looked at it. It was Julius's rabbit's foot. THE GRAY WOLFS HA'NT It was a rainy day at the vineyard. The morning had dawned bright and clear. But the sky had soon clouded, and by nine o'clock there was a light shower, followed by others at brief intervals. By noon the rain had settled into a dull, steady downpour. The clouds hung low, and seemed to grow denser instead of lighter as they discharged their watery burden, and there was now and then a muttering of distant thunder. Outdoor work was suspended, and I spent most of the day at the house, looking over my accounts and bringing up some arrears of correspondence. Towards four o'clock I went out on the piazza, which was broad and dry, and less gloomy than the interior of the house, and composed myself for a quiet smoke. I had lit my cigar and opened the volume I was reading at that time, when my wife, whom I had left dozing on a lounge, came out and took a rocking-chair near me. "I wish you would talk to me, or read to me—or something," she exclaimed petulantly. "It's awfully dull here today." "I'll read to you with pleasure," I replied, and began at the point where I had found my bookmark:— "'The difficulty of dealing with transformations so many-sided as those which all existences have undergone, or are undergoing, is such as to make a complete and deductive interpretation almost hopeless. So to grasp the total process of redistribution of matter and motion as to see simultaneously its several necessary results in their actual interdependence is scarcely possible. There is, however, a mode of rendering the process as a whole tolerably comprehensible. Though the genesis of the rearrangement of every evolving aggregate is in itself one, it presents to our intelligence'"— "John," interrupted my wife, "I wish you would stop reading that nonsense and see who that is coming up the lane." I closed my book with a sigh. I had never been able to interest my wife in the study of philosophy, even when presented in the simplest and most lucid form. Some one was coming up the lane; at least, a huge faded cotton umbrella was making progress toward the house, and beneath it a pair of nether extremities in trousers was discernible. Any doubt in my mind as to whose they were was soon resolved when Julius reached the steps and, putting the umbrella down, got a good dash of the rain as he stepped up on the porch. "Why in the world, Julius," I asked, "didn't you keep the umbrella up until you got under cover?" "It's bad luck, suh, ter raise a' umbrella in de house, en w'iles I dunno whuther it's bad luck ter kyar one inter de piazzer er no, I 'lows it's alluz bes' ter be on de safe side. I did n' s'pose you en young missis 'u'd be gwine on yo' dribe ter-day, but bein' ez it's my pa't ter take you ef you does, I 'lowed I 'd repo't fer dooty, en let you say whuther er no you wants ter go." "I'm glad you came, Julius," I responded. "We don't want to go driving, of course, in the rain, but I should like to consult you about another matter. I'm thinking of taking in a piece of new ground. What do you imagine it would cost to have that neck of woods down by the swamp cleared up?" The old man's countenance assumed an expression of unwonted seriousness, and he shook his head doubtfully. "I dunno 'bout dat, suh. It mought cos' mo', en it mought cos' less, ez fuh ez money is consarned. I ain' denyin' you could cl'ar up dat trac' er Ian' fer a hund'ed er a couple er hund'ed dollahs,—ef you wants ter cl'ar it up. But ef dat 'uz my trac' er Ian', I would n' 'sturb it, no, suh, I would n'; sho 's you bawn, I would n'." "But why not?" I asked. "It ain' fittin' fer grapes, fer noo groun' nebber is." "I know it, but"— "It ain' no yeathly good fer cotton, 'ca'se it's top low." "Perhaps so; but it will raise splendid corn." "I dunno," rejoined Julius deprecatorily. "It's so nigh de swamp dat de 'coons'll eat up all de cawn." "I think I'll risk it," I answered. "Well, suh," said Julius, "I wushes you much joy er yo' job. Ef you has bad luck er sickness er trouble er any kin', doan blame me. You can't say ole Julius did n' wa'n you." "Warn him of what, Uncle Julius?" asked my wife. "Er de bad luck w'at follers folks w'at 'sturbs dat trac' er Ian'. Dey is snakes en sco'pions in dem woods. En ef you manages ter 'scape de p'isen animals, you is des boun' ter hab a ha'nt ter settle wid,—ef you doan hab two." "Whose haunt?" my wife demanded, with growing interest. "De gray wolf's ha'nt, some folks calls it,—but I knows better." "Tell us about it, Uncle Julius," said my wife. "A story will be a godsend to-day." It was not difficult to induce the old man to tell a story, if he were in a reminiscent mood. Of tales of the old slavery days he seemed indeed to possess an exhaustless store,—some weirdly grotesque, some broadly humorous; some bearing the stamp of truth, faint, perhaps, but still discernible; others palpable inventions, whether his own or not we never knew, though his fancy doubtless embellished them. But even the wildest was not without an element of pathos,—the tragedy, it might be, of the story itself; the shadow, never absent, of slavery and of ignorance; the sadness, always, of life as seen by the fading light of an old man's memory. "Way back yander befo' de wah," began Julius, "ole Mars Dugal' McAdoo useter own a nigger name' Dan. Dan wuz big en strong en hearty en peaceable en good-nachu'd most er de time, but dange'ous ter aggervate. He alluz done his task, en nebber had no trouble wid de w'ite folks, but woe be unter de nigger w'at 'lowed he c'd fool wid Dan, fer he wuz mos' sho' ter git a good lammin'. Soon ez eve'ybody foun' Dan out, dey did n' many un 'em 'temp' ter 'sturb 'im. De one dat did would 'a' wush' he had n', ef he could 'a' libbed long ernuff ter do any wushin'. "It all happen' dis erway. Dey wuz a cunjuh man w'at libbed ober t' other side er de Lumbe'ton Road. He had be'n de only cunjuh doctor in de naberhood fer lo! dese many yeahs, 'tel ole Aun' Peggy sot up in de bizness down by de Wim'l'ton Road. Dis cunjuh man had a son w'at libbed wid 'im, en it wuz dis yer son w'at got mix' up wid Dan,—en all 'bout a 'oman. "Dey wuz a gal on de plantation name' Mahaly. She wuz a monst'us lackly gal,—tall en soopl', wid big eyes, en a small foot, en a lively tongue, en w'en Dan tuk ter gwine wid 'er eve'ybody 'lowed dey wuz well match', en none er de yuther nigger men on de plantation das' ter go nigh her, fer dey wuz all feared er Dan. "Now, it happen' dat dis yer cunjuh man's son wuz gwine 'long de road one day, w'en who sh'd come pas' but Mahaly. En de minute dis man sot eyes on Mahaly, he 'lowed he wuz gwine ter hab her fer hisse'f. He come up side er her en 'mence' ter talk ter her; but she didn' paid no 'tention ter 'im, fer she wuz studyin' 'bout Dan, en she did n' lack dis nigger's looks nohow. So w'en she got ter whar she wuz gwine, dis yer man wa'n't no fu'ther 'long dan he wuz w'en he sta'ted. "Co'se, atter he had made up his min' fer ter git Mahaly, he 'mence' ter 'quire 'roun', en soon foun' out all 'bout Dan, en w'at a dange'ous nigger he wuz. But dis man 'lowed his daddy wuz a cunjuh man, en so he 'd come out all right in de een'; en he kep' right on atter Mahaly. Meanw'iles Dan's marster had said dey could git married ef dey wanter, en so Dan en Mahaly had tuk up wid one ernudder, en wuz libbin' in a cabin by deyse'ves, en wuz des wrop' up in one ernudder. "But dis yer cunjuh man's son did n' 'pear ter min' Dan's takin' up wid Mahaly, en he kep' on hangin' 'roun' des de same, 'tel fin'lly one day Mahaly sez ter Dan, sez she:— "'I wush you 'd do sump'n ter stop dat free nigger man fum follerin' me 'roun'. I doan lack him nohow, en I ain' got no time fer ter was'e wid no man but you.' "Co'se Dan got mad w'en he heared 'bout dis man pest'rin' Mahaly, en de nex' night, w'en he seed dis nigger comin' 'long de road, he up en ax' 'im w'at he mean by hangin' 'roun' his 'oman. De man did n' 'spon' ter suit Dan, en one wo'd led ter ernudder, 'tel bimeby dis cunjuh man's son pull' out a knife en sta'ted ter stick it in Dan; but befo' he could git it drawed good, Dan haul' off en hit 'im in de head so ha'd dat he nebber got up. Dan 'lowed he 'd come to atter a w'ile en go 'long 'bout his bizness, so he went off en lef 'im layin' dere on de groun'. "De nex' mawnin' de man wuz foun' dead. Dey wuz a great 'miration made 'bout it, but Dan did n' say nuffin, en none er de yuther niggers had n' seed de fight, so dey wa'n't no way ter tell who done de killin'. En bein' ez it wuz a free nigger, en dey wa'n't no w'ite folks 'speshly int'rusted, dey wa'n't nuffin done 'bout it, en de cunjuh man come en tuk his son en kyared 'im 'way en buried 'im. "Now, Dan had n' meant ter kill dis nigger, en w'iles he knowed de man had n'' got no mo' d'n he desarved, Dan 'mence' ter worry mo' er less. Fer he knowed dis man's daddy would wuk his roots en prob'ly fin' out who had killt 'is son, en make all de trouble fer 'im he could. En Dan kep' on studyin' 'bout dis 'tel he got so he did n' ha'dly das' ter eat er drink fer fear dis cunjuh man had p'isen' de vittles er de water. Fin'lly he 'lowed he 'd go ter see Aun' Peggy, de noo cunjuh 'oman w'at had moved down by de Wim'l'ton Road, en ax her fer ter do sump'n ter pertec' 'im fum dis cunjuh man. So he tuk a peck er 'taters en went down ter her cabin one night. "Aun' Peggy heared his tale, en den sez she:— "'Dat cunjuh man is mo' d'n twice't ez ole ez I is, en he kin make monst'us powe'ful goopher. W'at you needs is a life-cha'm, en I'll make you one ter-morrer; it's de on'y thing w'at'll do you any good. You leabe me a couple er ha'rs fum yo' head, en fetch me a pig ter-morrer night fer ter roas', en w'en you come I'll hab de cha'm all ready fer you.' "So Dan went down ter Aun' Peggy de nex' night,—wid a young shote,—en Aun' Peggy gun 'im de cha'm. She had tuk de ha'rs Dan had lef wid 'er, en a piece er red flannin, en some roots en yarbs, en had put 'em in a little bag made out'n 'coon-skin. "'You take dis cha'm,' sez she, 'en put it in a bottle er a tin box, en bury it deep unner de root er a live-oak tree, en ez long ez it stays dere safe en soun', dey ain' no p'isen kin p'isen you, dey ain' no rattlesnake kin bite you, dey ain' no sco'pion kin sting you. Dis yere cunjuh man mought do one thing er 'nudder ter you, but he can't kill you. So you neenter be at all skeered, but go 'long 'bout yo' bizness en doan bother yo' min'.' "So Dan went down by de ribber, en 'way up on de bank he buried de cha'm deep unner de root er a live-oak tree, en kivered it up en stomp' de dirt down en scattered leaves ober de spot, en den went home wid his min' easy. "Sho' 'nuff, dis yer cunjuh man wukked his roots, des ez Dan had 'spected he would, en soon l'arn' who killt his son. En co'se he made up his min' fer ter git eben wid Dan. So he sont a rattlesnake fer ter sting 'im, but de rattlesnake say de nigger's heel wuz so ha'd he could n' git his sting in. Den he sont his jay-bird fer ter put p'isen in Dan's vittles, but de p'isen did n' wuk. Den de cunjuh man 'low' he'd double Dan all up wid de rheumatiz, so he could n' git 'is ban' ter his mouf ter eat, en would hafter sta've ter def; but Dan went ter Aun' Peggy, en she gun 'im a' 'intment ter kyo de rheumatiz. Den de cunjuh man 'lowed he 'd bu'n Dan up wid a fever, but Aun' Peggy tol' 'im how ter make some yarb tea fer dat. Nuffin dis man tried would kill Dan, so fin'lly de cunjuh man 'lowed Dan mus' hab a life-cha'm. "Now, dis yer jay-bird de cunjuh man had wuz a monst'us sma't creeter,—fac', de niggers 'lowed he wuz de ole Debbil hisse'f, des settin' roun' waitin' ter kyar dis ole man erway w'en he 'd retch' de een' er his rope. De cunjuh man sont dis jay-bird fer ter watch Dan en fin' out whar he kep' his cha'm. De jay-bird hung roun' Dan fer a week er so, en one day he seed Dan go down by de ribber en look at a live-oak tree; en den de jay-bird went back ter his marster, en tol' 'im he 'spec' de nigger kep' his life-cha'm under dat tree. "De cunjuh man lafft en lafft, en he put on his bigges' pot, en fill' it wid his stronges' roots, en b'iled it en b'iled it, 'tel bimeby de win' blowed en blowed, 'tel it blowed down de live-oak tree. Den he stirred some more roots in de pot, en it rained en rained 'tel de water run down de ribber bank en wash' Dan's life-cha'm inter de ribber, en de bottle went bobbin' down de current des ez onconsarned ez ef it wa'n't takin' po' Dan's chances all 'long wid it. En den de cunjuh man lafft some mo', en 'lowed ter hisse'f dat he wuz gwine ter fix Dan now, sho' 'nuff; he wa'n't gwine ter kill 'im des yet, fer he could do sump'n ter 'im w'at would hu't wusser 'n killin'. "So dis cunjuh man 'mence' by gwine up ter Dan's cabin eve'y night, en takin' Dan out in his sleep en ridin' 'im roun' de roads en fiel's ober de rough groun'. In de mawnin' Dan would be ez ti'ed ez ef he had n' be'n ter sleep. Dis kin' er thing kep' up fer a week er so, en Dan had des 'bout made up his min' fer ter go en see Aun' Peggy ag'in, w'en who sh'd he come across, gwine 'long de road one day, to'ds sundown, but dis yer cunjuh man. Dan felt kinder skeered at fus'; but den he 'membered 'bout his life-cha'm, w'ich he had n' be'n ter see fer a week er so, en 'lowed wuz safe en soun' unner de live-oak tree, en so he hilt up 'is head en walk' 'long, des lack he did n' keer nuffin 'bout dis man no mo' d'n any yuther nigger. Wen he got close ter de cunjuh man, dis cunjuh man sez, sezee:— "'Hoddy, Brer Dan? I hopes you er well?' "Wen Dan seed de cunjuh man wuz in a good humor en did n' 'pear ter bear no malice, Dan 'lowed mebbe de cunjuh man had n' foun' out who killt his son, en so he 'termine' fer ter let on lack he did n' know nuffin, en so sezee:— "'Hoddy, Unk' Jube?'—dis ole cunjuh man's name wuz Jube. 'I 's p'utty well, I thank you. How is you feelin' dis mawnin'?' "'I's feelin' ez well ez a' ole nigger could feel w'at had los' his only son, en his main 'pen'ence in 'is ole age. "'But den my son wuz a bad boy,' sezee, 'en I could n' 'spec' nuffin e'se. I tried ter l'arn him de arrer er his ways en make him go ter chu'ch en pra'r-meetin'; but it wa'n't no use. I dunno who killt 'im, en I doan wanter know, fer I 'd be mos' sho' ter fin' out dat my boy had sta'ted de fuss. Ef I 'd 'a' had a son lack you, Brer Dan, I 'd 'a' be'n a proud nigger; oh, yas, I would, sho's you bawn. But you ain' lookin' ez well ez you oughter, Brer Dan. Dey's sump'n de matter wid you, en w'at 's mo', I 'spec' you dunno w'at it is.' "Now, dis yer kin' er talk nach'ly th'owed Dan off'n his gya'd, en fus' thing he knowed he wuz talkin' ter dis ole cunjuh man des lack he wuz one er his bes' frien's. He tol' 'im all 'bout not feelin' well in de mawnin', en ax' 'im ef he could tell w'at wuz de matter wid 'im. "'Yas,' sez de cunjuh man. 'Dey is a witch be'n ridin' you right 'long. I kin see de marks er de bridle on yo' mouf. En I'll des bet yo' back is raw whar she 's be'n beatin' you.' "'Yas,' 'spon' Dan, 'so it is.' He had n' notice it befo', but now he felt des lack de hide had be'n tuk off'n 'im. "'En yo' thighs is des raw whar de spurrers has be'n driv' in you,' sez de cunjuh man. 'You can't see de raw spots, but you kin feel 'em.' "'Oh, yas,' 'lows Dan, 'dey does hu't pow'ful bad.' "'En w'at's mo',' sez de cunjuh man, comin' up close ter Dan en whusp'in' in his yeah, 'I knows who it is be'n ridin' you.' "'Who is it?' ax' Dan. 'Tell me who it is.' "'It's a' ole nigger 'oman down by Rockfish Crick. She had a pet rabbit, en you cotch' 'im one day, en she's been squarin' up wid you eber sence. But you better stop her, er e'se you'll be rid ter def in a mont' er so.' "'No,' sez Dan, 'she can't kill me, sho'.' "'I dunno how dat is,' said de cunjuh man, 'but she kin make yo' life mighty mis'able. Ef I wuz in yo' place, I 'd stop her right off.' "'But how is I gwine ter stop her?' ax' Dan. 'I dunno nuffin 'bout stoppin' witches.' "'Look a heah, Dan,'sez de yuther; 'you is a goad young man. I lacks you monst'us well. Fac', I feels lack some er dese days I mought buy you fum yo' marster, ef I could eber make money ernuff at my bizness dese hard times, en 'dop' you fer my son. I lacks you so well dat I'm gwine ter he'p you git rid er dis yer witch fer good en all; fer des ez long ez she libs, you is sho' ter hab trouble, en trouble, en mo' trouble.' "'You is de bes' frien' I got, Unk' Jube,' sez Dan, 'en I'll 'member yo' kin'ness ter my dyin' day. Tell me how I kin git rid er dis yer ole witch w'at 's be'n ridin' me so ha'd.' "'In de fus' place,' sez de cunjuh man, 'dis ole witch nebber comes in her own shape, but eve'y night, at ten o'clock, she tu'ns herse'f inter a black cat, en runs down ter yo' cabin en bridles you, en mounts you, en dribes you out th'oo de chimbly, en rides you ober de roughes' places she kin fin'. All you got ter do is ter set fer her in de bushes 'side er yo' cabin, en hit her in de head wid a rock er a lighterd-knot w'en she goes pas'.' "'But,' sez Dan, 'how kin I see her in de da'k? En s'posen I hits at her en misses her? Er s'posen I des woun's her, en she gits erway,—w'at she gwine do ter me den?' "'I is done studied 'bout all dem things,' sez de cunjuh man, 'en it 'pears ter me de bes' plan fer you ter foller is ter lemme tu'n you ter some creetur w'at kin see in de da'k, en w'at kin run des ez fas' ez a cat, en w'at kin bite, en bite fer ter kill; en den you won't hafter hab no trouble atter de job is done. I dunno whuther you 'd lack dat er no, but dat is de sho'es' way.' "'I doan keer,' 'spon' Dan. 'I'd des ez lief be anything fer a' hour er so, ef I kin kill dat ole witch. You kin do des w'at you er mineter.' "'All right, den,' sez de cunjuh man, 'you come down ter my cabin at half-past nine o'clock ter-night, en I'll fix you up.' "Now, dis cunjuh man, w'en he had got th'oo talkin' wid Dan, kep' on down de road 'long de side er de plantation, 'tel he met Mahaly comin' home fum wuk des atter sundown. "'Hoddy do, ma'm,' sezee; 'is yo' name Sis' Mahaly, w'at b'longs ter Mars Dugal' McAdoo?' "'Yas,' 'spon' Mahaly, 'dat's my name, en I b'longs ter Mars Dugal'.' "'Well,' sezee, 'yo' husban' Dan wuz down by my cabin dis ebenin', en he got bit by a spider er sump'n, en his foot is swoll' up so he can't walk. En he ax' me fer ter fin' you en fetch you down dere ter he'p 'im home.' "Co'se Mahaly wanter see w'at had happen' ter Dan, en so she sta'ted down de road wid de cunjuh man. Ez soon ez he got her inter his cabin, he shet de do', en sprinkle' some goopher mixtry on her, en tu'nt her ter a black cat. Den he tuk 'n put her in a bairl, en put a bo'd on de bairl, en a rock on de bo'd, en lef her dere 'tel he got good en ready fer ter use her. "'Long 'bout half-pas' nine o'clock Dan come down ter de cunjuh man's cabin. It wuz a wa'm night, en de do' wuz stan'in' open. De cunjuh man 'vited Dan ter come in, en pass' de time er day wid 'im. Ez soon ez Dan 'mence' talkin', he heared a cat miauin' en scratchin' en gwine on at a tarrable rate. "'Wat's all dat fuss 'bout?' ax' Dan. "'Oh, dat ain' nuffin but my ole gray tomcat,' sez de cunjuh man. 'I has ter shet 'im up sometimes fer ter keep 'im in nights, en co'se he doan lack it. "'Now,' 'lows de cunjuh man, 'lemme tell you des w'at you is got ter do. Wen you ketches dis witch, you mus' take her right by de th'oat en bite her right th'oo de neck. Be sho' yo' teef goes th'oo at de fus' bite, en den you won't nebber be bothe'd no mo' by dat witch. En w'en you git done, come back heah en I'll tu'n you ter yo'se'f ag'in, so you kin go home en git yo' night's res'.' "Den de cunjuh man gun Dan sump'n nice en sweet ter drink out'n a new go'd, en in 'bout a minute Dan foun' hisse'f tu'nt ter a gray wolf; en soon ez he felt all fo' er his noo feet on de groun', he sta'ted off fas' ez he could fer his own cabin, so he could be sho' en be dere time ernuff ter ketch de witch, en put a' een' ter her kyarin's-on. "Ez soon ez Dan wuz gone good, de cunjuh man tuk de rock off'n de bo'd, en de bo'd off'n de bairl, en out le'p' Mahaly en sta'ted fer ter go home, des lack a cat er a 'oman er anybody e'se would w'at wuz in trouble; en it wa'n't many minutes befo' she wuz gwine up de path ter her own do'. "Meanw'iles, w'en Dan had retch' de cabin, he had hid hisse'f in a bunch er jimson weeds in de ya'd. He had n' wait' long befo' he seed a black cat run up de path to'ds de do'. Des ez soon ez she got close ter 'im, he le'p' out en ketch' her by de th'oat, en got a grip on her, des lack de cunjuh man had tol' 'im ter do. En lo en behol'! no sooner had de blood 'mence' ter flow dan de black cat tu'nt back ter Mahaly, en Dan seed dat he had killt his own wife. En w'iles her bref wuz gwine she call' out: "'O Dan! O my husban'! come en he'p me! come en sabe me fum dis wolf w'at 's killin' me!' "Wen po' Dan sta'ted to'ds her, ez any man nach'ly would, it des made her holler wuss en wuss; fer she did n' knowed dis yer wolf wuz her Dan. En Dan des had ter hide in de weeds, en grit his teef en hoi' hisse'f in, 'tel she passed out'n her mis'ry, callin' fer Dan ter de las', en wond'rin' w'y he did n' come en he'p her. En Dan 'lowed ter hisse'f he 'd ruther 'a' be'n killt a dozen times 'n ter 'a' done w'at he had ter Mahaly. "Dan wuz mighty nigh 'stracted, but w'en Mahaly wuz dead en he got his min' straighten' out a little, it did n' take 'im mo' d'n a minute er so fer ter see th'oo all de cunjuh man's lies, en how de cunjuh man had fooled 'im en made 'im kill Mahaly, fer ter git eben wid 'im fer killin' er his son. He kep' gittin' madder en madder, en Mahaly had n' much mo' d'n drawed her' las bref befo' he sta'ted back ter de cunjuh man's cabin ha'd ez he could run. "Wen he got dere, de do' wuz stan'in' open; a lighterd-knot wuz flick'rin' on de h'a'th, en de ole cunjuh man wuz settin' dere noddin' in de corner. Dan le'p' in de do' en jump' fer dis man's th'oat, en got de same grip on 'im w'at de cunjuh man had tol' 'im 'bout half a' hour befo'. It wuz ha'd wuk dis time, fer de ole man's neck wuz monst'us tough en stringy, but Dan hilt on long ernuff ter be sho' his job wuz done right. En eben den he did n' hol' on long ernuff; fer w'en he tu'nt de cunjuh man loose en he fell ober on de flo', de cunjuh man rollt his eyes at Dan, en sezee:— "'I's eben wid you, Brer Dan, en you er eben wid me; you killt my son en I killt yo' 'oman. En ez I doan want no mo' d'n w'at 's fair 'bout dis thing, ef you'll retch up wid yo' paw en take down dat go'd hangin' on dat peg ober de chimbly, en take a sip er dat mixtry, it'll tu'n you back ter a nigger ag'in, en I kin die mo' sad'sfied 'n ef I lef you lack you is.' "Dan nebber 'lowed fer a minute dat a man would lie wid his las' bref, en co'se he seed de sense er gittin' tu'nt back befo' de cunjuh man died; so he dumb on a chair en retch' fer de go'd, en tuk a sip er de mixtry. En ez soon ez he 'd done dat de cunjuh man lafft his las' laf, en gapsed out wid 'is las' gaps:— "'Uh huh! I reckon I's square wid you now fer killin' me, too; fer dat goopher on you is done fix' en sot now fer good, en all de cunj'in' in de worl' won't nebber take it off. 'Wolf you is en wolf you stays, All de rest er yo' bawn days.' "Co'se Brer Dan could n' do nuffin. He knowed it wa'n't no use, but he dumb up on de chimbly en got down de go'ds en bottles en yuther cunjuh fixin's, en tried 'em all on hisse'f, but dey didn' do no good. Den he run down ter ole Aun' Peggy, but she did n' know de wolf langwidge, en couldn't 'a' tuk off dis yuther goopher nohow, eben ef she 'd 'a' unnerstood w'at Dan wuz sayin'. So po' Dan wuz bleedgd ter be a wolf all de rest er his bawn days. "Dey foun' Mahaly down by her own cabin nex' mawnin', en eve'ybody made a great 'miration 'bout how she 'd be'n killt. De niggers 'lowed a wolf had bit her. De w'ite folks say no, dey ain' be'n no wolves 'roun' dere fer ten yeahs er mo'; en dey did n' know w'at ter make out'n it. En w'en dey could n' fin' Dan nowhar, dey 'lowed he'd quo'lled wid Mahaly en killt her, en run erway; en dey did n' know w'at ter make er dat, fer Dan en Mahaly wuz de mos' lovin' couple on de plantation. Dey put de dawgs on Dan's scent, en track' 'im down ter ole Unk' Jube's cabin, en foun' de ole man dead, en dey did n' know w'at ter make er dat; en den Dan's scent gun out, en dey didn' know w'at ter make er dat. Mars Dugal' tuk on a heap 'bout losin' two er his bes' han's in one day, en ole missis 'lowed it wuz a jedgment on 'im fer sump'n he 'd done. But dat fall de craps wuz monst'us big, so Mars Dugal' say de Lawd had temper' de win' ter de sho'n ram, en make up ter 'im fer w'at he had los'. "Dey buried Mahaly down in dat piece er low groun' you er talkin' 'bout cl'arin' up. Ez fer po' Dan, he did n' hab nowhar e'se ter go, so he des stayed 'roun' Mahaly's grabe, w'en he wa'n't out in de yuther woods gittin' sump'n ter eat. En sometimes, w'en night would come, de niggers useter heah him howlin' en howlin' down dere, des fittin' ter break his hea't. En den some mo' un 'em said dey seed Mahaly's ha'nt dere 'bun'ance er times, colloguin' wid dis gray wolf. En eben now, fifty yeahs sence, long atter ole Dan has died en dried up in de woods, his ha'nt en Mahaly's hangs 'roun' dat piece er low groun', en eve'body w'at goes 'bout dere has some bad luck er 'nuther; fer ha'nts doan lack ter be 'sturb' on dey own stompin'-groun'." The air had darkened while the old man related this harrowing tale. The rising wind whistled around the eaves, slammed the loose window-shutters, and, still increasing, drove the rain in fiercer gusts into the piazza. As Julius finished his story and we rose to seek shelter within doors, the blast caught the angle of some chimney or gable in the rear of the house, and bore to our ears a long, wailing note, an epitome, as it were, of remorse and hopelessness. "Dat 's des lack po' ole Dan useter howl," observed Julius, as he reached for his umbrella, "en w'at I be'n tellin' you is de reason I doan lack ter see dat neck er woods cl'ared up. Co'se it b'longs ter you, en a man kin do ez he choose' wid 'is own. But ef you gits rheumatiz er fever en agur, er ef you er snake-bit er p'isen' wid some yarb er 'nuther, er ef a tree falls on you, er a ha'nt runs you en makes you git 'stracted in yo' min', lack some folks I knows w'at went foolin' 'roun' dat piece er lan', you can't say I neber wa'ned you, suh, en tol' you w'at you mought look fer en be sho' ter fin'." When I cleared up the land in question, which was not until the following year, I recalled the story Julius had told us, and looked in vain for a sunken grave or perhaps a few weather-bleached bones of some denizen of the forest. I cannot say, of course, that some one had not been buried there; but if so, the hand of time had long since removed any evidence of the fact. If some lone wolf, the last of his pack, had once made his den there, his bones had long since crumbled into dust and gone to fertilize the rank vegetation that formed the undergrowth of this wild spot. I did find, however, a bee-tree in the woods, with an ample cavity in its trunk, and an opening through which convenient access could be had to the stores of honey within. I have reason to believe that ever since I had bought the place, and for many years before, Julius had been getting honey from this tree. The gray wolf's haunt had doubtless proved useful in keeping off too inquisitive people, who might have interfered with his monopoly. HOT-FOOT HANNIBAL "I hate you and despise you! I wish never to see you or speak to you again!" "Very well; I will take care that henceforth you have no opportunity to do either." These words—the first in the passionately vibrant tones of my sister-in-law, and the latter in the deeper and more restrained accents of an angry man—startled me from my nap. I had been dozing in my hammock on the front piazza, behind the honeysuckle vine. I had been faintly aware of a buzz of conversation in the parlor, but had not at all awakened to its import until these sentences fell, or, I might rather say, were hurled upon my ear. I presume the young people had either not seen me lying there,—the Venetian blinds opening from the parlor windows upon the piazza were partly closed on account of the heat,—or else in their excitement they had forgotten my proximity. I felt somewhat concerned. The young man, I had remarked, was proud, firm, jealous of the point of honor, and, from my observation of him, quite likely to resent to the bitter end what he deemed a slight or an injustice. The girl, I knew, was quite as high-spirited as young Murchison. I feared she was not so just, and hoped she would prove more yielding. I knew that her affections were strong and enduring, but that her temperament was capricious, and her sunniest moods easily overcast by some small cloud of jealousy or pique. I had never imagined, however, that she was capable of such intensity as was revealed by these few words of hers. As I say, I felt concerned. I had learned to like Malcolm Murchison, and had heartily consented to his marriage with my ward; for it was in that capacity that I had stood for a year or two to my wife's younger sister, Mabel. The match thus rudely broken off had promised to be another link binding me to the kindly Southern people among whom I had not long before taken up my residence. Young Murchison came out of the door, cleared the piazza in two strides without seeming aware of my presence, and went off down the lane at a furious pace. A few moments later Mabel began playing the piano loudly, with a touch that indicated anger and pride and independence and a dash of exultation, as though she were really glad that she had driven away forever the young man whom the day before she had loved with all the ardor of a first passion. I hoped that time might heal the breach and bring the two young people together again. I told my wife what I had overheard. In return she gave me Mabel's version of the affair. "I do not see how it can ever be settled," my wife said. "It is something more than a mere lovers' quarrel. It began, it is true, because she found fault with him for going to church with that hateful Branson girl. But before it ended there were things said that no woman of any spirit could stand. I am afraid it is all over between them." I was sorry to hear this. In spite of the very firm attitude taken by my wife and her sister, I still hoped that the quarrel would be made up within a day or two. Nevertheless, when a week had passed with no word from young Murchison, and with no sign of relenting on Mabel's part, I began to think myself mistaken. One pleasant afternoon, about ten days after the rupture, old Julius drove the rockaway up to the piazza, and my wife, Mabel, and I took our seats for a drive to a neighbor's vineyard, over on the Lumberton plank-road. "Which way shall we go," I asked,—"the short road or the long one?" "I guess we had better take the short road," answered my wife. "We will get there sooner." "It's a mighty fine dribe roun' by de big road, Mis' Annie," observed Julius, "en it doan take much longer to git dere." "No," said my wife, "I think we will go by the short road. There is a bay-tree in blossom near the mineral spring, and I wish to get some of the flowers." "I 'spec's you 'd fin' some bay-trees 'long de big road, ma'm," suggested Julius. "But I know about the flowers on the short road, and they are the ones I want." We drove down the lane to the highway, and soon struck into the short road leading past the mineral spring. Our route lay partly through a swamp, and on each side the dark, umbrageous foliage, unbroken by any clearing, lent to the road solemnity, and to the air a refreshing coolness. About half a mile from the house, and about half-way to the mineral spring, we stopped at the tree of which my wife had spoken, and reaching up to the low-hanging boughs, I gathered a dozen of the fragrant white flowers. When I resumed my seat in the rockaway, Julius started the mare. She went on for a few rods, until we had reached the edge of a branch crossing the road, when she stopped short. "Why did you stop, Julius?" I asked. "I did n', suh," he replied. "'T wuz de mare stop'. G' 'long dere, Lucy! Wat you mean by dis foolis'ness?" Julius jerked the reins and applied the whip lightly, but the mare did not stir. "Perhaps you had better get down and lead her," I suggested. "If you get her started, you can cross on the log and keep your feet dry." Julius alighted, took hold of the bridle, and vainly essayed to make the mare move. She planted her feet with even more evident obstinacy. "I don't know what to make of this," I said. "I have never known her to balk before. Have you, Julius?" "No, suh," replied the old man, "I neber has. It's a cu'ous thing ter me, suh." "What's the best way to make her go?" "I 'spec's, suh, dat ef I'd tu'n her 'roun', she'd go de udder way." "But we want her to go this way." "Well, suh, I 'low ef we des set heah fo' er fibe minutes, she'll sta't up by herse'f." "All right," I rejoined; "it is cooler here than any place I have struck today. We'll let her stand for a while, and see what she does." We had sat in silence for a few minutes, when Julius suddenly ejaculated, "Uh huh! I knows w'y dis mare doan go. It des flash' 'cross my recommemb'ance." "Why is it, Julius?" I inquired. "'Ca'se she sees Chloe." "Where is Chloe?" I demanded. "Chloe's done be'n dead dese fo'ty years er mo'," the old man returned. "Her ha'nt is settin' ober yander on de udder side er de branch, unner dat wilier-tree, dis blessed minute." "Why, Julius!" said my wife, "do you see the haunt?" "No'm," he answered, shaking his head, "I doan see 'er, but de mare sees 'er." "How do you know?" I inquired. "Well, suh, dis yer is a gray hoss, en dis yer is a Friday; en a gray hoss kin alluz see a ha'nt w'at walks on Friday." "Who was Chloe?" said Mabel. "And why does Chloe's haunt walk?" asked my wife. "It's all in de tale, ma'm," Julius replied, with a deep sigh. "It's all in de tale." "Tell us the tale," I said. "Perhaps, by the time you get through, the haunt will go away and the mare will cross." I was willing to humor the old man's fancy. He had not told us a story for some time; and the dark and solemn swamp around us; the amber-colored stream flowing silently and sluggishly at our feet, like the waters of Lethe; the heavy, aromatic scent of the bays, faintly suggestive of funeral wreaths, all made the place an ideal one for a ghost story. "Chloe," Julius began in a subdued tone, "use' ter b'long ter ole Mars' Dugal' McAdoo,—my ole marster. She wuz a lackly gal en a smart gal, en ole mis' tuk her up ter de big house, en l'arnt her ter wait on de w'ite folks, 'tel bimeby she come ter be mis's own maid, en 'peared ter 'low she run de house herse'f, ter heah her talk erbout it. I wuz a young boy den, en use' ter wuk 'bout de stables, so I knowed eve'ythin' dat wuz gwine on 'roun' de plantation. "Well, one time Mars' Dugal' wanted a house boy, en sont down ter de qua'ters fer ter hab Jeff en Hannibal come up ter de big house nex' mawnin'. Ole marster en ole mis' look' de two boys ober, en 'sco'sed wid deyse'ves fer a little w'ile, en den Mars' Dugal' sez, sezee:— "'We lacks Hannibal de bes', en we gwine ter keep him. Heah, Hannibal, you'll wuk at de house fum now on. En ef you er a good nigger en min's yo' bizness, I'll gib you Chloe fer a wife nex' spring. You other nigger, you Jeff, you kin go back ter de qua'ters. We ain' gwine ter need you.' "Now Chloe had be'n stan'in' dere behin' ole mis' dyoin' all er dis yer talk, en Chloe made up her min' fum de ve'y fus' minute she sot eyes on dem two dat she did n' lack dat nigger Hannibal, en wa'n't neber gwine keer fer 'im, en she wuz des ez sho' dat she lack' Jeff, en wuz gwine ter set sto' by 'im, whuther Mars' Dugal' tuk 'im in de big house er no; en so co'se Chloe wuz monst'us sorry w'en ole Mars' Dugal' tuk Hannibal en sont Jeff back. So she slip' roun' de house en waylaid Jeff on de way back ter de qua'ters, en tol' 'im not ter be down-hea'ted, fer she wuz gwine ter see ef she could n' fin' some way er 'nuther ter git rid er dat nigger Hannibal, en git Jeff up ter de house in his place. "De noo house boy kotch' on monst'us fas', en it wa'n't no time ha'dly befo' Mars' Dugal' en ole mis' bofe 'mence' ter 'low Hannibal wuz de bes' house boy dey eber had. He wuz peart en soopl', quick ez lightnin', en sha'p ez a razor. But Chloe did n' lack his ways. He wuz so sho' he wuz gwine ter git 'er in de spring, dat he did n' 'pear ter 'low he had ter do any co'tin', en w'en he 'd run 'cross Chloe 'bout de house, he 'd swell roun' 'er in a biggity way en say:— "'Come heah en kiss me, honey. You gwine ter be mine in de spring. You doan 'pear ter be ez fon' er me ez you oughter be.' "Chloe did n' keer nuffin fer Hannibal, en had n' keered nuffin fer 'im, en she sot des ez much sto' by Jeff ez she did de day she fus' laid eyes on 'im. En de mo' fermilyus dis yer Hannibal got, de mo' Chloe let her min' run on Jeff, en one ebenin' she went down ter de qua'ters en watch', 'tel she got a chance fer ter talk wid 'im by hisse'f. En she tol' Jeff fer ter go down en see ole Aun' Peggy, de cunjuh 'oman down by de Wim'l'ton Road, en ax her ter gib 'im sump'n ter he'p git Hannibal out'n de big house, so de w'ite folks u'd sen' fer Jeff ag'in. En bein' ez Jeff did n' hab nuffin ter gib Aun' Peggy, Chloe gun 'im a silber dollah en a silk han'kercher fer ter pay her wid, fer Aun' Peggy neber lack ter wuk fer nobody fer nuffin. "So Jeff slip' off down ter Aun' Peggy's one night, en gun 'er de present he brung, en tol' 'er all 'bout 'im en Chloe en Hannibal, en ax' 'er ter he'p 'im out. Aun' Peggy tol' 'im she 'd wuk 'er roots, en fer 'im ter come back de nex' night, en she 'd tell 'im w'at she c'd do fer 'im. "So de nex' night Jeff went back, en Aun' Peggy gun 'im a baby doll, wid a body made out'n a piece er co'n-stalk, en wid splinters fer a'ms en laigs, en a head made out'n elderberry peth, en two little red peppers fer feet. "'Dis yer baby doll,' sez she, 'is Hannibal. Dis yer peth head is Hannibal's head, en dese yer pepper feet is Hannibal's feet. You take dis en hide it unner de house, on de sill unner de do', whar Hannibal 'll hafter walk ober it eve'y day. En ez long ez Hannibal comes anywhar nigh dis baby doll, he'll be des lack it is,—light-headed en hot-footed; en ef dem two things doan git 'im inter trouble mighty soon, den I'm no cunjuh 'oman. But w'en you git Hannibal out'n de house, en git all th'oo wid dis baby doll, you mus' fetch it back ter me, fer it's monst'us powerful goopher, en is liable ter make mo' trouble ef you leabe it layin' roun'.' "Well, Jeff tuk de baby doll, en slip' up ter de big house, en whistle' ter Chloe, en w'en she come out he tol' 'er w'at ole Aun' Peggy had said. En Chloe showed 'im how ter git unner de house, en w'en he had put de cunjuh doll on de sill, he went 'long back ter de qua'ters—en des waited. "Nex' day, sho' 'nuff, de goopher 'mence' ter wuk. Hannibal sta'ted in de house soon in de mawnin' wid a armful er wood ter make a fire, en he had n' mo' d'n got 'cross de do'-sill befo' his feet begun ter bu'n so dat he drap' de armful er wood on de flo' en woke ole mis' up a' hour sooner 'n yushal, en co'se ole mis' did n' lack dat, en spoke sha'p erbout it. "W'en dinner-time come, en Hannibal wuz help'n' de cook kyar de dinner f'm de kitchen inter de big house, en wuz gittin' close ter de do' whar he had ter go in, his feet sta'ted ter bu'n en his head begun ter swim, en he let de big dish er chicken en dumplin's fall right down in de dirt, in de middle er de ya'd, en de w'ite folks had ter make dey dinner dat day off'n col' ham en sweet'n' 'taters. "De nex' mawnin' he overslep' hisse'f, en got inter mo' trouble. Atter breakfus', Mars' Dugal' sont 'im ober ter Mars' Marrabo Utley's fer ter borry a monkey wrench. He oughter be'n back in ha'f a' hour, but he come pokin' home 'bout dinner-time wid a screw-driver stidder a monkey wrench. Mars' Dugal' sont ernudder nigger back wid de screw-driver, en Hannibal did n' git no dinner. 'Long in de atternoon, ole mis' sot Hannibal ter weedin' de flowers in de front gya'den, en Hannibal dug up all de bulbs ole mis' had sont erway fer, en paid a lot er money fer, en tuk 'em down ter de hawg-pen by de ba'nya'd, en fed 'em ter de hawgs. Wen ole mis' come out in de cool er de ebenin', en seed w'at Hannibal had done, she wuz mos' crazy, en she wrote a note en sont Hannibal down ter de oberseah wid it. "But w'at Hannibal got fum de oberseah did n' 'pear ter do no good. Eve'y now en den 'is feet 'd 'mence ter torment 'im, en 'is min' 'u'd git all mix' up, en his conduc' kep' gittin' wusser en wusser, 'tel fin'lly de w'ite folks could n' stan' it no longer, en Mars' Dugal' tuk Hannibal back down ter de qua'ters. "'Mr. Smif,' sez Mars' Dugal' ter de oberseah, 'dis yer nigger has done got so triflin' yer lately dat we can't keep 'im at de house no mo', en I 's fotch' 'im ter you ter be straighten' up. You 's had 'casion ter deal wid 'im once, so he knows w'at ter expec'. You des take 'im in han', en lemme know how he tu'ns out. En w'en de han's comes in fum de fiel' dis ebenin' you kin sen' dat yaller nigger Jeff up ter de house. I 'll try 'im, en see ef he's any better 'n Hannibal.' "So Jeff went up ter de big house, en pleas' Mars' Dugal' en ole mis' en de res' er de fambly so well dat dey all got ter lackin' 'im fus'rate; en dey 'd 'a' fergot all 'bout Hannibal, ef it had n' be'n fer de bad repo'ts w'at come up fum de qua'ters 'bout 'im fer a mont' er so. Fac' is, dat Chloe en Jeff wuz so int'rusted in one ernudder sence Jeff be'n up ter de house, dat dey fergot all 'bout takin' de baby doll back ter Aun' Peggy, en it kep' wukkin' fer a w'ile, en makin' Hannibal's feet bu'n mo' er less, 'tel all de folks on de plantation got ter callin' 'im Hot-Foot Hannibal. He kep' gittin' mo' en mo' triflin', 'tel he got de name er bein' de mos' no 'countes' nigger on de plantation, en Mars' Dugal' had ter th'eaten ter sell 'im in de spring, w'en bimeby de goopher quit wukkin', en Hannibal 'mence' ter pick up some en make folks set a little mo' sto' by 'im. "Now, dis yer Hannibal was a monst'us sma't nigger, en w'en he got rid er dem so' feet, his min' kep' runnin' on 'is udder troubles. Heah th'ee er fo' weeks befo' he 'd had a' easy job, waitin' on de w'ite folks, libbin' off'n de fat er de lan', en promus' de fines' gal on de plantation fer a wife in de spring, en now heah he wuz back in de co'n-fiel, wid de oberseah a-cussin' en a-r'arin' ef he did n' get a ha'd tas' done; wid nuffin but co'n bread en bacon en merlasses ter eat; en all de fiel'-han's makin' rema'ks, en pokin' fun at 'im 'ca'se he'd be'n sont back fum de big house ter de fiel'. En de mo' Hannibal studied 'bout it de mo' madder he got, 'tel he fin'lly swo' he wuz gwine ter git eben wid Jeff en Chloe, ef it wuz de las' ac'. "So Hannibal slipped 'way fum de qua'ters one Sunday en hid in de co'n up close ter de big house, 'tel he see Chloe gwine down de road. He waylaid her, en sezee:— "'Hoddy, Chloe?' "'I ain' got no time fer ter fool wid fiel'-han's,' sez Chloe, tossin' her head; 'w'at you want wid me, Hot-Foot?' "'I wants ter know how you en Jeff is gittin' 'long.' "'I 'lows dat's none er yo' bizness, nigger. I doan see w'at 'casion any common fiel'-han' has got ter mix in wid de 'fairs er folks w'at libs in de big house. But ef it'll do you any good ter know, I mought say dat me en Jeff is gittin' 'long mighty well, en we gwine ter git married in de spring, en you ain' gwine ter be 'vited ter de weddin' nuther.' "'No, no!' sezee, 'I would n' 'spec' ter be 'vited ter de weddin',—a common, low-down fiel'-han' lack I is. But I's glad ter heah you en Jeff is gittin' 'long so well. I did n' knowed but w'at he had 'mence' ter be a little ti'ed.' "'Ti'ed er me? Dat's rediklus!' sez Chloe. 'W'y, dat nigger lubs me so I b'liebe he 'd go th'oo fire en water fer me. Dat nigger is des wrop' up in me.' "'Uh huh,' sez Hannibal, 'den I reckon it mus' be some udder nigger w'at meets a 'oman down by de crick in de swamp eve'y Sunday ebenin', ter say nuffin 'bout two er th'ee times a week.' "'Yas, hit is ernudder nigger, en you is a liah w'en you say it wuz Jeff.' "'Mebbe I is a liah, en mebbe I ain' got good eyes. But 'less'n I is a liah, en 'less'n I ain' got good eyes, Jeff is gwine ter meet dat 'oman dis ebenin' 'long 'bout eight o'clock right down dere by de crick in de swamp 'bout half-way betwix' dis plantation en Mars' Marrabo Utley's.' "Well, Chloe tol' Hannibal she did n' b'liebe a wo'd he said, en call' 'im a low-down nigger, who wuz tryin' ter slander Jeff 'ca'se he wuz mo' luckier 'n he wuz. But all de same, she could n' keep her min' fum runnin' on w'at Hannibal had said. She 'membered she 'd heared one er de niggers say dey wuz a gal ober at Mars' Marrabo Utley's plantation w'at Jeff use' ter go wid some befo' he got 'quainted wid Chloe. Den she 'mence' ter figger back, en sho' 'nuff, dey wuz two er th'ee times in de las' week w'en she 'd be'n he'pin' de ladies wid dey dressin' en udder fixin's in de ebenin', en Jeff mought 'a' gone down ter de swamp widout her knowin' 'bout it at all. En den she 'mence' ter 'member little things w'at she had n' tuk no notice of befo', en w'at 'u'd make it 'pear lack Jeff had sump'n on his min'. "Chloe set a monst'us heap er sto' by Jeff, en would 'a' done mos' anythin' fer 'im, so long ez he stuck ter her. But Chloe wuz a mighty jealous 'oman, en w'iles she didn' b'liebe w'at Hannibal said, she seed how it could 'a' be'n so, en she 'termine' fer ter fin' out fer herse'f whuther it wuz so er no. "Now, Chloe had n' seed Jeff all day, fer Mars' Dugal' had sont Jeff ober ter his daughter's house, young Mis' Ma'g'ret's, w'at libbed 'bout fo' miles fum Mars' Dugal's, en Jeff wuz n' 'spected home 'tel ebenin'. But des atter supper wuz ober, en w'iles de ladies wuz settin' out on de piazzer, Chloe slip' off fum de house en run down de road,—dis yer same road we come; en w'en she got mos' ter de crick—dis yer same crick right befo' us—she kin' er kep' in de bushes at de side er de road, 'tel fin'lly she seed Jeff settin' on de bank on de udder side er de crick,—right unner dat ole wilier-tree droopin' ober de water yander. En eve'y now en den he 'd git up en look up de road to'ds Mars' Marrabo's on de udder side er de swamp. "Fus' Chloe felt lack she 'd go right ober de crick en gib Jeff a piece er her min'. Den she 'lowed she better be sho' befo' she done anythin'. So she helt herse'f in de bes' she could, gittin' madder en madder eve'y minute, 'tel bimeby she seed a 'oman comin' down de road on de udder side fum to'ds Mars' Marrabo Utley's plantation. En w'en she seed Jeff jump up en run to'ds dat 'oman, en th'ow his a'ms roun' her neck, po' Chloe did n' stop ter see no mo', but des tu'nt roun' en run up ter de house, en rush' up on de piazzer, en up en tol' Mars' Dugal' en ole mis' all 'bout de baby doll, en all 'bout Jeff gittin' de goopher fum Aun' Peggy, en 'bout w'at de goopher had done ter Hannibal. "Mars' Dugal' wuz monst'us mad. He did n' let on at fus' lack he b'liebed Chloe, but w'en she tuk en showed 'im whar ter fin' de baby doll, Mars' Dugal' tu'nt w'ite ez chalk. "'Wat debil's wuk is dis?' sezee. 'No wonder de po' nigger's feet eetched. Sump'n got ter be done ter l'arn dat ole witch ter keep her han's off'n my niggers. En ez fer dis yer Jeff, I'm gwine ter do des w'at I promus', so de darkies on dis plantation'll know I means w'at I sez.' "Fer Mars' Dugal' had warned de han's befo' 'bout foolin' wid cunju'ation; fac', he had los' one er two niggers his-se'f fum dey bein' goophered, en he would 'a' had ole Aun' Peggy whip' long ago, on'y Aun' Peggy wuz a free 'oman, en he wuz 'feard she 'd cunjuh him. En w'iles Mars' Dugal' say he did n' b'liebe in cunj'in' en sich, he 'peared ter 'low it wuz bes' ter be on de safe side, en let Aun' Peggy alone. "So Mars' Dugal' done des ez he say. Ef ole mis' had ple'd fer Jeff, he mought 'a' kep' 'im. But ole mis' had n' got ober losin' dem bulbs yit, en she neber said a wo'd. Mars' Dugal' tuk Jeff ter town nex' day en' sol' 'im ter a spekilater, who sta'ted down de ribber wid 'im nex' mawnin' on a steamboat, fer ter take 'im ter Alabama. "Now, w'en Chloe tol' ole Mars' Dugal' 'bout dis yer baby doll en dis udder goopher, she had n' ha'dly 'lowed Mars' Dugal' would sell Jeff down Souf. Howsomeber, she wuz so mad wid Jeff dat she 'suaded herse'f she did n' keer; en so she hilt her head up en went roun' lookin' lack she wuz rale glad 'bout it. But one day she wuz walkin' down de road, w'en who sh'd come 'long but dis yer Hannibal. "W'en Hannibal seed 'er, he bus' out laffin' fittin' fer ter kill: 'Yah, yah, yah! ho, ho, ho! ha, ha, ha! Oh, hol' me, honey, hol' me, er I'll laf myse'f ter def. I ain' nebber laf' so much sence I be'n bawn.' "'Wat you laffin' at, Hot-Foot?' "'Yah, yah, yah! Wat I laffin' at? W'y, I's laffin' at myse'f, tooby sho',—laffin' ter think w'at a fine 'oman I made.' "Chloe tu'nt pale, en her hea't come up in her mouf. "'Wat you mean, nigger?' sez she, ketchin' holt er a bush by de road fer ter stiddy herse'f. 'Wat you mean by de kin' er 'oman you made?' "'Wat do I mean? I means dat I got squared up wid you fer treatin' me de way you done, en I got eben wid dat yaller nigger Jeff fer cuttin' me out. Now, he's gwine ter know w'at it is ter eat co'n bread en merlasses once mo', en wuk fum daylight ter da'k, en ter hab a oberseah dribin' 'im fum one day's een' ter de udder. I means dat I sont wo'd ter Jeff dat Sunday dat you wuz gwine ter be ober ter Mars' Marrabo's visitin' dat ebenin', en you want 'im ter meet you down by de crick on de way home en go de rest er de road wid you. En den I put on a frock en a sunbonnet, en fix' myse'f up ter look lack a 'oman; en w'en Jeff seed me comin', he run ter meet me, en you seed 'im,—fer I 'd be'n watchin' in de bushes befo' en 'skivered you comin' down de road. En now I reckon you en Jeff bofe knows w'at it means ter mess wid a nigger lack me.' "Po' Chloe had n' heared mo' d'n half er de las' part er w'at Hannibal said, but she had heared 'nuff to l'arn dat dis nigger had fooled her en Jeff, en dat po' Jeff had n' done nuffin, en dat fer lovin' her too much en goin' ter meet her she had cause' 'im ter be sol' erway whar she 'd neber, neber see 'im no mo'. De sun mought shine by day, de moon by night, de flowers mought bloom, en de mawkin'-birds mought sing, but po' Jeff wuz done los' ter her fereber en fereber. "Hannibal had n' mo' d'n finish' w'at he had ter say, w'en Chloe's knees gun 'way unner her, en she fell down in de road, en lay dere half a' hour er so befo' she come to. W'en she did, she crep' up ter de house des ez pale ez a ghos'. En fer a mont' er so she crawled roun' de house, en 'peared ter be so po'ly dat Mars' Dugal' sont fer a doctor; en de doctor kep' on axin' her questions 'tel he foun' she wuz des pinin' erway fer Jeff. "Wen he tol' Mars' Dugal', Mars' Dugal' lafft, en said he 'd fix dat. She could hab de noo house boy fer a husban'. But ole mis' say, no, Chloe ain' dat kin'er gal, en dat Mars' Dugal' sh'd buy Jeff back. "So Mars' Dugal' writ a letter ter dis yer spekilater down ter Wim'l'ton, en tol' ef he ain' done sol' dat nigger Souf w'at he bought fum 'im, he'd lack ter buy 'im back ag'in. Chloe 'mence' ter pick up a little w'en ole mis' tol' her 'bout dis letter. Howsomeber, bimeby Mars' Dugal' got a' answer fum de spekilater, who said he wuz monst'us sorry, but Jeff had fell ove'boa'd er jumped off'n de steamboat on de way ter Wim'l'ton, en got drownded, en co'se he could n' sell 'im back, much ez he'd lack ter 'bleedge Mars' Dugal'. "Well, atter Chloe heared dis, she wa'n't much mo' use ter nobody. She pu'tended ter do her wuk, en ole mis' put up wid her, en had de doctor gib her medicine, en let 'er go ter de circus, en all so'ts er things fer ter take her min' off'n her troubles. But dey did n' none un 'em do no good. Chloe got ter slippin' down here in de ebenin' des lack she 'uz comin' ter meet Jeff, en she 'd set dere unner dat wilier-tree on de udder side, en wait fer 'im, night atter night. Bimeby she got so bad de w'ite folks sont her ober ter young Mis' Ma'g'ret's fer ter gib her a change; but she runned erway de fus' night, en w'en dey looked fer 'er nex' mawnin', dey foun' her co'pse layin' in de branch yander, right 'cross fum whar we 're settin' now. "Eber sence den," said Julius in conclusion, "Chloe's ha'nt comes eve'y ebenin' en sets down unner dat willer-tree en waits fer Jeff, er e'se walks up en down de road yander, lookin' en lookin', en waitin' en waitin', fer her sweethea't w'at ain' neber, neber come back ter her no mo'." There was silence when the old man had finished, and I am sure I saw a tear in my wife's eye, and more than one in Mabel's. "I think, Julius," said my wife, after a moment, "that you may turn the mare around and go by the long road." The old man obeyed with alacrity, and I noticed no reluctance on the mare's part. "You are not afraid of Chloe's haunt, are you?" I asked jocularly. My mood was not responded to, and neither of the ladies smiled. "Oh, no," said Annie, "but I've changed my mind. I prefer the other route." When we had reached the main road and had proceeded along it for a short distance, we met a cart driven by a young negro, and on the cart were a trunk and a valise. We recognized the man as Malcolm Murchison's servant, and drew up a moment to speak to him. "Who's going away, Marshall?" I inquired. "Young Mistah Ma'colm gwine 'way on de boat ter Noo Yo'k dis ebenin', suh, en I'm takin' his things down ter de wharf, suh." This was news to me, and I heard it with regret. My wife looked sorry, too, and I could see that Mabel was trying hard to hide her concern. "He's comin' 'long behin', suh, en I 'spec's you'll meet 'im up de road a piece. He 's gwine ter walk down ez fur ez Mistah Jim Williams's, en take de buggy fum dere ter town. He 'spec's ter be gone a long time, suh, en say prob'ly he ain' neber comin' back." The man drove on. There were a few words exchanged in an undertone between my wife and Mabel, which I did not catch. Then Annie said: "Julius, you may stop the rockaway a moment. There are some trumpet-flowers by the road there that I want. Will you get them for me, John?" I sprang into the underbrush, and soon returned with a great bunch of scarlet blossoms. "Where is Mabel?" I asked, noting her absence. "She has walked on ahead. We shall overtake her in a few minutes." The carriage had gone only a short distance when my wife discovered that she had dropped her fan. "I had it where we were stopping. Julius, will you go back and get it for me?" Julius got down and went back for the fan. He was an unconscionably long time finding it. After we got started again we had gone only a little way, when we saw Mabel and young Murchison coming toward us. They were walking arm in arm, and their faces were aglow with the light of love. I do not know whether or not Julius had a previous understanding with Malcolm Murchison by which he was to drive us round by the long road that day, nor do I know exactly what motive influenced the old man's exertions in the matter. He was fond of Mabel, but I was old enough, and knew Julius well enough, to be skeptical of his motives. It is certain that a most excellent understanding existed between him and Murchison after the reconciliation, and that when the young people set up housekeeping over at the old Murchison place, Julius had an opportunity to enter their service. For some reason or other, however, he preferred to remain with us. The mare, I might add, was never known to balk again. APPENDIX Uncollected Uncle Julius Stories Dave's Neckliss (1889) A Deep Sleeper (1893) Lonesome Ben (1900) Essay Superstitions and Folk-Lore of the South (1901) Dave's Neckliss "Have some dinner, Uncle Julius?" said my wife. It was a Sunday afternoon in early autumn. Our two women-servants had gone to a camp-meeting some miles away, and would not return until evening. My wife had served the dinner, and we were just rising from the table, when Julius came up the lane, and, taking off his hat, seated himself on the piazza. The old man glanced through the open door at the dinner-table, and his eyes rested lovingly upon a large sugar-cured ham, from which several slices had been cut, exposing a rich pink expanse that would have appealed strongly to the appetite of any hungry Christian. "Thanky, Miss Annie," he said, after a momentary hesitation, "I dunno ez I keers ef I does tas'e a piece er dat ham, ef yer'll cut me off a slice un it." "No," said Annie, "I won't. Just sit down to the table and help yourself; eat all you want, and don't be bashful." Julius drew a chair up to the table, while my wife and I went out on the piazza. Julius was in my employment; he took his meals with his own family, but when he happened to be about our house at meal-times, my wife never let him go away hungry. I threw myself into a hammock, from which I could see Julius through an open window. He ate with evident relish, devoting his attention chiefly to the ham, slice after slice of which disappeared in the spacious cavity of his mouth. At first the old man ate rapidly, but after the edge of his appetite had been taken off he proceeded in a more leisurely manner. When he had cut the sixth slice of ham (I kept count of them from a lazy curiosity to see how much he could eat) I saw him lay it on his plate; as he adjusted the knife and fork to cut it into smaller pieces, he paused, as if struck by a sudden thought, and a tear rolled down his rugged cheek and fell upon the slice of ham before him. But the emotion, whatever the thought that caused it, was transitory, and in a moment he continued his dinner. When he was through eating, he came out on the porch, and resumed his seat with the satisfied expression of countenance that usually follows a good dinner. "Julius," I said, "you seemed to be affected by something, a moment ago. Was the mustard so strong that it moved you to tears?" "No, suh, it wa'n't de mustard; I wuz studyin' 'bout Dave." "Who was Dave, and what about him?" I asked. The conditions were all favorable to story-telling. There was an autumnal languor in the air, and a dreamy haze softened the dark green of the distant pines and the deep blue of the Southern sky. The generous meal he had made had put the old man in a very good humor. He was not always so, for his curiously undeveloped nature was subject to moods which were almost childish in their variableness. It was only now and then that we were able to study, through the medium of his recollection, the simple but intensely human inner life of slavery. His way of looking at the past seemed very strange to us; his view of certain sides of life was essentially different from ours. He never indulged in any regrets for the Arcadian joyousness and irresponsibility which was a somewhat popular conception of slavery; his had not been the lot of the petted house-servant, but that of the toiling field-hand. While he mentioned with a warm appreciation the acts of kindness which those in authority had shown to him and his people, he would speak of a cruel deed, not with the indignation of one accustomed to quick feeling and spontaneous expression, but with a furtive disapproval which suggested to us a doubt in his own mind as to whether he had a right to think or to feel, and presented to us the curious psychological spectacle of a mind enslaved long after the shackles had been struck off from the limbs of its possessor. Whether the sacred name of liberty ever set his soul aglow with a generous fire; whether he had more than the most elementary ideas of love, friendship, patriotism, religion,—things which are half, and the better half, of life to us; whether he even realized, except in a vague, uncertain way, his own degradation, I do not know. I fear not; and if not, then centuries of repression had borne their legitimate fruit. But in the simple human feeling, and still more in the undertone of sadness, which pervaded his stories, I thought I could see a spark which, fanned by favoring breezes and fed by the memories of the past, might become in his children's children a glowing flame of sensibility, alive to every thrill of human happiness or human woe. "Dave use' ter b'long ter my ole marster," said Julius; "he wuz raise' on dis yer plantation, en I kin 'member all erbout 'im, fer I wuz ole 'nuff ter chop cotton w'en it all happen'. Dave wuz a tall man, en monst'us strong: he could do mo' wuk in a day dan any yuther two niggers on de plantation. He wuz one er dese yer solemn kine er men, en nebber run on wid much foolishness, like de yuther darkies. He use' ter go out in de woods en pray; en w'en he hear de han's on de plantation cussin' en gwine on wid dere dancin' en foolishness, he use' ter tell 'em 'bout religion en jedgmen'-day, w'en dey would haf ter gin account fer eve'y idle word en all dey yuther sinful kyarin's-on. "Dave had l'arn' how ter read de Bible. Dey wuz a free nigger boy in de settlement w'at wuz monst'us smart, en could write en cipher, en wuz alluz readin' books er papers. En Dave had hi'ed dis free boy fer ter l'arn 'im how ter read. Hit wuz 'g'in' de law, but co'se none er de niggers did n' say nuffin ter de w'ite folks 'bout it. Howsomedever, one day Mars Walker—he wuz de oberseah—foun' out Dave could read. Mars Walker wa'n't nuffin but a po' bockrah, en folks said he could n' read ner write hisse'f, en co'se he didn' lack ter see a nigger w'at knowed mo' d'n he did; so he went en tole Mars Dugal'. Mars Dugal' sont fer Dave, en ax' 'im 'bout it. "Dave didn't hardly knowed w'at ter do; but he could n' tell no lie, so he 'fessed he could read de Bible a little by spellin' out de words. Mars Dugal' look' mighty solemn. "'Dis yer is a se'ious matter,' sezee; 'it's 'g'in' de law ter l'arn niggers how ter read, er 'low 'em ter hab books. But w'at yer l'arn out'n dat Bible, Dave?' "Dave wa'n't no fool, ef he wuz a nigger, en sezee:— "'Marster, I l'arns dat it's a sin fer ter steal, er ter lie, er fer ter want w'at doan b'long ter yer; en I l'arns fer ter love de Lawd en ter 'bey my marster.' "Mars Dugal' sorter smile' en laf ter hisse'f, like he 'uz might'ly tickle' 'bout sump'n, en sezee:— "'Doan 'pear ter me lack readin' de Bible done yer much harm, Dave. Dat 's w'at I wants all my niggers fer ter know. Yer keep right on readin', en tell de yuther han's w'at yer be'n tellin' me. How would yer lack fer ter preach ter de niggers on Sunday?' "Dave say he 'd be glad fer ter do w'at he could. So Mars Dugal' tole de oberseah fer ter let Dave preach ter de niggers, en tell 'em w'at wuz in de Bible, en it would he'p ter keep 'em fum stealin' er runnin' erway. "So Dave 'mence' ter preach, en done de han's on de plantation a heap er good, en most un 'em lef' off dey wicked ways, en 'mence' ter love ter hear 'bout God, en religion, en de Bible; en dey done dey wuk better, en didn' gib de oberseah but mighty little trouble fer ter manage 'em. "Dave wuz one er dese yer men w'at did n' keer much fer de gals,—leastways he did n' 'tel Dilsey come ter de plantation. Dilsey wuz a monst'us peart, good-lookin', gingybread-colored gal,—one er dese yer high-steppin' gals w'at hol's dey heads up, en won' stan' no foolishness fum no man. She had b'long' ter a gemman over on Rockfish, w'at died, en whose 'state ha' ter be sol' fer ter pay his debts. En Mars Dugal' had be'n ter de oction, en w'en he seed dis gal a-cryin' en gwine on 'bout bein' sol' erway fum her ole mammy, Aun' Mahaly, Mars Dugal' bid 'em bofe in, en fotch 'em ober ter our plantation. "De young nigger men on de plantation wuz des wil' atter Dilsey, but it did n' do no good, en none un 'em could n' git Dilsey fer dey junesey,[3] 'tel Dave 'mence' fer ter go roun' Aun' Mahaly's cabin. Dey wuz a fine-lookin' couple, Dave en Dilsey wuz, bofe tall, en well-shape', en soopl'. En dey sot a heap by one ernudder. Mars Dugal' seed 'em tergedder one Sunday, en de nex' time he seed Dave atter dat, sezee:— "'Dave, w'en yer en Dilsey gits ready fer ter git married, I ain' got no rejections. Dey's a poun' er so er chawin'-terbacker up at de house, en I reckon yo' mist'iss kin fine a frock en a ribbin er two fer Dilsey. Youer bofe good niggers, en yer neenter be feared er bein' sol' 'way fum one ernudder long ez I owns dis plantation; en I 'spec's ter own it fer a long time yit.' [3] Sweetheart. "But dere wuz one man on de plantation w'at did n' lack ter see Dave en Dilsey tergedder ez much ez ole marster did. W'en Mars Dugal' went ter de sale whar he got Dilsey en Mahaly, he bought ernudder ban', by de name er Wiley. Wiley wuz one er dese yer shiny-eyed, double-headed little niggers, sha'p ez a steel trap, en sly ez de fox w'at keep out'n it. Dis yer Wiley had be'n pesterin' Dilsey 'fo' she come ter our plantation, en had nigh 'bout worried de life out'n her. She did n' keer nuffin fer 'im, but he pestered her so she ha' ter th'eaten ter tell her marster fer ter make Wiley let her 'lone. W'en he come ober to our place it wuz des ez bad, 'tel bimeby Wiley seed dat Dilsey had got ter thinkin' a heap 'bout Dave, en den he sorter hilt off aw'ile, en purten' lack he gin Dilsey up. But he wuz one er dese yer 'ceitful niggers, en w'ile he wuz laffin' en jokin' wid de yuther ban's 'bout Dave en Dilsey, he wuz settin' a trap fer ter ketch Dave en git Dilsey back fer hisse'f. "Dave en Dilsey made up dere min's fer ter git married long 'bout Christmas time, w'en dey 'd hab mo' time fer a weddin'. But 'long 'bout two weeks befo' dat time ole mars 'mence' ter lose a heap er bacon. Eve'y night er so somebody 'ud steal a side er bacon, er a ham, er a shoulder, er sump'n, fum one er de smoke-'ouses. De smoke-'ouses wuz lock', but somebody had a key, en manage' ter git in some way er 'nudder. Dey 's mo' ways 'n one ter skin a cat, en dey's mo' d'n one way ter git in a smoke-'ouse,—leastways dat's w'at I hearn say. Folks w'at had bacon fer ter sell did n' hab no trouble 'bout gittin' rid un it. Hit wuz 'g'in' de law fer ter buy things fum slabes; but Lawd! dat law did n' 'mount ter a hill er peas. Eve'y week er so one er dese yer big covered waggins would come 'long de road, peddlin' terbacker en w'iskey. Dey wuz a sight er room in one er dem big waggins, en it wuz monst'us easy fer ter swop off bacon fer sump'n ter chaw er ter wa'm yer up in de wintertime. I s'pose de peddlers did n' knowed dey wuz breakin' de law, caze de niggers alluz went at night, en stayed on de dark side er de waggin; en it wuz mighty hard fer ter tell w'at kine er folks dey wuz. "Atter two er th'ee hund'ed er meat had be'n stole', Mars Walker call all de niggers up one ebenin', en tol' 'em dat de fus' nigger he cot stealin' bacon on dat plantation would git sump'n fer ter 'member it by long ez he lib'. En he say he 'd gin fi' dollars ter de nigger w'at 'skiver' de rogue. Mars Walker say he s'picion' one er two er de niggers, but he could n' tell fer sho, en co'se dey all 'nied it w'en he 'cuse em un it. "Dey wa'n't no bacon stole' fer a week er so, 'tel one dark night w'en somebody tuk a ham fum one er de smoke-'ouses. Mars Walker des cusst awful w'en he foun' out de ham wuz gone, en say he gwine ter sarch all de niggers' cabins; w'en dis yer Wiley I wuz tellin' yer 'bout up'n say he s'picion' who tuk de ham, fer he seed Dave comin' 'cross de plantation fum to'ds de smoke-'ouse de night befo'. W'en Mars Walker hearn dis fum Wiley, he went en sarch' Dave's cabin, en foun' de ham hid under de flo'. "Eve'ybody wuz 'stonish'; but dere wuz de ham. Co'se Dave 'nied it ter de las', but dere wuz de ham. Mars Walker say it wuz des ez he 'spected: he did n' b'lieve in dese yer readin' en prayin' niggers; it wuz all 'pocrisy, en sarve' Mars Dugal' right fer 'lowin' Dave ter be readin' books w'en it wuz 'g'in' de law. "W'en Mars Dugal hearn 'bout de ham, he say he wuz might'ly 'ceived en disapp'inted in Dave. He say he wouldn' nebber hab no mo' conferdence in no nigger, en Mars Walker could do des ez he wuz a mineter wid Dave er any er de res' er de niggers. So Mars Walker tuk'n tied Dave up en gin 'im forty; en den he got some er dis yer wire clof w'at dey uses fer ter make sifters out'n, en tuk'n wrap' it roun' de ham en fasten it tergedder at de little een'. Den he tuk Dave down ter de blacksmif-shop, en had Unker Silas, de plantation blacksmif, fasten a chain ter de ham, en den fasten de yuther een' er de chain roun' Dave's neck. En den he says ter Dave, sezee:— "'Now, suh, yer'll wear dat neckliss fer de nex' six mont's; en I 'spec's yer ner none er de yuther niggers on dis plantation won' steal no mo' bacon dyoin' er dat time.' "Well, it des 'peared ez if fum dat time Dave did n' hab nuffin but trouble. De niggers all turnt ag'in' 'im, caze he be'n de 'casion er Mars Dugal' turnin' 'em all ober ter Mars Walker. Mars Dugal' wa'n't a bad marster hisse'f, but Mars Walker wuz hard ez a rock. Dave kep' on sayin' he did n' take de ham, but none un 'em did n' b'lieve 'im. "Dilsey wa'n't on de plantation w'en Dave wuz 'cused er stealin' de bacon. Ole mist'iss had sont her ter town fer a week er so fer ter wait on one er her darters w'at had a young baby, en she didn' fine out nuffin 'bout Dave's trouble 'tel she got back ter de plantation. Dave had patien'ly endyoed de finger er scawn, en all de hard words w'at de niggers pile' on 'im, caze he wuz sho' Dilsey would stan' by 'im, en would n' b'lieve he wuz a rogue, ner none er de yuther tales de darkies wuz tellin' 'bout 'im. "W'en Dilsey come back fum town, en got down fum behine de buggy whar she b'en ridin' wid ole mars, de fus' nigger 'ooman she met says ter her,— "'Is yer seed Dave, Dilsey?' "'No, I ain' seed Dave,' says Dilsey. "'Yer des oughter look at dat nigger; reckon yer would n' want 'im fer yo' junesey no mo'. Mars Walker cotch 'im stealin' bacon, en gone en fasten' a ham roun' his neck, so he can't git it off'n hisse'f. He sut'nly do look quare.' En den de 'ooman bus' out laffin' fit ter kill herse'f. W'en she got thoo laffin' she up'n tole Dilsey all 'bout de ham, en all de yuther lies w'at de niggers be'n tellin' on Dave. "W'en Dilsey started down ter de quarters, who should she meet but Dave, comin' in fum de cotton-fiel'. She turnt her head ter one side, en purten' lack she did n' seed Dave. "'Dilsey!' sezee. "Dilsey walk' right on, en did n' notice 'im. "'Oh, Dilsey!' "Dilsey did n' paid no 'tention ter 'im, en den Dave knowed some er de niggers be'n tellin' her 'bout de ham. He felt monst'us bad, but he 'lowed ef he could des git Dilsey fer ter listen ter 'im fer a minute er so, he could make her b'lieve he did n' stole de bacon. It wuz a week er two befo' he could git a chance ter speak ter her ag'in; but fine'ly he cotch her down by de spring one day, en sezee:— "'Dilsey, w'at fer yer won' speak ter me, en purten' lack yer doan see me? Dilsey, yer knows me too well fer ter b'lieve I 'd steal, er do dis yuther wick'ness de niggers is all layin' ter me,—yer knows I would n' do dat, Dilsey. Yer ain' gwine back on yo' Dave, is yer?' "But w'at Dave say didn' hab no 'fec' on Dilsey. Dem lies folks b'en tellin' her had p'isen' her min' 'g'in' Dave. "'I doan wanter talk ter no nigger,' says she, 'w'at be'n whip' fer stealin', en w'at gwine roun' wid sich a lookin' thing ez dat hung roun' his neck. I's a 'spectable gal, I is. W'at yer call dat, Dave? Is dat a cha'm fer ter keep off witches, er is it a noo kine er neckliss yer got?' "Po' Dave did n' knowed w'at ter do. De las' one he had pended on fer ter stan' by 'im had gone back on 'im, en dey did n' 'pear ter be nuffin mo' wuf libbin' fer. He could n' hol' no mo' pra'r-meetin's, fer Mars Walker would n' 'low 'im ter preach, en de darkies would n' 'a' listen' ter 'im ef he had preach'. He didn' eben hab his Bible fer ter comfort hisse'f wid, fer Mars Walker had tuk it erway fum 'im en burnt it up, en say ef he ketch any mo' niggers wid Bibles on de plantation he 'd do 'em wuss'n he done Dave. "En ter make it still harder fer Dave, Dilsey tuk up wid Wiley. Dave could see him gwine up ter Aun' Mahaly's cabin, en settin' out on de bench in de moonlight wid Dilsey, en singin' sinful songs en playin' de banjer. Dave use' ter scrouch down behine de bushes, en wonder w'at de Lawd sen' 'im all dem tribberlations fer. "But all er Dave's yuther troubles wa'n't nuffin side er dat ham. He had wrap' de chain roun' wid a rag, so it did n' hurt his neck; but w'eneber he went ter wuk, dat ham would be in his way; he had ter do his task, howsomedever, des de same ez ef he did n' hab de ham. W'eneber he went ter lay down, dat ham would be in de way. Ef he turn ober in his sleep, dat ham would be tuggin' at his neck. It wuz de las' thing he seed at night, en de fus' thing he seed in de mawnin'. W'eneber he met a stranger, de ham would be de fus' thing de stranger would see. Most un 'em would 'mence' ter laf, en whareber Dave went he could see folks p'intin' at him, en year 'em sayin':— "'W'at kine er collar dat nigger got roun' his neck?' er, ef dey knowed 'im, 'Is yer stole any mo' hams lately?' er 'W'at yer take fer yo' neckliss, Dave?' er some joke er 'nuther 'bout dat ham. "Fus' Dave did n' mine it so much, caze he knowed he had n' done nuffin. But bimeby he got so he could n' stan' it no longer, en he 'd hide hisse'f in de bushes w'eneber he seed anybody comin', en alluz kep' hisse'f shet up in his cabin atter he come in fum wuk. "It wuz monst'us hard on Dave, en bimeby, w'at wid dat ham eberlastin' en etarnally draggin' roun' his neck, he 'mence' fer ter do en say quare things, en make de niggers wonder ef he wa'n't gittin' out'n his mine. He got ter gwine roun' talkin' ter hisse'f, en singin' corn-shuckin' songs, en laffin' fit ter kill 'bout nuffin. En one day he tole one er de niggers he had 'skivered a noo way fer ter raise hams,—gwine ter pick 'em off'n trees, en save de expense er smoke-'ouses by kyoin' 'em in de sun. En one day he up'n tole Mars Walker he got sump'n pertickler fer ter say ter 'im; en he tuk Mars Walker off ter one side, en tole 'im he wuz gwine ter show 'im a place in de swamp whar dey wuz a whole trac' er Ian' covered wid ham-trees. "Wen Mars Walker hearn Dave talkin' dis kine er fool-talk, en w'en he seed how Dave wuz 'mencin' ter git behine in his wuk, en w'en he ax' de niggers en dey tole 'im how Dave be'n gwine on, he 'lowed he reckon' he 'd punish' Dave ernuff, en it mou't do mo' harm dan good fer ter keep de ham on his neck any longer. So he sont Dave down ter de blacksmif-shop en had de ham tuk off. Dey wa'n't much er de ham lef' by dat time, fer de sun had melt all de fat, en de lean had all swivel' up, so dey wa'n't but th'ee er fo' poun's lef'. "W'en de ham had be'n tuk off'n Dave, folks kinder stopped talkin' 'bout 'im so much. But de ham had be'n on his neck so long dat Dave had sorter got use' ter it. He look des lack he 'd los' sump'n fer a day er so atter de ham wuz tuk off, en didn' 'pear ter know w'at ter do wid hisse'f; en fine'ly he up'n tuk'n tied a lighterd-knot ter a string, en hid it under de flo' er his cabin, en w'en nobody wuz n' lookin' he 'd take it out en hang it roun' his neck, en go off in de woods en holler en sing; en he allus tied it roun' his neck w'en he went ter sleep. Fac', it 'peared lack Dave done gone clean out'n his mine. En atter a w'ile he got one er de quarest notions you eber hearn tell un. It wuz 'bout dat time dat I come back ter de plantation fer ter wuk,—I had be'n out ter Mars Dugal's yuther place on Beaver Crick for a mont' er so. I had hearn 'bout Dave en de bacon, en 'bout w'at wuz gwine on on de plantation; but I did n' b'lieve w'at dey all say 'bout Dave, fer I knowed Dave wa'n't dat kine er man. One day atter I come back, me'n Dave wuz choppin' cotton tergedder, w'en Dave lean' on his hoe, en motion' fer me ter come ober close ter 'im; en den he retch' ober en w'ispered ter me. "'Julius', sezee, 'did yer knowed yer wuz wukkin' long yer wid a ham?' "I could n' 'magine w'at he meant. 'G'way fum yer, Dave,' says I. 'Yer ain' wearin' no ham no mo'; try en fergit 'bout dat; 't ain' gwine ter do yer no good fer ter 'member it.' "'Look a-yer, Julius,' sezee, 'kin yer keep a secret?' "'Co'se I kin, Dave,' says I. 'I doan go roun' tellin' people w'at yuther folks says ter me.' "'Kin I trus' yer, Julius? Will yer cross yo' heart?' "I cross' my heart. 'Wush I may die ef I tells a soul,' says I. "Dave look' at me des lack he wuz lookin' thoo me en 'way on de yuther side er me, en sezee:— "'Did yer knowed I wuz turnin' ter a ham, Julius?' "I tried ter 'suade Dave dat dat wuz all foolishness, en dat he oughtn't ter be talkin' dat-a-way,—hit wa'n't right. En I tole 'im ef he 'd des be patien', de time would sho'ly come w'en eve'ything would be straighten' out, en folks would fine out who de rale rogue wuz w'at stole de bacon. Dave 'peared ter listen ter w'at I say, en promise' ter do better, en stop gwine on dat-a-way; en it seem lack he pick' up a bit w'en he seed dey wuz one pusson did n' b'lieve dem tales 'bout 'im. "Hit wa'n't long atter dat befo' Mars Archie McIntyre, ober on de Wimbleton road, 'mence' ter complain 'bout somebody stealin' chickens fum his hen-'ouse. De chickens kep' on gwine, en at las' Mars Archie tole de ban's on his plantation dat he gwine ter shoot de fus' man he ketch in his hen-'ouse. In less'n a week atter he gin dis warnin', he cotch a nigger in de hen-'ouse, en fill' 'im full er squir'l-shot. W'en he got a light, he 'skivered it wuz a strange nigger; en w'en he call' one er his own sarven's, de nigger tole 'im it wuz our Wiley. W'en Mars Archie foun' dat out, he sont ober ter our plantation fer ter tell Mars Dugal' he had shot one er his niggers, en dat he could sen' ober dere en git w'at wuz lef un 'im. "Mars Dugal' wuz mad at fus'; but w'en he got ober dere en hearn how it all happen', he did n' hab much ter say. Wiley wuz shot so bad he wuz sho' he wuz gwine ter die, so he up'n says ter ole marster:— "'Mars Dugal',' sezee, 'I knows I's be'n a monst'us bad nigger, but befo' I go I wanter git sump'n off'n my mine. Dave didn' steal dat bacon w'at wuz tuk out'n de smoke-'ouse. I stole it all, en I hid de ham under Dave's cabin fer ter th'ow de blame on him—en may de good Lawd fergib me fer it.' "Mars Dugal' had Wiley tuk back ter de plantation, en sont fer a doctor fer ter pick de shot out'n 'im. En de ve'y nex' mawnin' Mars Dugal' sont fer Dave ter come up ter de big house; he felt kinder sorry fer de way Dave had be'n treated. Co'se it wa'n't no fault er Mars Dugal's, but he wuz gwine ter do w'at he could fer ter make up fer it. So he sont word down ter de quarters fer Dave en all de yuther han's ter 'semble up in de yard befo' de big house at sun-up nex' mawnin'. "Yearly in de mawnin' de niggers all swarm' up in de yard. Mars Dugal' wuz feelin' so kine dat he had brung up a bairl er cider, en tole de niggers all fer ter he'p deyselves. "All de han's on de plantation come but Dave; en bimeby, w'en it seem lack he wa'n't comin', Mars Dugal' sont a nigger down ter de quarters ter look fer 'im. De sun wuz gittin' up, en dey wuz a heap er wuk ter be done, en Mars Dugal' sorter got ti'ed waitin'; so he up'n says:— "'Well, boys en gals, I sont fer yer all up yer fer ter tell yer dat all dat 'bout Dave's stealin' er de bacon wuz a mistake, ez I s'pose yer all done hearn befo' now, en I 's mighty sorry it happen'. I wants ter treat all my niggers right, en I wants yer all ter know dat I sets a heap by all er my han's w'at is hones' en smart. En I want yer all ter treat Dave des lack yer did befo' dis thing happen', en mine w'at he preach ter yer; fer Dave is a good nigger, en has had a hard row ter hoe. En de fus' one I ketch sayin' anythin' 'g'in' Dave, I'll tell Mister Walker ter gin 'im forty. Now take ernudder drink er cider all roun', en den git at dat cotton, fer I wanter git dat Persimmon Hill trac' all pick' ober ter-day.' "W'en de niggers wuz gwine 'way, Mars Dugal' tole me fer ter go en hunt up Dave, en bring 'im up ter de house. I went down ter Dave's cabin, but could n' fine 'im dere. Den I look' roun' de plantation, en in de aidge er de woods, en 'long de road; but I could n' fine no sign er Dave. I wuz 'bout ter gin up de sarch, w'en I happen' fer ter run 'cross a foot-track w'at look' lack Dave's. I had wukked 'long wid Dave so much dat I knowed his tracks: he had a monst'us long foot, wid a holler instep, w'ich wuz sump'n skase 'mongs' black folks. So I follered dat track 'cross de fiel' fum de quarters 'tel I got ter de smoke-'ouse. De fus' thing I notice' wuz smoke comin' out'n de cracks; it wuz cu'ous, caze dey had n' be'n no hogs kill' on de plantation fer six mont' er so, en all de bacon in de smoke-'ouse wuz done kyoed. I could n' 'magine fer ter sabe my life w'at Dave wuz doin' in dat smoke-'ouse. I went up ter de do' en hollered:— "'Dave!' "Dey didn' nobody answer. I didn' wanter open de do', fer w'ite folks is monst'us pertickler 'bout dey smoke-'ouses; en ef de oberseah had a-come up en cotch me in dere, he mou't not wanter b'lieve I wuz des lookin' fer Dave. So I sorter knock at de do' en call' out ag'in:— "'O Dave, hit's me—Julius! Doan be skeered. Mars Dugal' wants yer ter come up ter de big house,—he done 'skivered who stole de ham.' "But Dave didn' answer. En w'en I look' roun' ag'in en didn' seed none er his tracks gwine way fum de smoke-'ouse, I knowed he wuz in dere yit, en I wuz 'termine' fer ter fetch 'im out; so I push de do' open en look in. "Dey wuz a pile er bark burnin' in de middle er de flo', en right ober de fier, hangin' fum one er de rafters, wuz Dave; dey wuz a rope roun' his neck, en I didn' haf ter look at his face mo' d'n once fer ter see he wuz dead. "Den I knowed how it all happen'. Dave had kep' on gittin' wusser en wusser in his mine, 'tel he des got ter b'lievin' he wuz all done turnt ter a ham; en den he had gone en built a fier, en tied a rope roun' his neck, des lack de hams wuz tied, en had hung hisse'f up in de smoke-'ouse fer ter kyo. "Dave wuz buried down by de swamp, in de plantation buryin' groun'. Wiley didn' died fum de woun' he got in Mars McIntyre's hen 'ouse; he got well atter a w'ile, but Dilsey wouldn' hab nuffin mo' ter do wid 'im, en 't wa'n't long 'fo' Mars Dugal' sol' 'im ter a spekilater on his way souf,—he say he didn' want no sich a nigger on de plantation, ner in de county, ef he could he'p it. En w'en de een' er de year come, Mars Dugal'' turnt Mars Walker off, en run de plantation hisse'f atter dat. "Eber sence den," said Julius in conclusion, "w'eneber I eats ham, it min's me er Dave. I lacks ham, but I nebber kin eat mo' d'n two er th'ee poun's befo' I gits ter studyin' 'bout Dave, en den I has ter stop en leab de res' fer ernudder time." There was a short silence after the old man had finished his story, and then my wife began to talk to him about the weather, on which subject he was an authority. I went into the house. When I came out, half an hour later, I saw Julius disappearing down the lane, with a basket on his arm. At breakfast, next morning, it occurred to me that I should like a slice of ham. I said as much to my wife. "Oh, no, John," she responded, "you shouldn't eat anything so heavy for breakfast." I insisted. "The fact is," she said, pensively, "I couldn't have eaten any more of that ham, and so I gave it to Julius." A Deep Sleeper It was four o'clock on Sunday afternoon, in the month of July. The air had been hot and sultry, but a light, cool breeze had sprung up, and occasional cirrus clouds overspread the sun, and for a while subdued his fierceness. We were all out on the piazza—as the coolest place we could find—my wife, my sister-in-law and I. The only sounds that broke the Sabbath stillness were the hum of an occasional vagrant bumble-bee, or the fragmentary song of a mocking-bird in a neighboring elm, who lazily trolled a stave of melody, now and then, as a sample of what he could do in the cool of the morning, or after a light shower, when the conditions would be favorable to exertion. "Annie," said I, "suppose, to relieve the deadly dulness of the afternoon, that we go out and pull the big watermelon, and send for Colonel Pemberton's folks to come over and help us eat it." "Is it ripe, yet?" she inquired sleepily, brushing away a troublesome fly that had impudently settled on her hair. "Yes, I think so. I was out yesterday with Julius, and we thumped it, and concluded it would be fully ripe by tomorrow or next day. But I think it is perfectly safe to pull it to-day." "Well, if you are sure, dear, we'll go. But how can we get it up to the house? It's too big to tote." "I'll step round to Julius's cabin and ask him to go down with the wheelbarrow and bring it up," I replied. Julius was an elderly colored man who worked on the plantation and lived in a small house on the place, a few rods from my own residence. His daughter was our cook, and other members of his family served us in different capacities. As I turned the corner of the house I saw Julius coming up the lane. He had on his Sunday clothes, and was probably returning from the afternoon meeting at the Sandy Run Baptist Church, of which he was a leading member and deacon. "Julius," I said, "we are going out to pull the big watermelon, and we want you to take the wheelbarrow and go with us, and bring it up to the house." "Does yer reckon dat watermillun's ripe yit, sah?" said Julius. "Didn' 'pear ter me it went quite plunk enuff yistiddy fer ter be pull' befo' termorrer." "I think it is ripe enough, Julius." "Mawnin' 'ud be a better time fer ter pull it, sah, w'en de night air an' de jew's done cool' it off nice." "Probably that's true enough, but we'll put it on ice, and that will cool it; and I'm afraid if we leave it too long, some one will steal it." "I 'spec's dat so," said the old man, with a confirmatory shake of the head. "Yer takes chances w'en yer pulls it, en' yer takes chances w'en yer don't. Dey's a lot er po' w'ite trash roun' heah w'at ain' none too good fer ter steal it. I seed some un' 'em loafin' long de big road on mer way home fum chu'ch jes' now. I has ter watch mer own chicken-coop ter keep chick'ns 'nuff fer Sunday eatin'. I'll go en' git de w'eelborrow." Julius had a profound contempt for poor whites, and never let slip an opportunity for expressing it. He assumed that we shared this sentiment, while in fact our feeling toward this listless race was something entirely different. They were, like Julius himself, the product of a system which they had not created and which they did not know enough to resist. As the old man turned to go away he began to limp, and put his hand to his knee with an exclamation of pain. "What's the matter, Julius?" asked my wife. "Yes, Uncle Julius, what ails you?" echoed her sweet young sister. "Did you stump your toe?" "No, miss, it's dat mis'able rheumatiz. It ketches me now an' den in de lef' knee, so I can't hardly draw my bref. O Lawdy!" he added between his clenched teeth, "but dat do hurt. Ouch! It's a little better now," he said, after a moment, "but I doan' b'lieve I kin roll dat w'eelborrow out ter de watermillun-patch en' back. Ef it's all de same ter yo', sah, I'll go roun' ter my house en' sen' Tom ter take my place, w'iles I rubs some linimum on my laig." "That'll be all right, Julius," I said, and the old man, hobbling, disappeared round the corner of the house. Tom was a lubberly, sleepy-looking negro boy of about fifteen, related to Julius's wife in some degree, and living with them. The old man came back in about five minutes. He walked slowly, and seemed very careful about bearing his weight on the afflicted member. "I sont 'Liza Jane fer ter wake Tom up," he said. "He's down in de orchard asleep under a tree somewhar. 'Liza Jane knows whar he is. It takes a minute er so fer ter wake 'im up. 'Liza Jane knows how ter do it. She tickles 'im in de nose er de yeah wid a broomstraw; hollerin' doan' do no good. Dat boy is one er de Seben Sleepers. He's wuss'n his gran'daddy used ter be." "Was his grandfather a deep sleeper, Uncle Julius?" asked my wife's sister. "Oh, yas, Miss Mabel," said Julius, gravely. "He wuz a monst'us pow'ful sleeper. He slep' fer a mont' once." "Dear me, Uncle Julius, you must be joking," said my sister-in-law incredulously. I thought she put it mildly. "Oh, no, ma'm, I ain't jokin'. I never jokes on ser'ous subjec's. I wuz dere w'en it all happen'. Hit wuz a monst'us quare thing." "Sit down, Uncle Julius, and tell us about it," said Mabel; for she dearly loved a story, and spent much of her time "drawing out" the colored people in the neighborhood. The old man took off his hat and seated himself on the top step of the piazza. His movements were somewhat stiff and he was very careful to get his left leg in a comfortable position. "Tom's gran'daddy wuz name' Skundus," he began. "He had a brudder name' Tushus en' ernudder name' Cottus en' ernudder name' Squinchus." The old man paused a moment and gave his leg another hitch. My sister-in-law was shaking with laughter. "What remarkable names!" she exclaimed. "Where in the world did they get them?" "Dem names wuz gun ter 'em by ole Marse Dugal' McAdoo, wat I use' ter b'long ter, en' dey use' ter b'long ter. Marse Dugal' named all de babies w'at wuz bawn on de plantation. Dese young un's mammy wanted ter call 'em sump'n plain en' simple, like 'Rastus' er 'Cæsar' er 'George Wash'n'ton;' but ole Marse say no, he want all de niggers on his place ter hab diffe'nt names, so he kin tell 'em apart. He'd done use' up all de common names, so he had ter take sump'n else. Dem names he gun Skundus en' his brudders is Hebrew names en' wuz tuk out'n de Bible." "Can you give me chapter and verse?" asked Mabel. "No, Miss Mabel, I doan know 'em. Hit ain' my fault dat I ain't able ter read de Bible. But ez I wuz a-sayin', dis yer Skundus growed up ter be a peart, lively kind er boy, en' wuz very well liked on de plantation. He never quo'lled wid de res' er de ban's en' alluz behaved 'isse'f en' tended ter his wuk. De only fault he had wuz his sleep'ness. He'd haf ter be woke up ev'y mawnin' ter go ter his wuk, en' w'enever he got a chance he'd fall ersleep. He wuz might'ly nigh gittin' inter trouble mod'n once fer gwine ter sleep in de fiel'. I never seed his beat fer sleepin'. He could sleep in de sun er sleep in de shade. He could lean upon his hoe en' sleep. He went ter sleep walk'n' 'long de road oncet, en' mighty nigh bus't his head open 'gin' a tree he run inter. I did heah he oncet went ter sleep while he wuz in swimmin'. He wuz floatin' at de time, en' come mighty nigh gittin' drownded befo' he woke up. Ole Marse heared 'bout it en' ferbid his gwine in swimmin' enny mo', fer he said he couldn't 'ford ter lose 'im. "When Skundus wuz growed up he got ter lookin' roun' at de gals, en' one er de likeliest un 'em tuk his eye. It was a gal name' Cindy, w'at libbed wid 'er mammy in a cabin by deyse'ves. Cindy tuk ter Skundus ez much ez Skundus tuk ter Cindy, en' bimeby Skundus axed his marster ef he could marry Cindy. Marse Dugal' b'long' ter de P'isbytay'n Chu'ch en' never 'lowed his niggers ter jump de broomstick, but alluz had a preacher fer ter marry 'em. So he tole Skundus ef him en' Cindy would 'ten' ter dey wuk good dat summer till de crap was laid by, he'd let 'em git married en' hab a weddin' down ter de quarters. "So Skundus en' Cindy wukked hahd as dey could till 'bout a mont' er so befo' layin' by, w'en Marse Dugal's brudder, Kunnel Wash'n'ton McAdoo, w'at libbed down in Sampson County, 'bout a hunderd mile erway, come fer ter visit Marse Dugal'. Dey wuz five er six folks in de visitin' party, en' our w'ite folks needed a new gal fer ter he'p wait on 'em. Dey picked out de likeliest gal dey could fine 'mongs' de fiel-han's, en' 'cose dat wuz Cindy. Cindy wuz might'ly tickled fer ter be tuk in de house-sarvice, fer it meant better vittles en' better clo's en' easy wuk. She didn' seed Skundus quite as much, but she seed 'im w'eneber she could. Prospe'ity didn' spile Cindy; she didn' git stuck up en' 'bove 'sociatin' wid fiel'han's, lack some gals in her place 'ud a done. "Cindy wuz sech a handy gal 'roun' de house, en' her marster's relations lacked her so much, dat w'en dey visit wuz ober, dey wanted ter take Cindy 'way wid 'em. Cindy didn' want ter go en' said so. Her marster wuz a good-natured kind er man, en' would 'a' kep' her on de plantation. But his wife say no, it 'ud nebber do ter be lett'n' de sarvants hab dey own way, er dey soon wouldn' be no doin' nuthin' wid 'em. Ole marster tole 'er he done promus ter let Cindy marry Skundus. "'O, well,' sez ole Miss, 'dat doan' cut no figger. Dey's too much er dis foolishness 'bout husban's en' wibes 'mongs' de niggers now-a-days. One nigger man is de same as ernudder, en' dey'll be plenty un 'em down ter Wash'n'ton's plantation.' Ole Miss wuz a mighty smart woman, but she didn' know ev'ything. "'Well,' says ole Marse, 'de craps'll be laid by in a mont' now, 'en den dey won't be much ter do fer ernudder mont' er six weeks. So we'll let her go down dere an' stay till cotton-pickin' time; I'll jes' len' 'er ter 'em till den. Ef dey wants ter keep 'er en' we finds we doan need 'er, den we'll talk furder 'bout sellin' 'er. We'll tell her dat we jes' gwine let her go down dere wid de chil'en a week er so en' den come back, en' den we won't hab no fuss 'bout it.' "So dey fixed it dat erway, en' Cindy went off wid 'em, she 'spectin' ter be back in a week er so, en' de w'ite folks not hahdly 'lowin' she'd come back at all. Skundus didn' lack ter hab Cindy go, but he couldn' do nuthin'. He wuz wukkin' off in ernudder part er de plantation w'en she went erway, en' had ter tell her good-by de night befo'. "Bimeby, w'en Cindy didn' come back in two or th'ee weeks, Skundus 'mence ter git res'less. En' Skundus wuz diff'ent f'um udder folks. Mos' folks w'en dey gits res'less can't sleep good, but de mo' res'lesser Skundus got, de mo! sleepier he 'peared ter git. W'eneber he wuz'n wukkin' ef eatin', he'd be sleepin'. Wen de yuther niggers 'ud be sky-larkin' 'roun' nights en' Sundays, Skundus 'ud be soun' asleep in his cabin. Things kep' on dis way fer 'bout a mont' atter Cindy went away, w'en one mawnin' Skundus didn't come ter wuk. Dey look' fer 'im 'roun' de plantation, but dey couldn' fin' 'im, en' befo' de day wuz gone, ev'ybody wuz sho' dat Skundus had runned erway. "Cose dey wuz a great howdydo 'bout it. Nobody hadn' nebber runned erway fum Marse Dugal' befo', an' dey hadn' b'en a runaway nigger in de neighbo'hood fer th'ee er fo' years. De w'ite folks wuz all wukked up, en' dey wuz mo' ridin' er hosses en' mo' hitchin up er buggies d'n a little. Ole Marse Dugal' had a lot er papers printed en' stuck up on trees 'long de roads, en' dey wuz sump'n put in de noospapers—a free nigger fum down on de Wim'l'ton Road read de paper ter some er our ban's—tellin' all 'bout how high Skundus wuz, en' w'at kine er teef he had, en' 'bout a skyah he had on his lef cheek, en' how sleepy he wuz, en' off'rin' a reward er one hunder' dollars fer whoeber 'ud ketch 'im. But none of 'em eber cotch 'im. "W'en Cindy fus' went away she wuz kinder down in de mouf fer a day er so. But she went to a fine new house, de folks treated her well en' dere wuz sich good comp'ny 'mongs' her own people, dat she made up 'er min' she might's well hab a good time fer de week er two she wuz gwine ter stay down dere. But w'en de time roll' on en' she didn' heared nothin' 'bout gwine back, she 'mence' ter git kinder skeered she wuz'n nebber gwine ter see her mammy ner Skundus no mo'. She wuz monst'us cut up 'bout it, an' los' 'er appetite en' got so po' en' skinny, her mist'ess sont 'er down ter de swamp fer ter git some roots fer ter make some tea fer 'er health. Her mist'ess sont her 'way 'bout th'ee o'clock en' Cindy didn' come back till atter sundown; en' she say she b'en lookin' fer de roots, dat dey didn' 'pear ter be none er dem kin' er roots fer a mile er so 'long de aidge er de swamp. "Cindy 'mence' ter git better jes' ez soon as she begun ter drink de root-tea. It wuz a monst'us good med'cine, leas'ways in her case. It done Cindy so much good dat her mist'ess 'eluded she'd take it herse'f en' gib it ter de chil'en. De fus' day Cindy went atter de roots dey wuz some lef' ober, en' her mist'ess tol' 'er fer ter use dat fer de nex' day. Cindy done so, but she tol' 'er mist'ess hit didn' hab no strenk en' didn' do 'er no good. So ev'y day atter dat Marse Wash'n'ton's wife 'ud sen' Cindy down by de aidge er de swamp fer ter git fresh roots. "'Cindy,' said one er de fiel'-han's one day, 'yer better keep 'way fum dat swamp. Dey's a ha'nt walkin' down dere.' "'Go way fum yere wid yo' foolishness,' said Cindy. 'Dey ain' no ha'nts. W'ite folks doan' b'lieve in sich things, fer I heared 'em say so; but yer can't 'spec' nothin' better fum fiel'-han's.' "Dey wuz one man on de plantation, one er dese yer dandy niggers w'at 'uz alluz runnin' atter de wimmen folks, dat got ter pest'rin' Cindy. Cindy didn' paid no 'tention ter 'im, but he kep' on tryin' fer ter co't her w'en he could git a chance. Fin'ly Cindy tole 'im fer ter let her 'lone, er e'se sump'n' might happen ter 'im. But he didn' min' Cindy, en' one ebenin' he followed her down ter de swamp. He los' track un er, en' ez he wuz a-startin' back out'n de swamp, a great big black ha'nt 'bout ten feet high, en' wid a fence-rail in its ban's jump out'n de bushes en' chase 'im cl'ar up in de co'n fiel'. Leas'ways he said it did; en' atter dat none er de niggers wouldn't go nigh de swamp, 'cep'n Cindy, who said it wuz all foolishness—it wuz dis nigger's guilty conscience dat skeered 'im—she hadn' seed no ha'nt en' wuz'n skeered er nuffin' she didn't see. "Bimeby, w'en Cindy had be'n gone fum home 'bout two mont's, harves'-time come on, en' Marse Dugal' foun' hisse'f short er ban's. One er de men wuz down wid de rheumatiz, Skundus wuz gone, en' Cindy wuz gone, en' Marse Dugal tole ole Miss dey wuz no use talkin', he couldn' 'ford ter buy no new ban's, en' he'd ha' ter sen' fer Cindy, 'en put her in de fiel'; fer de cotton-crap wuz a monst'us big 'un dat year, en' Cindy wuz one er de bes' cotton-pickers on de plantation. So dey wrote a letter to Marse Wash'n'ton dat day fer Cindy, en' wanted Cindy by de 'een er de mont', en' Marse Wash'n'ton sont her home. Cindy didn't 'pear ter wanter come much. She said she'd got kinder use' ter her noo home; but she didn' hab no mo' ter say 'bout comin' dan she did 'bout goin'. Howsomedever, she went down ter de swamp fer ter git roots fer her mist'ess up ter de las' day she wuz dere. "Wen Cindy got back home, she wuz might'ly put out 'ca'se Skundus wuz gone, en' hit didn' 'pear ez ef anythin' anybody said ter 'er 'ud comfort 'er. But one mawnin' she said she'd dreamp' dat night dat Skundus wuz gwine ter come back; en' sho' 'nuff, de ve'y nex' mawnin' who sh'd come walkin' out in de fiel' wid his hoe on his shoulder but Skundus, rubbin' his eyes ez ef he hadn' got waked up good yit. "Dey wuz a great 'miration mongs' de niggers, en' somebody run off ter de big house fer ter tell Marse Dugal'. Bimeby here come Marse Dugal' hisse'f, mad as a hawnit, acussin' en' gwine on like he gwine ter hurt somebody; but anybody w'at look close could' 'a' seed he wuz 'mos' tickled ter def fer ter git Skundus back ergin. "'Whar yer be'n run erway ter, yer good-fer-nuthin', lazy, black nigger?' sez 'e. 'I'm gwine ter gib yer fo' hunderd lashes. I'm gwine ter hang yer up by yer thumbs en' take ev'y bit er yer black hide off'n yer, en' den I'm gwine ter sell yer ter de fus' specilater w'at comes' long buyin' niggers fer ter take down ter Alabam'. W'at yer mean by runnin' er way fum yer good, kin' marster, yer good-fer-nuthin', wool-headed, black scound'el?' "Skundus looked at 'im ez ef he didn' understan'. 'Lawd, Marse Dugal',' sez 'e, 'I doan' know w'at youer talkin' 'bout. I ain' runned erway; I ain' be'n nowhar.' "'Whar yer be'n fer de las' mon'?' said Marse Dugal'. 'Tell me de truf, er I'll hab yer tongue pulled out by de roots. I'll tar yer all ober yer en' set yer on fiah. I'll—I'll'—Marse Dugal' went on at a tarrable rate, but eve'ybody knowed Marse Dugal' bark uz wuss'n his bite. "Skundus look lack 'e wuz skeered mos' ter def fer ter heah Marse Dugal' gwine on dat erway, en' he couldn' 'pear to un'erstan' w'at Marse Dugal' was talkin' erbout. "'I didn' mean no harm by sleep'n in de barn las' night, Marse Dugal',' sez 'e, 'en' ef yer'll let me off dis time, I won' nebber do so no mo'.' "Well, ter make a long story sho't, Skundus said he had gone ter de barn dat Sunday atternoon befo' de Monday w'en he could't be foun', fer ter hunt aigs, en' wiles he wuz up dere de hay had 'peared so sof en' nice dat he had laid down fer take a little nap; dat it wuz mawnin' w'en he woke en' foun' hisse'f all covered up whar de hay had fell over on 'im. A hen had built a nes' right on top un 'im, en' it had half-a-dozen aigs in it. He said he hadn't stop fer ter git no brekfus', but had jes' suck' one or two er de aigs en' hurried right straight out in de fiel', fer he seed it wuz late en' all de res' er de ban's wuz gone ter wuk. "'Youer a liar,' said Marse Dugal', 'en' de truf ain't in yer. Yer b'en run erway en' hid in de swamp somewhar ernudder.' But Skundus swo' up en' down dat he hadn' b'en out'n dat barn, en' fin'lly Marse Dugal' went up ter de house en' Skundus went on wid his wuk. "Well, yer mought know dey wuz a great 'miration in de neighbo'hood. Marse Dugal' sont fer Skundus ter cum up ter de big house nex' day, en' Skundus went up 'spect'n' fer ter ketch forty. But w'en he got dere, Marse Dugal' had fetched up ole Doctor Leach fum down on Rockfish, 'en another young doctor fum town, en' dey looked at Skundus's eyes en' felt of his wris' en' pulled out his tongue, en' hit 'im in de chis', en' put dey yeahs ter his side fer ter heah 'is heart beat; en' den dey up'n made Skundus tell how he felt w'en 'e went ter sleep en' how he felt w'en 'e woke up. Dey stayed ter dinner, en' w'en dey got thoo' talkin' en' eatin' en' drinkin', dey tole Marse Dugal' Skundus had had a catacornered fit, en' had be'n in a trance fer fo' weeks. En' w'en dey l'arned about Cindy, en' how dis yer fit had come on gradg'ly atter Cindy went away, dey 'lowed Marse Dugal' 'd better let Skundus en' Cindy git married, er he'd be liable ter hab some mo' er dem fits. Fer Marse Dugal' didn' want no fittified niggers ef 'e could he'p it. "Atter dat, Marse Dugal' had Skundus up ter de house lots er times fer ter show 'im off ter folks w'at come ter visit. En' bein' as Cindy wuz back home, en' she en' Skundus wukked hahd, en' he couldn' 'ford fer ter take no chances on dem long trances, he 'lowed em ter got married soon ez cotton-pickin' wuz ober, en' gib 'em a cabin er dey own ter lib in down in de quarters. En' sho' 'nuff, dey didn' had no trouble keep'n' Skundus wak f'm dat time fo'th, fer Cindy turned out ter hab a temper of her own, en' made Skundus walk a chalk-line. "Dis yer boy, Tom," said the old man, straightening out his leg carefully, preparatory to getting up, "is jes' like his gran'daddy. I b'lieve ef somebody didn' wake 'im up he'd sleep till jedgmen' day. Heah 'e comes now. Come on heah wid dat w'eelborrow, yer lazy, good-fer-nuthin' rascal." Tom came slowly round the house with the wheelbarrow, and stood blinking and rolling his eyes as if he had just emerged from a sound sleep and was not yet half awake. We took our way around the house, the ladies and I in front, Julius next and Tom bringing up the rear with the wheelbarrow. We went by the well-kept grape-vines, heavy with the promise of an abundant harvest, through a narrow field of yellowing corn, and then picked our way through the watermelon-vines to the spot where the monarch of the patch had lain the day before, in all the glory of its coat of variegated green. There was a shallow concavity in the sand where it had rested, but the melon itself was gone. Lonesome Ben There had been some talk among local capitalists about building a cotton mill on Beaver Creek, a few miles from my place on the sand hills in North Carolina, and I had been approached as likely to take an interest in such an enterprise. While I had the matter under advisement it was suggested, as an inducement to my co-operation, that I might have the brick for the mill made on my place—there being clay there suitable for the purpose—and thus reduce the amount of my actual cash investment. Most of my land was sandy, though I had observed several outcroppings of clay along the little creek or branch forming one of my boundaries. One afternoon in summer, when the sun was low and the heat less oppressive than it had been earlier in the day, I ordered Julius, our old colored coachman, to harness the mare to the rockaway and drive me to look at the clay-banks. When we were ready, my wife, who wished to go with me for the sake of the drive, came out and took her seat by my side. We reached our first point of destination by a road running across the plantation, between a field of dark-green maize on the one hand and a broad expanse of scuppernong vines on the other. The road led us past a cabin occupied by one of my farm-hands. As the carriage went by at a walk, the woman of the house came to the door and curtsied. My wife made some inquiry about her health, and she replied that it was poor. I noticed that her complexion, which naturally was of a ruddy brown, was of a rather sickly hue. Indeed, I had observed a greater sallowness among both the colored people and the poor whites thereabouts than the hygienic conditions of the neighborhood seemed to justify. After leaving this house our road lay through a cotton field for a short distance, and then we entered a strip of woods, through which ran the little stream beside which I had observed the clay. We stopped at the creek, the road by which we had come crossing it and continuing over the land of my neighbor, Colonel Pemberton. By the roadside, on my own land, a bank of clay rose in almost a sheer perpendicular for about ten feet, evidently extending back some distance into the low, pine-clad hill behind it, and having also frontage upon the creek. There were marks of bare feet on the ground along the base of the bank, and the face of it seemed freshly disturbed and scored with finger marks, as though children had been playing there. "Do you think that clay would make good brick, Julius?" I asked the old man, who had been unusually quiet during the drive. He generally played with the whip, making little feints at the mare, or slapping her lightly with the reins, or admonishing her in a familiar way; but on this occasion the heat or some other cause had rendered him less demonstrative than usual. "Yas, suh, I knows it would," he answered. "How do you know? Has it ever been used for that purpose?" "No, suh; but I got my reasons fer sayin' so. Ole Mars Dugal useter hab a brickya'd fu'ther up de branch—I dunno as yer noticed it, fer it's all growed ober wid weeds an' grass. Mars Dugal said dis yer clay wouldn' make good brick, but I knowed better." I judged from the appearance of the clay that it was probably deficient in iron. It was of a yellowish-white tint and had a sort of greasy look. "Well," I said, "we'll drive up to the other place and get a sample of that clay, and then we'll come back this way." "Hold on a minute, dear," said my wife, looking at her watch, "Mabel has been over to Colonel Pemberton's all the afternoon. She said she'd be back at five. If we wait here a little while she'll be along and we can take her with us." "All right," I said, "we'll wait for her. Drive up a little farther, Julius, by that jessamine vine." While we were waiting, a white woman wearing a homespun dress and slat-bonnet, came down the road from the other side of the creek, and lifting her skirts slightly, waded with bare feet across the shallow stream. Reaching the clay-bank she stooped and gathered from it, with the aid of a convenient stick, a quantity of the clay which she pressed together in the form of a ball. She had not seen us at first, the bushes partially screening us; but when, having secured the clay, she turned her face in our direction and caught sight of us watching her, she hid the lump of clay in her pocket with a shamefaced look, and hurried away by the road she had come. "What is she going to do with that, Uncle Julius?" asked my wife. We were Northern settlers, and still new to some of the customs of the locality, concerning which we often looked to Julius for information. He had lived on the place many years and knew the neighborhood thoroughly. "She's gwineter eat it, Miss Annie," he replied, "w'en she gits outer sight." "Ugh!" said my wife with a grimace, "you don't mean she's going to eat that great lump of clay?" "Yas'm I does; dat's jes' w'at I means—gwineter eat eve'y bit un it, an' den come back bimeby fer mo'." "I should think it would make them sick," she said. "Dey gits use' ter it," said Julius. "Howsomeber, ef dey eats too much it does make 'em sick; an' I knows w'at I'm ertalkin' erbout. I doan min' w'at dem kinder folks does," he added, looking contemptuously after the retreating figure of the poor-white woman, "but w'eneber I sees black folks eat'n' clay of'n dat partic'lar clay-bank, it alluz sets me ter studyin' 'bout po' lonesome Ben." "What was the matter with Ben?" asked my wife. "You can tell us while we're waiting for Mabel." Old Julius often beguiled our leisure with stories of plantation life, some of them folk-lore stories, which we found to be in general circulation among the colored people; some of them tales of real life as Julius had seen it in the old slave days; but the most striking were, we suspected, purely imaginary, or so colored by old Julius's fancy as to make us speculate at times upon how many original minds, which might have added to the world's wealth of literature and art, had been buried in the ocean of slavery. "W'en ole Mars Marrabo McSwayne owned dat place ober de branch dere, w'at Kunnel Pembe'ton owns now," the old man began, "he useter hab a nigger man name' Ben. Ben wuz one er dese yer big black niggers—he was mo'd'n six foot high an' black ez coal. He wuz a fiel'-han' an' a good wukker, but he had one little failin'—he would take a drap er so oncet in a w'ile. Co'se eve'ybody laks a drap now an' den, but it 'peared ter 'fec' Ben mo'd'n it did yuther folks. He didn' hab much chance dat-a-way, but eve'y now an' den he'd git holt er sump'n' somewahr, an' sho's he did, he'd git out'n de narrer road. Mars Marrabo kep' on wa'nin' 'm 'bout it, an' fin'lly he tol' 'im ef he eber ketch 'im in dat shape ag'in he 'uz gwineter gib 'im fo'ty. Ben knowed ole Mars Marrabo had a good 'memb'ance an' alluz done w'at he said, so he wuz monst'us keerful not ter gib 'm no 'casion fer ter use his 'memb'ance on him. An' so fer mos' a whole yeah Ben 'nied hisse'f an' nebber teched a drap er nuffin'. "But it's h'ad wuk ter larn a ole dog new tricks, er ter make him fergit de ole uns, an' po' Ben's time come bimeby, jes' lak ev'ybody e'se's does. Mars Marrabo sent 'im ober ter dis yer plantation one day wid a bundle er cotton-sacks fer Mars Dugal,' an' wiles he wuz ober yere, de ole Debbil sent a' 'oman w'at had cas' her eyes on 'im an' knowed his weakness, fer ter temp' po' Ben wid some licker. Mars Whiskey wuz right dere an' Mars Marrabo wuz a mile erway, an' so Ben minded Mars Whiskey an' fergot 'bout Mars Marrabo. W'en he got back home he couldn' skasely tell Mars Marrabo de message w'at Mars Dugal' had sent back ter 'im. "Mars Marrabo listen' at 'im 'temp' ter tell it; and den he says, kinder col' and cuttin'-like—he didn' 'pear ter get mad ner nuffin': "'Youer drunk, Ben.' "De way his marster spoke sorter sobered Ben, an' he 'nied it of co'se. "'Who? Me, Mars Marrabo? Iain' drunk; no, marster, Iain' drunk. I ain' teched a drap er nuffin' sence las' Chris'mas, suh'. "'Youer drunk, Ben, an' don't you dare ter 'spute my wo'd, er I'll kill you in yo' tracks! I'll talk ter you Sad'day night, suh, w'en you'll be sober, an' w'en you'll hab Sunday ter 'fleet over ou' conve'sation, an' 'nuss yo' woun's.' "W'en Mars Marrabo got th'oo talkin' Ben wuz mo' sober dan he wuz befo' he got drunk. It wuz Wednesday w'en Ben's marster tol 'im dis, an' 'twix' den and Friday night Ben done a heap er studyin'. An' de mo' he studied de mo' he didn' lak de way Mars Marrabo talked. He hadn' much trouble wid Mars Marrabo befo,' but he knowed his ways, an' he knowed dat de longer Mars Marrabo waited to do a thing de; wusser he got 'stid er gittin' better lak mos' folks.' An' Ben fin'lly made up his min' he wa'n't gwineter take dat cow-hidin.' He 'lowed dat ef he wuz little, like some er de dahkies on de plantation, he wouldn' min' it so much; but he wuz so big dey'd be mo' groun' fer Mars Marrabo ter cover, an' it would hurt dat much mo.' So Ben 'cided ter run erway. "He had a wife an' two chil'en, an' dey had a little cabin ter deyse'ves down in de quahters. His wife Dasdy wuz a good-lookin,' good-natu'd 'oman, an' 'peared ter set a heap er sto' by Ben. De little boy wuz name' Pete; he wuz 'bout eight er nine years ole, an' had already 'menced ter go out in de fiel' an' he'p his mammy pick cotton, fer Mars Marrabo wuz one er dese yer folks w'at wants ter make eve'y aidge cut. Dis yer little Pete wuz a mighty soople dancer, an' w'en his daddy would set out in de yahd an' pick de banjo fer 'im, Pete could teach de ole folks noo steps—dancin' jes seemed to come nachul ter 'im. Dey wuz a little gal too; Ben didn' pay much 'tention ter de gal, but he wuz monst'us fond er Dasdy an' de boy. He wuz sorry ter leab 'em, an' he didn' tell 'em nuffin' 'bout it fer fear dey'd make a fuss. But on Friday night Ben tuk all de bread an' meat dey wuz in de cabin an' made fer de woods. "W'en Sad'day come an' Ben didn' 'pear, an' nobody didn' know nuffin' 'bout 'im, Mars Marrabo 'lowed of co'se dat Ben had runned erway. He got up a pahty an' tuk de dawgs out an' follered de scen' down ter de crick an' los' it. Fer Ben had tuk a go'd-full er tar 'long wid' 'im, an' w'en he got ter de crick he had 'n'inted his feet wid tar, an' dat th'owed de houns' off'n de scent. Dey sarched de woods an' follered de roads an' kep' watchin' fer a week, but dey couldn' fin' no sign er Ben. An' den Mars Marrabo got mo' stric', an' wuked his niggers hahder'n eber, ez ef he wanted ter try ter make up fer his loss. "W'en Ben stahted out he wanted ter go ter de No'th. He didn' know how fur it wuz, bet he 'lowed he retch dar in fo' er five days. He knowed de No'th Stah, an' de fus night he kep' gwine right straight to'ds it. But de nex' night it was rainin,' an' fer two er th'ee nights it stayed cloudy, an' Ben couldn' see de No'th Stah. Howsomeber, he knowed he had got stahted right' an' he kep' gwine right straight on de same way fer a week er mo' 'spectin' ter git ter de No'th eve'y day, w'en one mawin' early, atter he had b'en walkin' all night, he come right smack out on de crick jes whar he had stahted f'om. "Co'se Ben wuz monst'us disapp'inted. He had been wond'rin' w'y he hadn' got ter de No'th befo,' an' behol,' heah he wuz back on de ole plantation. He couldn' un'erstan' it at fus,' but he wuz so hongry he didn' hab time ter study 'bout nuffin' fer a little w'ile but jes' ter git sump'n' ter eat; fer he had done eat up de bread an' meat he tuk away wid 'im, an' had been libbin' on roas'n-ears an' sweet'n taters he'd slip out'n de woods an' fin' in co'n fiel's 'an 'tater-patches. He look 'cross de crick, an' seed dis yer clay-bank, an' he waded ober an' got all he could eat, an' den tuk a lump wid 'im, an' hid in de woods ag'in 'til he could study de matter ober some. "Fus' he 'lowed dat he better gib hiss'ef up an' take his lammin.' But jes' den he 'membered de way Mars Marrabo looked at 'im an' w'at he said 'bout Sad'day night; an' den he 'lowed dat ef Mars Marrabo ketch 'im now, he'd wear 'im ter a frazzle an' chaw up de frazzle, so de wouldn' be nuffin' lef' un 'im at all, an' dat Mars Marrabo would make a' example an' a warnin' of 'im fer all de niggers in de naberhood. Fac' is Mars Marrabo prob'ly wouldn' a' done much ter 'im fer it 'ud be monst'us po' 'couragement fer runaway niggers ter come back, ef dey gwineter git killed w'en dey come. An' so Ben waited 'til night, an' den he went back an' got some mo' clay an' eat it an' hid hisse'f in de woods ag'in. "Well, hit wuz quare 'bout Ben, but he stayed roun' heah fer a mont,' hidin' in de woods in de daytime, an' slippin' out nights an' gittin' clay ter eat an' water f'om de crick yanker ter drink. De water in dat crick wuz cl'ar in dem days, stidder bein' yallar lak it is now." We had observed that the water, like that of most streams that take their rise in swamps, had an amber tint to which the sand and clay background of the bed of the stream imparted an even yellower hue. "What did he do then, Julius?" asked my wife, who liked to hear the end of a story. "Well, Miss, he made up his min' den dat he wuz gwineter staht fer de No'th ag'in. But wiles he b'en layin' roun' in de woods he had 'mence ter feel monst'us lonesome, an' it 'peared ter him dat he jes' couldn' go widout seein' Dasdy an' little Pete. Fus' he 'lowed he'd go up ter de cabin, but he thought 'bout de dogs 'roun' de yahd, an' dat de yuther dahkies mought see 'im, and so he 'cided he'd better watch fer 'em 'til dey come long de road—it wuz dis yer same road—w'en he could come out'n de woods an' talk ter 'em. An' he eben 'lowed he mought 'suade 'em ter run erway wid 'im an' dey could all get ter de No'th, fer de nights wuz cl'ar now, an' he couldn' lose de No'th Stah. "So he waited two er th'ee days, an' sho' nuff long come Dasdy one mornin,' comin' over to Mars Dugal's fer ter fetch some things fer her missis. She wuz lookin' kinder down in de mouf, fer she thought a heap er Ben, an' wuz monst'us sorry ter lose 'im, w'iles at de same time she wuz glad he wuz free, fer she 'lowed he'd done got ter de Norf long befo.' An' she wuz studyin' 'bout Ben, w'at a fine-lookin' man he wuz, an' wond'rin' ef she'd eber see 'im any mo.' "W'en Ben seed her comin' he waited 'til she got close by, an' den he stepped out 'n de woods an' come face ter face wid her. She didn' 'pear to know who he wuz, an' seem kinder skeered. "'Hoddy, Dasdy honey,' he said. "'Huh!' she said, ''pears ter me you'er mighty fermilyer on sho't acquaintance.' "'Sho't acquaintance.' Why, doan' yer know me, Dasdy?' "'No. I doan know yer f'om a skeercrow. I never seed yer befo' in my life, an' nebber wants ter see yer ag'in. Whar did yer com f'om anyhow? Whose nigger is yer? Er is yer some low-down free nigger dat doan b'long ter nobody an' doan own nobody?' "'W'at fer you talk ter me like dat, honey? I's Ben, yo' Ben. Why doan you know yo' own man?' "He put out his ahms fer ter draw her ter 'im, but she jes' gib one yell, an' stahted ter run. Ben wuz so 'stonish' he didn' know w'at ter do, an' he stood dere in de road 'til he heared somebody e'se comin', w'en he dahted in de woods ag'in. "Po' Ben wuz so 'sturbed in his min' dat he couldn' hahdly eat any clay dat day. He couldn' make out w'at wuz de matter wid Dasdy but he 'lowed maybe she'd heared he wuz dead er sump'n,' an' thought he wuz a ha'nt, an' dat wuz w'y she had run away. So he watch' by de side er de road, an' nex' mornin' who should come erlong but little Pete, wid a reed over his shoulder, an' a go'd-full er bait, gwine fishin' in de crick. "Ben called 'im; 'Pete, O Pete! Little Pete.' "Little Pete cocked up his ears an' listened. 'Peared lak he'd heared dat voice befo.' He stahted fer de woods fer ter see who it wuz callin' 'im, but befo' he got dere Ben stepped out an' retched fer im. "'Come heah, honey, an' see yo' daddy, who ain' seenyer fer so long.' "But little Pete tuk one look at 'im, an' den 'menceter holler an squeal an' kick an' bite an' scratch. Ben wuz so 'stonish' dat he couldn' hoi' de boy, who slipped out'n his ban's an run to'ds de house ez fas' ez his legs would tote 'im. "Po' Ben kep' gittin' wus an' wus mixed up. He couldn' make out fer de life er 'im w'at could be de matter. Nobody didn' 'pear ter wanter own 'im. He felt so cas' down dat he didn' notice a nigger man comin' long de road 'til he got right close up on 'im, an' didn' heah dis man w'en he said 'Hoddy' ter 'im. "'Wat's de matter wid yer?' said de yuther man w'en Ben didn' 'spon'. 'Wat jedge er member er de legislater er hotel-keeper does you b'long ter dat you can't speak ter a man w'en he says hoddy ter yer?' "Ben kinder come ter hisse'f an' seed it wuz Primus, who b'long ter his marster an' knowed 'im as well as anybody. But befo' he could git de words out'n his mouf Primus went on talkin.' "'Youer de mos' mis'able lookin' merlatter I eber seed. Dem rags look lak dey be'n run th'oo a sawmill. My marster doan 'low no strange niggers roun' dis yer plantation, an' yo' better take yo' yaller hide 'way f'um yer as fas' as yo' kin.' "Jes den somebody hollered on de yuther side er de crick, an' Primus stahted off on a run, so Ben didn' hab no chance ter say no mo' ter 'im. "Ben almos' 'lowed he wuz gwine out'n' his min', he wuz so 'stonished an' mazed at none er dese yer folks reco'nizin' 'im. He went back in de woods ag'in an' stayed dere all day, wond'rin' w'at he wuz gwineter do. Oncet er twicet he seed folks comin' 'long de road, an' stahted out ter speak ter 'em, but changed his min' an' slip' back ag'in. "Co'se ef Mars Marrabo had been huntin' Ben he would 'a' foun' 'im. But he had long sence los' all hope er seein' im ag'in, an' so nobody didn' 'sturb Ben in de woods. He stayed hid a day er two mo' an' den he got so lonesome an' homesick fer Dasdy an' little Pete an' de yuther dahkies,—somebody ter talk ter—dat he jes' made up his min' ter go right up ter de house an' gib hisse'f up an' take his med'cine. Mars Marrabo couldn' do nuffin' mo' d'n kill 'im an' he mought's well be dead as hidin' in de woods wid nobody ter talk ter er look at ner nuffin'. He had jes' come out 'n de woods an' stahted up dis ve'y road, w'en who sh'd come 'long in a hoss 'n buggy but ole Mars Marrabo, drivin' ober ter dat yuther brickyahd youer gwinter see now. Ben run out 'n de woods, and fell down on his knees in de road right in front er Mars Marrabo. Mars Marrabo had to pull on de lines an' hoi' de hoss up ter keep 'im f'um runnin' ober Ben. "'Git out'n de road, you fool nigger,' says Mars Marrabo, 'does yer wanter git run ober? Whose nigger is you, anyhow?' "I's yo' nigger, Mars Marrabo; doan yer know Ben, w'at runned erway?' "'Yas, I knows my Ben w'at runned erway. Does you know whar he is?' "'Why, I's yo' Ben, Mars Marrabo. Doan yer know me, marster?' "'No, I doan know yer, yer yaller rascal! W'at de debbil yer mean by tellin' me sich a lie? Ben wuz black ez a coal an' straight ez an' arrer. Youer yaller ez dat clay-bank, an' crooked ez a bair'l-hoop. I reckon youer some 'stracted nigger, tun't out by some marster w'at doan wanter take keer er yer. You git off'n my plantation, an' doan show yo' clay-cullud hide aroun' yer no more, er I'll hab yer sent ter jail an' whip.' "Mars Marrabo drove erway an' lef' po' Ben mo' dead 'n alive. He crep' back in de bushes an' laid down an' wep' lak a baby. He didn' hab no wife, no chile, no frien's, no marster—he'd be'n willin' ernuff to git 'long widout a marster, w'en he had one, but it 'peared lak a sin fer his own marster ter 'ny 'im an' cas' 'im off dat-a-way. It 'peared ter 'im he mought jes' ez well be dead ez livin', fer he wuz all alone in de worl', wid nowhar ter go, an' nobody didn' hab nuffin' ter say ter 'im but ter 'buse 'im an' drive 'im erway. "Atter he got ober his grievin' spell he 'mence ter wonder w'at Mars Marrabo meant by callin' 'im yaller, an' ez long ez nobody didn' seem ter keer whuther dey seed 'im er not, he went down by de crick in broad daylight, an' kneel down by de water an' looked at his face. Fus' he didn' reco'nize hisse'f an' glanshed back ter see ef dey wa'n't somebody lookin' ober his shoulder—but dey wa'n't. An' w'en he looked back in de water he seed de same thing—he wa'n't black no mo', but had turnt ter a light yaller. "Ben didn' knowed w'at ter make er it fer a minute er so. Fus' he 'lowed he must hab de yaller fever, er de yaller janders, er sump'n lak dat'! But he had knowed rale dark folks ter hab janders befo', and it hadn't nebber 'fected 'em dat-a-way. But bimeby he got up o'ff'n 'is han's an' knees an' wuz stan'in' lookin' ober de crick at de clay-bank, an' wond'rin ef de clay he'd b'en eat'n' hadn' turnt 'im yaller w'en he heared sump'n say jes' ez plain ez wo'ds. "'Turnt ter clay! turnt ter clay! turnt ter clay!' "He looked all roun', but he couldn' see nobody but a big bullfrog settin' on a log on de yuther side er de crick. An' w'en he turnt roun' an' sta'ted back in de woods, he heared de same thing behin' 'im. "'Turnt ter clay! turnt ter clay! turnt ter clay!' "Dem wo'ds kep' ringin' in 'is yeahs 'til he fin'lly 'lowed dey wuz boun' ter be so, er e'se dey wouldn' a b'en tol ter 'im, an' dat he had libbed on clay so long an' had eat so much, dat he must 'a' jes nach'ly turnt ter clay!" "Imperious Caesar, turned to clay, Might stop a hole to keep the wind away," I murmured parenthentically. "Yas, suh," said the old man, "turnt ter clay. But you's mistook in de name, suh; hit wuz Ben, you 'member, not Caesar. Ole Mars Marrabo did hab a nigger name' Caesar, but dat wuz anudder one." "Don't interrupt him, John," said my wife impatiently. "What happened then, Julius?" "Well, po' Ben didn' know w'at ter do. He had be'n lonesome ernuff befo', but now he didn' eben hab his own se'f ter 'so'ciate wid, fer he felt mo' lak a stranger 'n he did lak Ben. In a day er so mo' he 'mence ter wonder whuther he wuz libbin' er not. He had hearn 'bout folks turnin' ter clay w'en dey wuz dead, an' he 'lowed maybe he wuz dead an' didn' knowed it, an' dat wuz de reason w'y eve'body run erway f'm 'im an' wouldn' hab nuffin' ter do wid 'im. An' ennyhow, he 'lowed ef he wa'n't dead, he mought's well be. He wande'ed roun' a day er so mo', an' fin'lly de lonesomeness, an' de sleepin' out in de woods, 'mongs' de snakes an' sco'pions, an' not habbin' nuffin' fit ter eat, 'mence ter tell on him, mo' an' mo', an' he kep' gittin' weakah an' weakah 'til one day, w'en he went down by de crick fer ter git a drink er water, he foun' his limbs gittin' so stiff hit 'uz all he could do ter crawl up on de bank an' lay down in de sun. He laid dere 'til he died, an' de sun beat down on 'im, an' beat down on 'im, an' beat down on 'im, fer th'ee er fo' days, 'til it baked 'im as ha'd as a brick. An' den a big win' come erlong an' blowed a tree down, an' it fell on 'im an' smashed 'im all ter pieces, an' groun' 'im ter powder. An' den a big rain come erlong, an' washed 'im in de crick, 'an eber sence den de water in dat crick's b'en jes' as yer sees it now. An dat wuz de een' er po' lonesome Ben, an' dat's de reason w'y I knows dat clay'll make brick an' w'y I doan nebber lak ter see no black folks eat'n it." My wife came of a family of reformers, who could never contemplate an evil without seeking an immediate remedy. When I decided that the bank of edible clay was not fit for brickmaking, she asked me if I would not have it carted away, suggesting at the same time that it could be used to fill a low place in another part of the plantation. "It would be too expensive," I said. "Oh, no," she replied, "I don't think so. I have been talking with Uncle Julius about it, and he says he has a nephew who is out of employment, and who will take the contract for ten dollars, if you will furnish the mule and cart, and board him while the job lasts." As I had no desire to add another permanent member to my household, I told her it would be useless; that if the people did not get clay there they would find it elsewhere, and perhaps an inferior quality which might do greater harm, and that the best way to stop them from eating it was to teach them self-respect, when she had opportunity, and those habits of industry and thrift whereby they could get their living from the soil in a manner less direct but more commendable. Superstitions and Folk-Lore of the South During a recent visit to North Carolina, after a long absence, I took occasion to inquire into the latter-day prevalence of the old-time belief in what was known as "conjuration" or "goopher," my childish recollection of which I have elsewhere embodied into a number of stories. The derivation of the word "goopher" I do not know, nor whether any other writer than myself has recognized its existence, though it is in frequent use in certain parts of the South. The origin of this curious superstition itself is perhaps more easily traceable. It probably grew, in the first place, out of African fetichism which was brought over from the dark continent along with the dark people. Certain features, too, suggest a distant affinity with Voodooism, or snake worship, a cult which seems to have been indigenous to tropical America. These beliefs, which in the place of their origin had all the sanctions of religion and social custom, became, in the shadow of the white man's civilization, a pale reflection of their former selves. In time, too, they were mingled and confused with the witchcraft and ghost lore of the white man, and the tricks and delusions of the Indian conjurer. In the old plantation days they flourished vigorously, though discouraged by the "great house," and their potency was well established among the blacks and the poorer whites. Education, however, has thrown the ban of disrepute upon witchcraft and conjuration. The stern frown of the preacher, who looks upon superstition as the ally of the Evil One; the scornful sneer of the teacher, who sees in it a part of the livery of bondage, have driven this quaint combination of ancestral traditions to the remote chimney corners of old black aunties, from which it is difficult for the stranger to unearth them. Mr. Harris, in his Uncle Remus stories, has, with fine literary discrimination, collected and put into pleasing and enduring form, the plantation stories which dealt with animal lore, but so little attention has been paid to those dealing with so-called conjuration, that they seem in a fair way to disappear, without leaving a trace behind. The loss may not be very great, but these vanishing traditions might furnish valuable data for the sociologist, in the future study of racial development. In writing, a few years ago, the volume entitled The Conjure Woman, I suspect that I was more influenced by the literary value of the material than by its sociological bearing, and therefore took, or thought I did, considerable liberty with my subject. Imagination, however, can only act upon data—one must have somewhere in his consciousness the ideas which he puts together to form a connected whole. Creative talent, of whatever grade, is, in the last analysis, only the power of rearrangement—there is nothing new under the sun. I was the more firmly impressed with this thought after I had interviewed half a dozen old women, and a genuine "conjure doctor;" for I discovered that the brilliant touches, due, I had thought, to my own imagination, were after all but dormant ideas, lodged in my childish mind by old Aunt This and old Uncle That, and awaiting only the spur of imagination to bring them again to the surface. For instance, in the story, "Hot-foot Hannibal," there figures a conjure doll with pepper feet. Those pepper feet I regarded as peculiarly my own, a purely original creation. I heard, only the other day, in North Carolina, of the consternation struck to the heart of a certain dark individual, upon finding upon his doorstep a rabbit's foot—a good omen in itself perhaps—to which a malign influence had been imparted by tying to one end of it, in the form of a cross, two small pods of red pepper! Most of the delusions connected with this belief in conjuration grow out of mere lack of enlightenment. As primeval men saw a personality behind every natural phenomenon, and found a god or a devil in wind, rain, and hail, in lightning, and in storm, so the untaught man or woman who is assailed by an unusual ache or pain, some strenuous symptom of serious physical disorder, is prompt to accept the suggestion, which tradition approves, that some evil influence is behind his discomfort; and what more natural than to conclude that some rival in business or in love has set this force in motion? Relics of ancestral barbarism are found among all peoples, but advanced civilization has at least shaken off the more obvious absurdities of superstition. We no longer attribute insanity to demoniac possession, nor suppose that a king's touch can cure scrofula. To many old people in the South, however, any unusual ache or pain is quite as likely to have been caused by some external evil influence as by natural causes. Tumors, sudden swellings due to inflammatory rheumatism or the bites of insects, are especially open to suspicion. Paralysis is proof positive of conjuration. If there is any doubt, the "conjure doctor" invariably removes it. The credulity of ignorance is his chief stock in trade—there is no question, when he is summoned, but that the patient has been tricked. The means of conjuration are as simple as the indications. It is a condition of all witch stories that there must in some way be contact, either with the person, or with some object or image intended to represent the person to be affected; or, if not actual contact, at least close proximity. The charm is placed under the door-sill, or buried under the hearth, or hidden in the mattress of the person to be conjured. It may be a crude attempt to imitate the body of the victim, or it may consist merely of a bottle, or a gourd, or a little bag, containing a few rusty nails, crooked pins, or horsehairs. It may be a mysterious mixture thrown surreptitiously upon the person to be injured, or merely a line drawn across a road or path, which line it is fatal for a certain man or woman to cross. I heard of a case of a laboring man who went two miles out of his way, every morning and evening, while going to and from his work, to avoid such a line drawn for him by a certain powerful enemy. Some of the more gruesome phases of the belief in conjuration suggest possible poisoning, a knowledge of which baleful art was once supposed to be widespread among the imported Negroes of the olden time. The blood or venom of snakes, spiders, and lizards is supposed to be employed for this purpose. The results of its administration are so peculiar, however, and so entirely improbable, that one is supposed to doubt even the initial use of poison, and figure it in as part of the same general delusion. For instance, a certain man "swelled up all over" and became "pieded," that is, pied or spotted. A white physician who was summoned thought that the man thus singularly afflicted was poisoned, but did not recognize the poison nor know the antidote. A conjure doctor, subsequently called in, was more prompt in his diagnosis. The man, he said, was poisoned with a lizard, which at that very moment was lodged somewhere in the patient's anatomy. The lizards and snakes in these stories, by the way, are not confined to the usual ducts and cavities of the human body, but seem to have freedom of movement throughout the whole structure. This lizard, according to the "doctor," would start from the man's shoulder, descend to his hand, return to the shoulder, and pass down the side of the body to the leg. When it reached the calf of the leg the lizard's head would appear right under the skin. After it had been perceptible for three days the lizard was to be cut out with a razor, or the man would die. Sure enough, the lizard manifested its presence in the appointed place at the appointed time; but the patient would not permit the surgery, and at the end of three days paid with death the penalty of his obstinacy. Old Aunt Harriet told me, with solemn earnestness, that she herself had taken a snake from her own arm, in sections, after a similar experience. Old Harriet may have been lying, but was, I imagine, merely self-deluded. Witches, prior to being burned, have often confessed their commerce with the Evil One. Why should Harriet hesitate to relate a simple personal experience which involved her in no blame whatever? Old Uncle Jim, a shrewd, hard old sinner, and a palpable fraud, who did not, I imagine, believe in himself to any great extent, gave me some private points as to the manner in which these reptiles were thus transferred to the human system. If a snake or a lizard be killed, and a few drops of its blood be dried upon a plate or in a gourd, the person next eating or drinking from the contaminated vessel will soon become the unwilling landlord of a reptilian tenant. There are other avenues, too, by which the reptile may gain admittance; but when expelled by the conjure doctor's arts or medicines, it always leaves at the point where it entered. This belief may have originally derived its existence from the fact that certain tropical insects sometimes lay their eggs beneath the skins of animals, or even of men, from which it is difficult to expel them until the larvae are hatched. The chico or "jigger" of the West Indies and the Spanish Main is the most obvious example. Old Aunt Harriet—last name uncertain, since she had borne those of her master, her mother, her putative father, and half a dozen husbands in succession, no one of which seemed to take undisputed precedence—related some very remarkable experiences. She at first manifested some reluctance to speak of conjuration, in the lore of which she was said to be well versed; but by listening patiently to her religious experiences—she was a dreamer of dreams and a seer of visions—I was able now and then to draw a little upon her reserves of superstition, if indeed her religion itself was much more than superstition. "Wen I wuz a gal 'bout eighteen or nineteen," she confided, "de w'ite folks use' ter sen' me ter town ter fetch vegetables. One day I met a' ole conjuh man name' Jerry Macdonal, an' he said some rough, ugly things ter me. I says, says I, 'You mus' be a fool.' He didn' say nothin', but jes' looked at me wid 'is evil eye. Wen I come 'long back, dat ole man wuz stan'in' in de road in front er his house, an' w'en he seed me he stoop' down an' tech' de groun', jes' lack he wuz pickin' up somethin', an' den went 'long back in 'is ya'd. De ve'y minute I step' on de spot he tech', I felt a sha'p pain shoot thoo my right foot, it tu'n't under me, an' I fell down in de road. I pick' myself up an' by de time I got home, my foot wuz swoll' up twice its nachul size. I cried an' cried an' went on, fer I knowed I'd be'n trick' by dat ole man. Dat night in my sleep a voice spoke ter me an' says: 'Go an' git a plug er terbacker. Steep it in a skillet er wa'm water. Strip it lengthways, an' bin' it ter de bottom er yo' foot'.' I never didn' use terbacker, an' I laid dere, an' says ter myse'f, 'My Lawd, wa't is dat, wa't is dat!' Soon ez my foot got kind er easy, dat voice up an' speaks ag'in: 'Go an' git a plug er terbacker. Steep it in a skillet er wa'm water, an' bin' it ter de bottom er yo' foot.' I scramble' ter my feet, got de money out er my pocket, woke up de two little boys sleepin' on de flo', an' tol' 'em ter go ter de sto' an' git me a plug er terbacker. Dey didn' want ter go, said de sto' wuz shet, an' de sto' keeper gone ter bed. But I chased 'em fo'th, an' dey found' de sto' keeper an' fetch' de terbacker—dey sho' did. I soaked it in de skillet, an' stripped it 'long by degrees, till I got ter de en', w'en I boun' it under my foot an' roun' my ankle. Den I kneel' down an' prayed, an' next mawnin de swellin' wuz all gone! Dat voice wus de Spirit er de Lawd talkin' ter me, it sho' wuz! De Lawd have mussy upon us, praise his Holy Name!" Very obviously Harriet had sprained her ankle while looking at the old man instead of watching the path, and the hot fomentation had reduced the swelling. She is not the first person to hear spirit voices in his or her own vagrant imaginings. On another occasion, Aunt Harriet's finger swelled up "as big as a corn cob." She at first supposed the swelling to be due to a felon. She went to old Uncle Julius Lutterloh, who told her that some one had tricked her. "My Lawd!" she exclaimed, "how did they fix my finger?" He explained that it was done while in the act of shaking hands. "Doctor" Julius opened the finger with a sharp knife and showed Harriet two seeds at the bottom of the incision. He instructed her to put a poultice of red onions on the wound over night, and in the morning the seeds would come out. She was then to put the two seeds in a skillet, on the right hand side of the fire-place, in a pint of water, and let them simmer nine mornings, and on the ninth morning she was to let all the water simmer out, and when the last drop should have gone, the one that put the seeds in her hand was to go out of this world! Harriet, however, did not pursue the treatment to the bitter end. The seeds, once extracted, she put into a small phial, which she corked up tightly and put carefully away in her bureau drawer. One morning she went to look at them, and one of them was gone. Shortly afterwards the other disappeared. Aunt Harriet has a theory that she had been tricked by a woman of whom her husband of that time was unduly fond, and that the faithless husband had returned the seeds to their original owner. A part of the scheme of conjuration is that the conjure doctor can remove the spell and put it back upon the one who laid it. I was unable to learn, however, of any instance where this extreme penalty had been insisted upon. It is seldom that any of these old Negroes will admit that he or she possesses the power to conjure, though those who can remove spells are very willing to make their accomplishment known, and to exercise it for a consideration. The only professional conjure doctor whom I met was old Uncle Jim Davis, with whom I arranged a personal interview. He came to see me one evening, but almost immediately upon his arrival a minister called. The powers of light prevailed over those of darkness, and Jim was dismissed until a later time, with a commission to prepare for me a conjure "hand" or good luck charm, of which, he informed some of the children about the house, who were much interested in the proceedings. I was very much in need. I subsequently secured the charm, for which, considering its potency, the small sum of silver it cost me was no extravagant outlay. It is a very small bag of roots and herbs, and, if used according to directions, is guaranteed to insure me good luck and "keep me from losing my job." The directions require it to be wet with spirits nine mornings in succession, to be carried on the person, in a pocket on the right hand side, care being taken that it does not come in contact with any tobacco. When I add that I procured, from an equally trustworthy source, a genuine graveyard rabbit's foot, I would seem to be reasonably well protected against casual misfortune. I shall not, however, presume upon this immunity, and shall omit no reasonable precaution which the condition of my health or my affairs may render prudent. An interesting conjure story, which I heard, involves the fate of a lost voice. A certain woman's lover was enticed away by another woman, who sang very sweetly, and who, the jilted one suspected, had told lies about her. Having decided upon the method of punishment for this wickedness, the injured woman watched the other closely, in order to find a suitable opportunity for carrying out her purpose; but in vain, for the fortunate one, knowing of her enmity, would never speak to her or remain near her. One day the jilted woman plucked a red rose from her garden, and hid herself in the bushes near her rival's cabin. Very soon an old woman came by, who was accosted by the woman in hiding, and requested to hand the red rose to the woman of the house. The old woman, suspecting no evil, took the rose and approached the house, the other woman following her closely, but keeping herself always out of sight. When the old woman, having reached the door and called out the mistress of the house, delivered the rose as requested, the recipient thanked the giver in a loud voice, knowing the old woman to be somewhat deaf. At the moment she spoke, the woman in hiding reached up and caught her rival's voice, and clasping it tightly in her right hand, escaped unseen, to her own cabin. At the same instant the afflicted woman missed her voice, and felt a sharp pain shoot through her left arm, just below the elbow. She at first suspected the old woman of having tricked her through the medium of the red rose, but was subsequently informed by a conjure doctor that her voice had been stolen, and that the old woman was innocent. For the pain he gave her a bottle of medicine, of which nine drops were to be applied three times a day, and rubbed in with the first two fingers of the right hand, care being taken not to let any other part of the hand touch the arm, as this would render the medicine useless. By the aid of a mirror, in which he called up her image, the conjure doctor ascertained who was the guilty person. He sought her out and charged her with the crime which she promptly denied. Being pressed, however, she admitted her guilt. The doctor insisted upon immediate restitution. She expressed her willingness, and at the same time her inability to comply—she had taken the voice, but did not possess the power to restore it. The conjure doctor was obdurate and at once placed a spell upon her which is to remain until the lost voice is restored. The case is still pending, I understand; I shall sometime take steps to find out how it terminates. How far a story like this is original, and how far a mere reflection of familiar wonder stories, is purely a matter of speculation. When the old mammies would tell the tales of Br'er Rabbit and Br'er Fox to the master's children, these in turn would no doubt repeat the fairy tales which they had read in books or heard from their parents' lips. The magic mirror is as old as literature. The inability to restore the stolen voice is foreshadowed in the Arabian Nights, when the "Open Sesame" is forgotten. The act of catching the voice has a simplicity which stamps it as original, the only analogy of which I can at present think being the story of later date, of the words which were frozen silent during the extreme cold of an Arctic winter, and became audible again the following summer when they had thawed out. Modern Culture, May 1901 CHARLES W. CHESNUTT STORIES, NOVELS, & ESSAYS The Conjure Woman The Wife of His Youth and Other Stories of the Color Line The House Behind the Cedars The Marrow of Tradition Uncollected Stories Selected Essays THE LIBRARY OF AMERICA THE CONJURE WOMAN The Goophered Grapevine Po' Sandy Mars Jeems's Nightmare The Conjurer's Revenge Sis' Becky's Pickaninny The Gray Wolf's Ha'nt Hot-Foot Hannibal THE WIFE OF HIS YOUTH AND OTHER STORIES OF THE COLOR LINE The Wife of His Youth Her Virginia Mammy The Sheriff's Children A Matter of Principle Cicely's Dream The Passing of Grandison Uncle Wellington's Wives The Bouquet The Web of Circumstance The House Behind the Cedars The Marrow of Tradition Uncollected Stories Dave's Neckliss A Deep Sleeper Lonesome Ben The Dumb Witness The March of Progress Baxter's Procrustes The Doll White Weeds The Kiss SELECTED ESSAYS What Is a White Man? The Future American Superstitions and Folk-Lore of the South Charles W. Chesnutt's Own View of His New Story, The Marrow of Tradition The Disfranchisement of the Negro The Courts and the Negro Post-Bellum—Pre-Harlem Chronology Note on the Texts Notes *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONJURE WOMAN *** Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed. Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. 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The Devil's Disciple (1926) [Unknown]- about the environment of illegal activity especially sexual exploitation of mulattoes in nyc, ala sugar hill in harlem https://archive.org/details/reelblacktalksou00moon/page/250/mode/2up The Spider's Web (1926)[Lost]- a us department of justice man, a black cop, puts a white man in jail for attempting rape to a black women he weds at the end and gets off his wife's aunt from a false murder charge https://www.criterionchannel.com/the-girl-from-chicago https://books.google.com/books?id=l8zfCCBZGGoC&dq=%22henrietta+loveless%22&pg=RA1-PA140#v=onepage&q=%22henrietta%20loveless%22&f=false The Millionaire (1927)[Lost] The Broken Violin (1928)[Lost] from unpublished story, about a young black female violinist and her challenges The House Behind the Cedars (1927), adapted from novel by Charles W. Chesnutt [Lost] remade into veiled aristocrats, a mulatto woman who can pass, is courted by a black man but falls for a white man but after having problems denying or omitting her black heritage goes to the black man but publicly admits to him, she is unhappy https://librivox.org/the-house-behind-the-cedars-by-charles-waddell-chesnutt/ Thirty Years Later (1928) [Lost] based on book by Henry Francis Downing' titled The Racial Tangle When Men Betray (1929) [Lost] a woman is left on her wedding day by a dishonest man The Wages of Sin (1929) [Lost] Easy Street (1930) [Lost] may be the last silent film from micheaux, a bunch of con men try to get fortune of an old man, I am thinking of the song by charlie in old dogs go to heaven 2 A Daughter of the Congo (1930) [Lost] labeled as the last silent film by micheaux based on story , The American Cavalryman (1917), by African-American novelist and playwright Henry Francis Downing , mulatto congolese girl is raised by tribe in africa and then captured into slavery by arabs and then freed by a us military man Darktown Revue (1931)[Survives] an entertainment revue The Exile (1931)[Survives] a man exodusts and gains wealth but falls in love with a woman he think is white and goes to the city to a woman's club, whom he knew before and he falls into drink and a murder scenario Veiled Aristocrats (1932) [fragments; Survives (incomplete)] made prior as house behind the cedars 1927 Ten Minutes to Live (1932)[Survives] a man gets a note that he will die in ten minutes at a bar while a woman at the same bar accepts a role from a film producer who really wants to have sex. I will never forget patricia neal when she met a film studio head who came back stage , she told him, i will not sleep with you. uses a deaf character to get around cumbersome audio equipment so lines can be dubbed later https://web.archive.org/web/20241224093934/https://www.tcm.com/tcmdb/title/561476/ten-minutes-to-live#overview https://www.moma.org/collection/works/316102 Black Magic (1932)[Survives] If you have information please share The Girl from Chicago (1932)[Survives] a federal agent falls with someone on assignment in mississippi and follows her to harlem where she gets involved in the death of a cuban illegal financial agent. Phantom of Kenwood (1933)[Survives] if you have any information please share Murder in Harlem (1935)[Survives] remake of gunsaulus mystery , uses the case of leo frank as a legal basis Harlem After Midnight (1934) [Lost] a woman is with her bosses son after her husband goes to jail for being snitched by said son which leads to a web of revenge or naiviety, ending unresolved. Dorothy Van Engle is in the cast. Temptation (1935)[Survives] a crime story, details unknown, first fiilm for ethel moses Underworld (1937)[Survives] oscar polk who appeared in gone with the wind later is in it; a man leaves a black college in the south for chigago and gets set up in an intrigue where he is framed for murdering a man and the woman who did it survives but gets caught in a bender driving and gets killed. the most film noir of the films for me. It don't mean a thing from duke ellington is part of the film score. God's Step Children (1938)[Survives]- naomi a mulatto, left at ms saunders by her black mother, is unhappy being black and after a rough childhood is sent to a convent. yeas later she tries to get with a boy that she was raised with now man but he is in love with another. She is set up to marry a black man,and gets pregnant by him but like her mother before, leaves her baby with ms saunders, who raised her. later she sees the happy family of the guy she wanted to be with and jumps off a bridge ; The film's script is based on a short treatment titled "Naomi Negress!" written by Alice B. Russell, the wife of director Oscar Micheaux who plays Mrs. Saunders. Swing! (1938)[Survives] a story about a black woman from the south who becomes a star alongside others from her towns trials and tribulations going south to north or living it up foolishly ; Actress Dorothy Van Engle, who had a supporting role as an assistant producer, is credited for inventing a key scene in Swing!, where her character and Mandy are sewing together. Van Engle, who was also a seamstress, created her own clothing for the film. Elvera Sanchez Davis, the mother of entertainer Sammy Davis Jr., had a small role in Swing! as a tap dancer. Lying Lips (1939)[Survives] a black woman popular at a nightclub but unwilling to be a prostittue for clients isset up by the white owner which leads to her aunts death and her falsely accused., but because of kindness she survives Birthright (1939)[Survives] second film version of the story by micheaux ; a harvard graduate goes back to his black southern town to start a school and faces extreme hardships The Notorious Elinor Lee (1940)[Survives]- boxing story, a female moll sets up a boxer to take a fall where they will bet against him. the fighter survives the betrayal and wins in a rematch later where the people who plotted bet against him. Hubert Julian, the black aviator, co produced the film trailer- see the full film at the internet archive film list embed at the end of this post The Betrayal (1948) [Lost]- micheaux's last film, but the script is known The screenplay is in the new york state film archives https://www.archives.nysed.gov/research/motion-picture-division-index For More Information: Email Researcher Services at archref@nysed.gov To get a photocopy of a script use the form below https://www.archives.nysed.gov/sites/archives/files/res_topics_film_form.pdf ALL FILMS IN INTERNET ARCHIVE https://archive.org/details/oscar-micheaux-filmography 1 1 Director Oscar Micheaux On-Set01:172 2 Within Our Gates (1920) Oldest Known Feature Film By A Black Director01:19:093 3 The Symbol of the Unconquered (1920)58:144 4 Body & Soul (1925) Oscar Micheaux's Last Surviving Silent Film01:19:015 5 The Darktown Revue (1931) Oscar Micheaux's First Sound Film19:076 6 The Exile (1931) First Black Feature Talkie01:15:137 7 Veiled Aristocrats (1932)43:538 8 Ten Minutes To Live (1932) With Lost Footage59:039 9 The Girl From Chicago (1932)01:10:1010 [10] Murder In Harlem (1935)01:34:4311 [11] Underworld (1937) Uncensored Version01:16:1212 [12] God's Stepchildren (1938)01:10:2513 [13] Swing! (1938)01:08:0514 [14] Birthright (1939) Incomplete01:13:1015 [15] Lying Lips (1939)01:12:2416 [16] The Notorious Elinor Lee (1940) Micheaux's Last Surviving Film. Sound Missing After 20 Minutes01:12:06 Oscar Devereaux Micheaux was an American film director and independent producer of more than 44 films. Micheaux is regarded as the first major African-American feature filmmaker, a prominent producer of race films, and has been described as "the most successful African-American filmmaker of the first half of the 20th century." Here are his surviving films, some are incomplete. Segments ON-SET FOOTAGE from a behind the scenes Hollywood newsreel called "Screen Snapshots" and it is the only known footage of groundbreaking director Oscar Micheaux working on the set of one of his films. The movie is most likely The Brute (1920) which sadly is lost. WITHIN OUR GATES (1920) is the oldest known feature length film that was directed by an African-American. THE SYMBOL OF THE UNCONQUERED (also known as The Wilderness Trail) is a 1920 silent race film. It is Micheaux's fourth feature-length film and is among his early surviving works although a portion of the scenes are lost. BODY AND SOUL (1925) is a race film that stars Paul Robeson in his motion picture debut. It is Micheaux's last surviving silent film. THE DARKTOWN REVUE (1931) is an 18-minute short film. It is Micheaux's first venture into sound film. The film of a traditional minstrel show - a variety stage show of broad comedy and choral interludes - with an all black cast. Included is a choral singing several songs and a vaudeville act of a routine about a haunted house. It also levels criticism at a certain social class of the African-American community by using some racial stereotypes. THE EXILE (1931) is a race film that was Micheaux's first feature-length sound film and the first feature length African-American sound film. It was based on Micheaux’s 1913 autobiographical novel, The Conquest. VEILED ARISTOCRATS (1932) is an American race film that deals with the theme of passing by mixed-race African Americans to avoid racial discrimination. TEN MINUTES TO LIVE (1932) is a film that has one of the characters is deaf and much of the second half of the movie is silent (so that Micheaux could save money.) Somewhat confusingly, the film is based on a collection of three short stories called "Harlem After Midnight" (author and publication date unknown), but it shows only two stories. The lost footage is more footage of one of the dance numbers, it's obvious when it comes up because of the color change. THE GIRL FROM CHICAGO (1932) is an American race film that is a remake of Micheaux's now-lost 1926 silent film The Spider's Web. It features a largely non-professional cast and as it is common in Micheaux's films. MURDER IN HARLEM (also released under titles Lem Hawkins Confession and Brand of Cain) is a 1935 American race film written, produced, and directed by Oscar Micheaux, who also makes an appearance in the film. It's a remake his 1921 silent film The Gunsaulus Mystery, which is believed to be lost. Both movies are loosely based on the events around the 1913 murder of 13-year-old girl Mary Phagan. UNDERWORLD (1937) is a black gangster film. The film was adapted from the short story "Chicago After Midnight" by Edna Mae Baker. Records from the Production Code Administration show that numerous deletions were requested in order for the film to be shown in various states. GOD'S STEP CHILDREN (1938) is an American race film that is based on a short treatment titled "Naomi Negress!" written by Alice B. Russell, the wife of director Oscar Micheaux who plays Mrs. Saunders. The American Film Institute's catalog reports that some original material was removed from the film after censors raised objections. Some of the removed footage may still be seen in the film's opening preview trailer. SWING! (1938) is an American race film. Actress Dorothy Van Engle, who had a supporting role as an assistant producer, is credited for inventing a key scene in the movie, where her character and Mandy are sewing together. Van Engle, who was also a seamstress, created her own clothing for the film. Elvera Sanchez Davis, the mother of entertainer Sammy Davis, Jr., had a small role as a tap dancer. BIRTHRIGHT (1939) is an American drama race film starring Carman Newsome. It is a talkie remake of Micheaux's 1924 silent film of the same name, which is now considered lost; both were adapted from white author T. S. Stribling's eponymous 1922 novel. The restoration of Birthright was derived from the only known surviving 35mm print, which is missing the first two of its nine reels – about 20 minutes. A description of the missing scenes has been compiled from a dialogue script submitted to the New York Censor Board. LYING LIPS (1939) is a melodrama race film written and directed by Oscar Micheaux. It stars Edna Mae Harris and Robert Earl Jones (the father of James Earl Jones). The film was shot at the Biograph Studios in New York City. THE NOTORIOUS ELINOR LEE (1940) is a race film directed, written, and produced by Oscar Micheaux. It's his last surviving film, although here the audio is missing for most of the film. It was shot at Biograph Studios in The Bronx, New York. FORUM POST https://aalbc.com/tc/blogs/entry/505-oscar-micheauz-screenplay-the-betrayal/

Community Service Labor - a friend of mine stated the following idea: Mayor Mamdani can use community service to get people to shovel the snow instead of hiring people for twenty eight dollars an hour. I [them not richard murray] argue it can be used for many things, to bring forth community. In Amendment- I searched to see what can be used for community service in NYC, how many acquire community service in NYC and realized it is many. It is an idea that can work. The problem is that, this cuts against the revenue earning philosophy of labor. To be blunt, the problem is, the USA has a heritage of individuals abusing labor from other individuals to make fiscal fortunes while it has a heritage of laborers upholding a fantasy of merited labor as the basis of labor in the usa. Said two heritages have mutated to become an inability of people in the usa to accept that their labor doesn't warrant financial return no matter what it is, while the wealthy want to use tools to make a permanent fiscal underclass which temporally will never occur. Wisdom which is something only experience or natural inclination can generate in humans prove that all things end and all things include the use of any tool or the existence of any government. When? who knows outside nature, but it will happen. INFORMATION I FOUND New York City community service -> HOW DO I KNOW IF I CAN DO COMMUNITY SERVICE FOR MY VIOLATION?: You will be allowed to do community service, instead of paying a fine, only if your summons is on this list [ LOOK BELOW] and if: You admit to the charge that is listed on the summons on or before the hearing date that is printed on your summons; or After your OATH hearing, you receive a decision where the Hearing Officer says that you have the option to perform community service. COMMUNITY SERVICE OPTIONS: If any one of the above items is true and you would like to do community service, then you can choose one of the following options to satisfy your summons' community service requirement: If this list shows that you can do either one or two hours of community service, then you can either: complete an online educational course; or complete the community service over the phone. If this list shows that you can do three hours of community service, then you can complete the community service by webcam; or You can complete the community service in person, in our Help Center office. website https://www.nyc.gov/site/oath/help-center/oath-community-service.page List of New York City penalties you can get community service for. https://www.nyc.gov/assets/oath/downloads/pdf/CJRA-Penalty-Chart-effective.pdf New York State community service standard https://www.criminaljustice.ny.gov/opca/communityservicestandards.htm POST URL Do you believe in first come first serve in hiring? Would you implement community service to expand the labor force? https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12584-do-you-believe-in-first-come-first-serve-in-hiring/ PRIOR EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/675-economic-corner-37-03102026/ NEXT EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/682-economic-corner-39-03242026/ COMMENT 03152026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12584-do-you-believe-in-first-come-first-serve-in-hiring/#findComment-80714 osted just now @Pioneer1 I have relatives who were alive during that time, most of those jobs went to whites though blacks did get some and considering black hiring in the private sector which was corretly 99% white didn't hire blacks, that action from FDR was huge for black people in the arena of labor. @ProfD 8 hours ago, ProfD said: Sure, i believe in 1st come 1st served in hiring as long as folks are *qualified* to do the *work*. hmmm, qualification standards in labor in the united states of america has two historic problems, which are still relevant in modernity. 1) qualifications being met rarely equate to the quality of performance by one in a job. for example, many lawyers or engineers exists in the usa , to fit in any demographic category, and yet, the judgable performance of lawyers/elected officials who are mostly lawyers/corporate executive officiers who are mostly lawyers/engineers/the ceos who are engineers through private practices, laws made in government, publicly traded firms products or operations are very poor in the united states of america. The proof that qualifications being met don't relate to quality in the job is throughout the usa in many examples. 2)qualifications rarely matter to the acquisition of a job. I don't need to remind anybody not white or male that only from 1980 onward has a majority of jobs in the usa been remotely possible for someone not white male christian to acquire. I can tell you from my own parents how many jobs they were denied for being black. They fit all of those stated qualifications and it didn't mean a damn thing cause the person in charge of hiring, whether they admitted it or not, was looking for someone white, and probably a friend or relative, in opposition to caring about stated qualifications for whatever labor they offer. So I comprehend your desire to have first come first serve attached to some qualification, assuming the qualification can be made even which... is doubtful. But, qualifications to be blunt, is another form of gatekeeping on job opportunities, which straightly impedes the goal of getting jobs moving. Now maybe you are arguing that the qualifications set for most jobs in the usa are erroneous or negative or imbalanced to the jobs in question. But that goes back to the lack of quality to whomever is in charge or the labor opportunities. Meeting halfway, I think a better thing isn't to have qualifications , but to have more well defined probationary periods, not one period but periods. MEaning most jobs have an unwritten probationary period or a probationary period that is unchallenging. I argue, all jobs expose what you know or don't know, what skills you have or don't have , to perform the task any job need. For example, a brain surgeon, instead of a degree or doctor of philosophy from the massachuestts institute of technology, what if a first probationary period determing whether you are a decent doctor is key? do you know how to fill out forms, handle cuts bruises, handle emergency situations with many injured, speak to the ill plus their loving ones. if you show you do then you go to the next tier. in the next tier, can you stitch a stomach wound, scan perform an invasive procedure in the arm. 03162026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12584-do-you-believe-in-first-come-first-serve-in-hiring/#findComment-80731 osted just now @ProfD 18 hours ago, ProfD said: I would prefer that a brain surgeon be *qualified* to perform that work. Nobody wants their head cut open & brain exposed by someone who watched a few Youtube videos & think they got it. I would prefer too, all would and will prefer, but the question is what determines qualification? the key is the question of how is qualifications determined? When relatives of mine have been malpracticed on by doctors, what was the penalty to said doctors, who are supposedly qualified because of pieces of paper from columbia and MIT and Johns Hopkins? the answer is nothing. So, your correct, all people want the best healthcare BUT what determines the person who is the best? pieces of paper. Again, the united states of america is a case study on the lack of quality. The Newspapers reporters or owners are clearly lacking in quality because Hospitals have daily malpractice suits, from supposed qualified folk , supposedly trained to be the best doctors Law Enforcement agencies have mounds of domestic violence or domestic abuse claims unattended from supposedly qualified folk, supposedly trained to be the best law enforcers. Billion Dollar firms in the usa continually are bankrupt and need saving administered by supposedly qualified folk, supposedly trained to be the best business operators or lawyers. The Newspapers will put on page one when a black child steals an apple or a black adult holds a knife. But medical malpractice in the united states of america has always been rampant, and always protected from negative public opinion by media. And medical malpractice occurs from those supposedly qualified so... where is their demerit? how are they then unqualified? Don't tell me a doctor that has medical malpractice is still qualified. And for anyone who feels doctors have earned the right of mistake, well I want you to lose someone you love right now and then tell me how you feel. Law Enforcement costs the usa billions in civil court because of law enforcers committing crimes. PEople talk about city budget but the NYPD has cost NYC since the 1970s billions of dollars in civil court. And, lets not go into the fact that the NYPD alone has a much longer history of criminal activity that it was completely protected from. So , do their badges burn when their fail in quality? How do they remain qualified ? When the entire banking industry went bankrupt in the united states of america filled with massachusetts of institute of technology graduates, doesn't that mean MIT's teaching qualifications or Goldman Sach's and simila firms accounting qualifications are proven false? Don't tell me it was their plan to go bankrupt and beg for money worse than any black woman on welfare ever did, or as well as white women on welfare have. Yes, people learning online may be no better as doctors or law enforcers or corporate executive officers but if they are learning from what is given in a short time, how is that worse than people supposedly trained to be the best whom have already shown a lack of quality and lost any admission of qualification if honest? I don't sense penalty in the usa for those who are supposedly qualified to do anything, whether it is failing elected officials, failing corporate executive officers, failing doctors , failing law enforcers all of whom are plenty in modern day , 2026 , usa. So maybe first come first serve as a penalty for proving oneself unqualified is the answer. 03172026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12584-do-you-believe-in-first-come-first-serve-in-hiring/#findComment-80737 osted just now @ProfD 19 hours ago, ProfD said: Qualifications are determined & taught by subject matter experts in a given field. who or what determines who is a subject matter expert? better questions... who does profd rely on to determine who is a subject matter expect? how does profd determine who is a subject matter expert? I will speak for myself and say, pieces of paper mean nothing to me in determining if someone is an expert 19 hours ago, ProfD said: Reads like your relatives didn't hire the *right* lawyers. let's jump beyond my relatives, all the black people in the usa who deal with tons of abuses, sometimes leading to death, daily, from law enforcers, from banks, from hospitals. I assume you feel the answer to these abusers is in the court room? So these abusers outside of being penalized after someone takes them to court or just free to continue? 19 hours ago, ProfD said: any people &/or their families have won medical malpractice lawsuits. Doctors with a track record of failure lose their medical licenses. not most people win medical malpractice lawsuits let alone as you asserted earlier, most people provide a lawsuit from this little unimportant thing to you called fiscal poverty. why does a track record have to occur? how many errors on a record warrant demeriting? Funny, when a black child steals an apple, black people have no mercy in claiming that child did a wrong above wrongs but a white man with a piece of paper, needs how many strikes before he is outcase as a doctor? what number is it exactly? Or is it a random number? Gardless, most doctors with a track record of failure don't lose their license, and more importantly , in the usa at least, most doctors are allowed at least one failure which goes to my point. qualifications mean nothing when no penalty exist. 19 hours ago, ProfD said: ll jurisdictions put a certain amount aside for civil litigation. Are you suggesting the city of new york has a surplus of cash left from its reservoir of losing lawsuit money. You do realize what your saying? I hope you do. Your telling me NYC had 1.5 billion dollars prepared for 2024 for civil litigation, who gave them this money? the federal government has never done anything like that. NYC gets money from new york state which it has to beg for every year, without new york state money new york city is collapsed with no question. Your telling me NY state gave ny city 1.5 billion dollars in preparation:) come on! but ok, if that is your position, just give me a yes or no and be gone https://comptroller.nyc.gov/newsroom/city-paid-1-45b-in-settlements-last-fiscal-year-nyc-comptroller-finds-in-fy-2023-claims-report/ 19 hours ago, ProfD said: Some law enforcement officers have been stripped of their badges or fired or imprisoned for committing crimes. not most, this goes back to the jim crow era, the black populace in the usa from 1865 to 1980 had millions of cases that never went to court based on white terrorism. Millions of cases. I am 100% certain less than one percent of the law enforcers who abused black people at any given year from 1865 to 2026, any year, not one percent of the combined years, less than one percent of any given year. And I extend that to all fiedls. to restate, less than one percent of the incidents of law enforcers who serve white no matter their phenotype, doctors who serve white no matter their phenotype, white owned firms abusing/terrorizing/harming black people were taken to court in any given year from 1865 to 2026. So then from the less than one percent of court cases that even were started by black people against their white abusers in whatever form, then you have the rate of success of court cases which means ten percent of cases had success. Cause white law enforcement/ white medical services /white fiscal firms usually win ninety percent of the time. So, ten percent of less than one percent which is VALUE: if WhiteTerror ~ to millions of incidents of terror by white to blacks per year VLAUE= (WhiteTerror/.99/10) Your correct, it is some, the question then is, to any black person, is that some something you respect or view positively or not. I view it as feces, you view it as something to be noted. ok, even enough 19 hours ago, ProfD said: Failure of banking systems is a function of greed fueled by risky & bad investments. The qualified people know exactly what they're doing even if it means running a business into the ground. A logic people like you keep saying makes no sense to people like me, you keep touting greed as a negative element in fiscal capitalsim, when by default greed is inherent. Greed has nothing to do with it. The fiscally successful business is greedy. The fiscally ruinous business is greedy. It is quality and the point is, a failing business is not a sign of positive quality. By your words, a firm failing or succeeding is not a measure of quality. Because someone you deem qualified no matter what results you can't delete your deeming, cause you consider the results of their actions never warranting declassficiation or dequalification. That is dysfunctional to me, but ok. 19 hours ago, ProfD said: Experience & track record among other factors separates the amateurs & pros. Are you saying that those you label amateur are not qualified and those you label pros are qualified? the issue here is qualification . You have now added two terms that in my mind have nothing to do with qualification. 19 hours ago, ProfD said: There are penalties for failure. We don't always hear about it. Qualifications do not equal perfection. Humans are flawed. They will make mistakes too. However, I believe legitimate doctors save more lives than they lose. I don't know everything that happens in humanity, your right. I can only guess everything that happens in humanity. But I can tell you from all that I have heard, less than one percent of those deemed qualified gets penalty for harming black people in the usa. I promised the following beforehand , I hope everyone in your family get sick in hospitals, hurt by law enforcement and cheated by firms and then tell me about mistakes. That is third term you have added, to me, legitimate/amateur/pros are unrelated terms to qualified or qualification. Legitimate means of the law. The law can't qualify anything outside the law. Quality is a measure of oneself. A law's quality is in the law itself, its results. A doctors quality is in the doctors results. a law enforcers quality is in how they enforce the law. a fiscal firms quality is in their ability to make money/fiscus. Amateur/lover + professional/pros/one who does a thing are misused words in modernity that have nothing to do with their literal intent, it is another linguistic statianism. But one deemed an amateur in modernity is differenced by one deemed a professional in modernity by revenue to labor or scale to profit. But as for the gathering of doctors in the usa, do I think they heal[not just save lives] more than they harm[not just murder]? that is a great question you pose. sadfully, I don't know. I can't give a weight to either side. I know doctors in the usa have harmed and are harming, while also healed and are healing. Belief in this case will require me to give benefit of doubt to the usa or its people and i never have and never will, the majority of people in the usa will always be scum for me. 03172026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12584-do-you-believe-in-first-come-first-serve-in-hiring/#findComment-80740 osted just now @ProfD 1 hour ago, ProfD said: Herein lies your issue. It is with the system of racism white supremacy. Please share your idea(s) of how to dismantle it. Well, I treat each government in humanity individually. China isn't the usa, the usa isn't nigeria, nigeria isn't bolivia. governments have alliances or agreements but those ties can be changed or manipulated... I don't have an issue with any system in the usa because in my view, the usa is what it always was starting from european colonies and always will be, a country composed of various peoples who are dysfunctional as groups with nothing in common in an integrated chaos led by individuals continually funneled in by immigration from various peoples outside the usa who keep it afloat with their individuality in various arenas from government to finance. To rephase, a potent shithole of individuals. Benjamin Franklin who published join or die begged england to bend a little to keep the colonies in the english empire. Thomas Jefferson alone wrote the declaration while he and all of his peers in private showed total disbelief to everything he wrote. George Wahsington went against nearly all his peers and stepped down voluntarily. James Forten , a black man, was a business owner literally fighting aside white men who felt the 95% of black people enslaved to whites had to stay in that condition. All these show the actions of individuals. If Franklin acted as the group he was apart of he wouldn't had made the newspaper snake, if jefferson acted as the group he was apart of he would never had written the declaration as is, if washington acted as the group he was apart of he would had been kind, if forten acted as the group he was apart of he would have fought against the creation of the usa 100%. But, all of them are individuals. That is the usa system. Faux Community. And you see this consistently all the time in the usa. Individuals using groups , screwing over groups, lying about their intent being best for groups. I only have one issue with the usa or its people and it is in the very declaration of independence, it is lies. I don't like liars , I never have, and I never try to lie. but the usa's individualism loves to lie, breeds liars all over, and that does get to me, admittedly. Outside of that, i am merely speaking the truth to the usa. 1 hour ago, ProfD said: Not sure of why you would hope that everyone in my family suffers misfortune. However, I can assure you that being keenly aware of the ups & downs of life & ultimately human mortality, I've never been adversely affected emotionally by it including my own family members, friends & associates. Such is a part of life. To answer why I said the following prior, I despise quoting myself, but ... 22 hours ago, richardmurray said: And for anyone who feels doctors have earned the right of mistake, well I want you to lose someone you love right now and then tell me how you feel. in the following comment https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12584-do-you-believe-in-first-come-first-serve-in-hiring/#findComment-80731 1 hour ago, ProfD said: I'm not surprised. it comes through in your posts. yes, even as a kid, and while I can tell personal events in my life or sad history before my life, if I am blunt, I just don't care for the USA. In my mind I think, it makes sense that some black descneded of enslaved will not like the usa in their blood. Absent proof, even spiritual proof, it makes sense a little bit.

ECONOMIC CORNER Two Types of learning with modern computing, none or it all MY THOUGHTS The problem is the issue isn't learning, the issue is fiscal capitalism. First no one can learn everything, the fact that someone suggest one person can learn everything is a terrible lie. On the reverse side, people using modern computing as a crutch to get through their labors without working is true too. It isn't that they are learning nothing. The problem isn't how people are using the tools but how the tools are used in context with fiscal capitalism. For example, a child in an indios/native American village with a connection to the internet is not going to become financially wealthy through the use of modern computing. It isn't an accident that inheritance is still the majority delivery of wealth between generations. All the models of fiscal wealth building and you still have people selling some technology can break that mold. In modernity, the tools to learning are more expansive, more interwoven than arguably any time before in human history. But, work ethic or learning has never been connected to fiscal wealth. Again, if work ethic or learning led to fiscal wealth, every single enslaved populace in the history of humanity would had ended up fiscally wealthy. History proves most if not all enslaved populaces do not end up fiscally wealthy and if anything end up being branches of the slaving populace. Why? because wealth is about destructive power, and knowledge isn't inherently destructive power, nor is education destructive power, nor is work ethic destructive power. Bill Duke [ https://x.com/RealBillDuke ] reposted Mark Cuban just described the sharpest divide in the modern economy. And most people are already on the wrong side of it. Cuban: “There’s two types of approaches to AI. Some people who use it so they don’t have to learn anything, and some people who use it so they have the opportunity to learn everything.” Two sentences. The entire future of human capital compressed into a single binary. The first group sees the most powerful knowledge infrastructure ever built and uses it to avoid thinking. They offload reasoning, skip the friction, and call it efficiency. What they’re actually doing is hollowing out the one thing that can’t be replicated. Their own cognition. Cuban: “AI is a tool, it’s a way to learn, it’s a democratization of knowledge.” For centuries, elite knowledge was locked behind institutions, geography, and capital. The right university. The right city. The right network. Entire generations of potential buried because the information was never accessible. That wall just came down permanently. The second group understands what that actually means. Same tool. Compressing decades of learning into months. Entire disciplines on demand. Mental models that once required years of expensive education now available to anyone willing to ask the right questions. The knowledge is democratized. The ambition is not. That’s the divide Cuban is actually describing. Not technical literacy. Not access. Pure cognitive initiative. The first group is outsourcing their mind. The second is expanding it. Atrophy doesn’t announce itself. It just arrives. https://x.com/r0ck3t23/status/2031003976619962406 𝗔𝗜 𝗔𝗳𝘁𝗲𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗽𝗽𝗹𝗮𝘂𝘀𝗲 | 𝗜𝗻𝗱𝘂𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘆 𝗘𝗱𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 from Ann - Michelle Thurmond URL https://www.linkedin.com/posts/amthurmond_aistrategy-operatingmodel-governance-activity-7431680492623638528-Z9je?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop&rcm=ACoAAC9jwHcBhMdyfurNH2JmdlAPjJgXHivmWR8 EMBED MY REPLY yeah, exactly, computers are here, no matter the power level, and definitely at the level called AI. So the issue is how to use them. And in the usa i argue, the same model is being used as in the gold/oil rushes. most are spending money on tech they can't afford or will cost them eventually, like land deeds or spikes. The profiteers are the ones providing services and buying and reselling or leasing products. but they are also learning the better practices. it is a hands on approach. POST URL LEarning USing Modern Computing If you were teaching a person in your home today, any age, how would you use or not use the computer programming commonly called artificially intelligent? https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12583-learning-using-modern-computing/ PRIOR EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/664-economic-corner-36-02282026/ NEXT EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/676-economic-corner-38-03102026/

OSCAR MICHEAUX THEATER https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/677-oscar-devereaux-micheaux-books-plus-films/ "Within Our Gates" from OScar Micheaux Still from Within Our Gates, portraying the lynching of Jasper Landry (William Stark) and his wife (Mattie Edwards) Still from the 1920 Oscar Micheaux film Within Our Gates featuring Grant Gorman and Evelyn Preer Title Within our gates Summary Sylvia Landry, a young black woman, is visiting her cousin, Alma Prichard, in the North. After Alma uses her wicked step-brother Larry to break Sylvia's engagement, Sylvia returns to the South. She meets Rev. Jacobs, a minister who runs a school for black children, which is facing closure. Sylvia volunteers to go to Boston to attempt to raise funds. Upon arriving, her purse is stolen, but a local man, Dr. Vivian, manages to get it back for her. Dr. Vivian falls in love with Sylvia, and gradually learns of her tragic past: her adoptive mother and father were both the victims of lynching and she was the victim of attempted rape, after a meeting between her adoptive father, sharecropper Jasper Landry, and the plantation owner, Philip Girdlestone, ends with Girdlestone dead. Meanwhile, despite setbacks, Sylvia has managed to raise $50,000 for the school from a generous philanthropist. After a second difficult encounter with Larry, Sylvia and Dr. Vivian are happily reunited. Names Micheaux, Oscar, 1884-1951, film director, film producer, screenwriter, actor Preer, Evelyn, actor Clements, Flo, actor Lucas, Charles D., actor Ruffin, James D., actor Chenault, Jack, actor Jacks, S. T. (Samuel True), 1887-1955, actor Starks, William, 1879-1937, actor Edwards, Mattie, 1866-1944, actor Micheaux Film Corporation, production company Created / Published 1993. Headings - African American educators - African American schools - African American physicians - Hoodlums--United States - Educational benefactors--United States - Race relations - Racism--United States - Lynching--United States Genre Race films Social problem films Silent films Feature films Fiction films Notes - Originally released in the U.S. in 1920 by the Micheaux Book and Film Co. and Quality Amusement Corporation, both under the states rights system. - At approximately 46 minutes into the film, Oscar Micheaux appears in a cameo as a criminal doing business with the gambler, Larry Prichard, who is Alma's step-brother. - LC also holds the Spanish language version, entitled La Negra in the AFI/Filmoteca Española Collection and a 1/2 in. viewing copy entitled The African American cinema I : Oscar Micheaux's Within our gates in the LC Collection. - Sources used: Eagan, D. America's film legacy, p. 64-68; AFI catalog online, viewed March 22, 2024; Internet movie database, March 22, 2024; San Francisco Silent Flm Festival WWW site viewed March 22, 2024 (Within our gates essay). - Evelyn Preer, Flo Clements, Charles D. Lucas, James D. Ruffin, Jack Chenault, S.T. Jacks, Mrs. Evelyn, William Stark, Mattie Edwards, Ralph Johnson, Grant Gorman, E.G. Tatum, Grant Edwards, Jimmie Cook, William Smith, Bernice Ladd, Oscar Micheaux. - Reconstructed in 1993 from a nitrate print of La Negra, a version with Spanish language intertitles. The new English language intertitles are a translation from the Spanish back into English, with English diction, slang, and syntax drawn whenever possible from Oscar Micheaux's novels or from his 1925 film, Body and soul. - This film was selected for the National Film Registry. Medium 1 video file (digital) (78 min.) : si., b&w. Source Collection AFI/Filmoteca Española Collection (Library of Congress) Digital Id https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mbrsmi/ntscrm.00046435 Library of Congress Control Number 2024600507 Online Format image video LCCN Permalink https://lccn.loc.gov/2024600507 Additional Metadata Formats MARCXML Record MODS Record Dublin Core Record CITATION Chicago citation style: Micheaux, Oscar, Film Director, Film Producer, Screenwriter, Actor, Evelyn Preer, Flo Clements, Charles D Lucas, James D Ruffin, Jack Chenault, S. T Jacks, William Starks, and Mattie Edwards. Within Our Gates. produceds by Micheaux Film Corporationuction Company 1993. Video. https://www.loc.gov/item/2024600507/. APA citation style: Micheaux, O., Preer, E., Clements, F., Lucas, C. D., Ruffin, J. D., Chenault, J. [...] Edwards, M. (1993) Within Our Gates. Micheaux Film Corporationuction Company, prod [Video] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2024600507/. MLA citation style: Micheaux, Oscar, Film Director, Film Producer, Screenwriter, Actor, et al. Within Our Gates. prod by Micheaux Film Corporationuction Company 1993. Video. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, <www.loc.gov/item/2024600507/>. Format Film, Video Contributor Chenault, Jack Clements, Flo Edwards, Mattie Jacks, S. T. (Samuel True) Lucas, Charles D. Micheaux Film Corporation Micheaux, Oscar Preer, Evelyn Ruffin, James D. Starks, William Dates 1993 Location United States Language No Linguistic Content Not Applicable Subject African American Educators African American Physicians African American Schools Educational Benefactors Feature Films Fiction Films Hoodlums Lynching Race Films Race Relations Racism Silent Films Social Problem Films United States "Within Our Gates 1920" review from Movies That Move We Video link https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7pDDAem6CS8 Embed video 0:1717 secondsHey, 0:3333 secondsWhat does it mean to tell your own story when the world has decided it doesn't want to hear it? 0:4141 secondsWhat does it cost personally, 0:4444 secondsfinancially, spiritually to force truth onto a screen that which 0:5151 secondsthe entire industry was built to suppress? That question is at the center of what we'll be discussing today. And I 0:5858 secondsthink the question makes Oscar Marco one of the most important figures in American film history, not just black 1:061 minute, 6 secondsfilm history, American history. Welcome back to Movies That Move We. I'm Nay and 1:121 minute, 12 secondstoday we're going to deep dive into one silent film from 1920 that was nearly lost forever. abandon multiple cities 1:221 minute, 22 secondsand directly challenge the most successful films of the area the era. 1:271 minute, 27 secondsToday we're talking about within our gates by Oscar Mo. 1:321 minute, 32 secondsNow if you watched the episode last month we covered Marco Marco's background in depth. So we're not going 1:401 minute, 40 secondsto repeat that today. But there are two things that you need to keep on the sticky side of your brain before we can 1:471 minute, 47 secondstalk about this film. first Lincoln Motion Picture Company. They wanted to 1:541 minute, 54 secondsadapt Mo's novel, The Homesteader, but they told him he couldn't direct it himself. So, he started his own company. 2:032 minutes, 3 secondsJust like that, he started the MO film and Book Company in 1918. 2:092 minutes, 9 secondsHe raised the money by selling shares directly to black farmers and community members. That independence is everything and that's why this film exists at all. 2:222 minutes, 22 secondsSecond, and this is important, you cannot understand within our gates without understanding what it was 2:292 minutes, 29 secondsresponding to. Birth of a nation by WD Griffith, which came out in 2000, I'm sorry, 1915. 2:382 minutes, 38 secondsI'll make it plain. technically innovative, cinematically influential, 2:442 minutes, 44 secondsand deeply devastatingly racist. It glorifies the KKK as heroes and portrays black men as animalistic and predatory. 2:542 minutes, 54 secondsPresident Woodro Wilson screened this at the White House. The NAACP tried to have 3:013 minutes, 1 secondit banned and failed. It became the highest grossing film of its era and was used as a clan recruitment tool. 3:113 minutes, 11 secondsHistorians have linked it directly to the resurgence of clan membership in the years that followed. 3:183 minutes, 18 secondsThis is what Oscar Mako was working against. 3:233 minutes, 23 secondsNot just the images on a screen, but real world violence that those images enabled. 3:313 minutes, 31 secondsThen comes 1919, 3:343 minutes, 34 secondsthe Red Summer. Race massacres across the country. White mobs attacking black neighborhoods. Hundreds of Africanameans 3:433 minutes, 43 secondskilled. The country was burning. Within our gates is released January 1920. 3:513 minutes, 51 secondsIt is a direct answer and it doesn't flinch. 3:573 minutes, 57 secondsThe version that we have today is incomplete. 4:034 minutes, 3 secondsThe film was believed to be entirely lost until 1993 when a print was discovered in a Spanish 4:114 minutes, 11 secondsarchive in Madrid. It was cataloged under its Spanish title, Lanra. 4:184 minutes, 18 secondsWhat we have runs about 79 minutes, more than likely shorter than the original. 4:264 minutes, 26 secondsand some of the intertitles have been reconstructed from the Spanish translation. 4:324 minutes, 32 secondsSo, we're working with an important but still extraordinary artifact. 4:384 minutes, 38 secondsThe central character in this film is Sylvia Landry, played by Evelyn Prayer. 4:454 minutes, 45 secondsIf you don't know that name, we need to take a moment because she's one of the most important figures in this entire era of black film cinema. 4:564 minutes, 56 secondsSome film historians credit her as the first black movie star in the modern sense. Someone with 5:055 minutes, 5 secondsgenuine screen presence, a recognizable name, and an audience that specifically 5:125 minutes, 12 secondswanted to see her. She Marco had one of the great professional partnerships of American film history. She was his 5:215 minutes, 21 secondsleading lady across multiple films. She was his instrument for showing the world what black women on screen could look 5:305 minutes, 30 secondslike when somebody actually cared about their interiority. 5:355 minutes, 35 secondsTragically, she died in 1932 at just 36 years old due to complications following childbirth. Her daughter Eva survived, 5:475 minutes, 47 secondsbut black cinema lost one of its brightest lights far too soon. When you watch this film, know that you're 5:545 minutes, 54 secondswatching someone at the height of her powers. Give her the attention she deserved. 6:026 minutes, 2 secondsNow, back to the character that she played, Sylvia. She's educated, 6:086 minutes, 8 secondsdignified, she's complex. She's exactly the kind of black protagonist that Hollywood simply was not putting on the 6:166 minutes, 16 secondsscreen. The story opens up with Sylvia in the north caught in a messy romantic situation with a man named Conrad. 6:276 minutes, 27 secondsHe's engaged to someone else. A jealous woman, specifically her cousin named Elma, 6:346 minutes, 34 secondsemploys a petty criminal to interfere in Sylvia's life. 6:406 minutes, 40 secondsSylvia travels back to the south to raise money for a school, the Pineywood School, which was serving black and poor 6:496 minutes, 49 secondschildren in the rural South. The school is actually based on a real institution, 6:546 minutes, 54 secondsthe Pineywoods Country Life School in Mississippi. 7:007 minutesShe believes deeply in education as uplift. 7:057 minutes, 5 secondsShe secures a donation for the school from a white northern philanthropist named Alina Warick. 7:137 minutes, 13 secondsBut the film's most devastating sequence comes through flashback. Sylvia's adoptive father, Jasper Land Lands 7:227 minutes, 22 secondsLandry, I'mma get this out. Is a sharecropper falsely accused of murdering his white land owner, 7:317 minutes, 31 secondsGriddlestone. In reality, in reality, 7:347 minutes, 34 secondsGriddle Stone was killed by his white neighbor. 7:397 minutes, 39 secondsBut in this America, a black man accused is a black man hunted. What follows is a lynching sequence. 7:497 minutes, 49 secondsJasper and his wife are killed by a white mob. And in the flashback, a young Sylvia is attacked by Griddlestone 7:567 minutes, 56 secondshimself. It's clearly framed as an attempted sexual assault. And then in a 8:038 minutes, 3 secondsgeniusly stunning narrative turn, he stops because he recognizes by a scar on 8:108 minutes, 10 secondsher chest that she's his biological daughter. 8:158 minutes, 15 secondsThe woman he sees as less than human is his own child. The film ends with Sylvia 8:248 minutes, 24 secondsback in the north. She's been shot. She recovers. And a doctor named Viven who 8:328 minutes, 32 secondsloves her is at her side. And they're united. 8:378 minutes, 37 secondsIt's more than a hopeful ending. More It's a more hopeful ending than the film's brutality might suggest, 8:468 minutes, 46 secondsthough. That hope feels hard. One earned through an unflinching look at what black life in America actually look like. 8:578 minutes, 57 secondsMy co was working with real formal craft. This is not a rough or primitive 9:049 minutes, 4 secondsfilm even by 1920s standards. He uses close-ups, especially on Preer's face to 9:139 minutes, 13 secondscapture that emotion for a character that Hollywood typically keeps flat. The 9:219 minutes, 21 secondsparallel ending during the lynching sequence mirrors a technique Griffith used in Birth of a Nation. Cutting between locations to build tension. 9:339 minutes, 33 secondsThat segment is in fact very intense. 9:389 minutes, 38 secondsBut my co completely flips the moral framework where Griffith was using that 9:449 minutes, 44 secondstechnique to frame white women as needing protection and rescue from black men. My co uses it to indict white 9:559 minutes, 55 secondsviolence against black people. He's using the master's tools deliberately. 10:0410 minutes, 4 secondsThere are a number of themes to look at here. The first would be the counter nar narrative as a political act. My co- 10:1410 minutes, 14 secondsunderstood something that we now take for granted in media criticism. 10:2010 minutes, 20 secondsRepresentation is never neutral. 10:2410 minutes, 24 secondsImages teach people who is human and who's not considered 10:3110 minutes, 31 secondshuman. They shape how communities see themselves and how they're seen by others. Birth of a Nation was actively 10:4010 minutes, 40 secondsharming black Americans, not just offending them. The images in that that film gave psychological permission for violence. 10:5110 minutes, 51 secondsThey confirmed a worldview that said black people were dangerous and subhuman. 10:5810 minutes, 58 secondsMy co on the other hand responds by creating images that insist on black humanity in all of its complexity. 11:0711 minutes, 7 secondsSylvia is not a saint. She's navigating a messy romantic situation at the film's 11:1311 minutes, 13 secondsopening. She's made compromises. She's fully human and that full humanity is a 11:2111 minutes, 21 secondspolitical statement. The second theme is the in intracial 11:2811 minutes, 28 secondsdebate. Here's something to miss on a casual watch. My co is 11:3611 minutes, 36 secondsalso engaging with a major intracial debate happening in real time. 11:4311 minutes, 43 secondsThis is the era of doce versus Booker T. 11:4711 minutes, 47 secondsWashington. Do is arguing for full civil rights and higher education. 11:5311 minutes, 53 secondsWashington, on the other hand, is arguing for industrial education and accommodation within white power 12:0012 minutesstructures. The film has characters who represent different positions. There's a 12:0612 minutes, 6 secondspreacher named Old Ned who is sickant towards white patrons. He 12:1312 minutes, 13 secondsperforms the version of himself they want to see. And my co treats that attitude with real contempt. 12:2212 minutes, 22 secondsThen there's Sylvia. She's committed to education and uplift, 12:2812 minutes, 28 secondsbut she has to navigate white patronage to do it. When she secures a donation 12:3412 minutes, 34 secondsfrom Elena Warwick, the film doesn't present it simply. Where does the money come from? Who does it ultimately serve? 12:4412 minutes, 44 secondsWhat are the unspoken terms? My code doesn't give you easy answers. 12:5112 minutes, 51 secondsThis film is an active conversation with black intellectual tradition. 12:5912 minutes, 59 secondsThe third theme, womanhood and sexual violence. Let's make it plain. 13:0613 minutes, 6 secondsOne of the things within our gates does that is genuinely radical for 1920 13:1213 minutes, 12 secondsor frankly for any era is to put the sexual violence against black women on 13:1913 minutes, 19 secondsthe screen as historical and present reality. 13:2513 minutes, 25 secondsThe griddlestone assault on Sylvia is not ambiguous. It's the realization that 13:3113 minutes, 31 secondshe is her biological father. a product of an earlier assault on her black 13:3813 minutes, 38 secondsmother. It collapses the central mythology white southerners used to justify lynching. 13:4713 minutes, 47 secondsThe narrative was always we're protecting white women from black men. 13:5413 minutes, 54 secondsMy co on the other hand says look at what's actually happening. Look at who's actually assaulting whom. Look at the 14:0314 minutes, 3 secondschildren that violence is producing because how much more evidence do you need? 14:1014 minutes, 10 secondsIda B. Wells has been documenting this or had been documenting this in her journalism for decades. 14:1814 minutes, 18 secondsMy co put the argument on film and notably Sylvia survives. 14:2414 minutes, 24 secondsShe endures. She carries this history in her body and she continues. and how much 14:3114 minutes, 31 secondsof that is just what black women do even now. 14:3814 minutes, 38 secondsThere is something deeply important in that refusal to let her be defined only by what was done to her. 14:4814 minutes, 48 secondsThe fourth theme is censorship. 14:5214 minutes, 52 secondsChicago sensors initially refused to allow the film, citing concerns that the 15:0015 minuteslynching sequence would provoke racial unrest. Think about that for just a 15:0515 minutes, 5 secondsmoment. A film depicting racial violence was rejected because it might upset 15:1415 minutes, 14 secondspeople who saw the depictions of racial violence. 15:1915 minutes, 19 secondsThe concern wasn't for black audiences processing their trauma on the screen. 15:2615 minutes, 26 secondsThe concern was for white comfort. 15:3015 minutes, 30 secondsMy co fought back. The man was tenacious. He negotiated. 15:3615 minutes, 36 secondsHe may have made some cuts. We don't know exactly what changed because we don't have the original print of the 15:4315 minutes, 43 secondsfilm. But the film got shown. It played to black audiences across the country. 15:5015 minutes, 50 secondsThe Chicago Defender, the Pittsburgh Cur Courier, they covered this film seriously. 15:5815 minutes, 58 secondsSo, this is a film that we nearly lost. 16:0416 minutes, 4 secondsOf the roughly 44 films that Michael made, we have 12. And I don't think I 16:1216 minutes, 12 secondshave my Yes, I do. We have 12. The rest are lost because the films deteriorated. 16:2116 minutes, 21 secondsNo one with institutional power. And this is the entire collection here. No one with institutional power saw fit to 16:2916 minutes, 29 secondspreserve them. Nitrate film which was used at the time is fragile and race 16:3616 minutes, 36 secondsfilms were not prioritized. They weren't considered worthy of archiving. 16:4216 minutes, 42 secondswithin our gates survived because a Spanish archive preserved a print under a different name. 16:5216 minutes, 52 secondsHad someone not cataloged it correctly, 16:5516 minutes, 55 secondswe may have never known that this film existed. 16:5916 minutes, 59 secondsThe film preservation was not a neutral act. What gets saves tells you what a 17:0617 minutes, 6 secondsculture values and what it's willing to let disappear. It's it goes back to that 17:1417 minutes, 14 secondsthing we've repeatedly said here, that thing that Walter Mosley says about 17:2017 minutes, 20 secondsbooks, which is if you're not in the the story, you're not in the culture. And 17:2917 minutes, 29 secondsthe fact that we were able to find this film, find 12 of the 44 films, it puts 17:3817 minutes, 38 secondsus back into the silent film movie era era and it solidifies us within the 17:4617 minutes, 46 secondsAmerican culture of that time as something other than slaves and in servitude to anybody else. 17:5617 minutes, 56 secondsThe Library of Congress added within our gates to the National Film Registry in 1993. 18:0418 minutes, 4 secondsIt's now recognized as one of the most significant American films ever made. 18:1118 minutes, 11 secondsThink about my co's lineage. What did he get started here? 18:1818 minutes, 18 secondsYou have my co to the LA Rebellion filmmakers to Spike Lee to Julie Dash to Ryan Cougler to Ava Duivere. 18:3118 minutes, 31 secondsIt's a whole line. The insistence on determination, 18:3618 minutes, 36 secondsthe refusal to wait for Hollywood to tell your story accurately, the willingness to go directly to your audience and say this is for us. 18:4818 minutes, 48 secondsMy co was doing what black filmmakers are still doing today, fighting for the right to depict black life in its full complexity. We're not a monolith. 19:0219 minutes, 2 secondsHe just had to do it with far fewer resources in a far more hostile environment. Remember we talked about this last month. You had, you know, 19:1419 minutes, 14 secondsWarner Brothers, Fox, Paramount. They were fighting each other to get started. 19:2019 minutes, 20 secondsBut at a certain point, they fought so that they could get the resources, the films, the cameras, everything, and 19:2719 minutes, 27 secondsfocus on building their empires. And at a certain point their infighting became 19:3419 minutes, 34 secondshealthy competition. But even in that even when they were at war with each other and fighting for position to be 19:4319 minutes, 43 secondsthe Hollywood studio collectively they were not including black people. 19:5319 minutes, 53 secondsWhat does this film demand of us now? When you watch Within Our Gates today, 20:0120 minutes, 1 secondyou can and you can um it's in the public domain. This is more than a hundred This film is more than a hundred years old. 20:1020 minutes, 10 secondsUm and I'll make sure that I post the links for you. It demands something from you. The lynching sequence is hard to 20:1920 minutes, 19 secondswatch and you know it it's not filmed like it would be today where you know 20:2820 minutes, 28 secondsyou get visuals and closeups of of what's happening. But the pace of the 20:3620 minutes, 36 secondsfilm at that point makes it hard to watch and you find yourself tensing up. 20:4220 minutes, 42 secondsI know I did. Even though I could see in the filming that maybe they had someone standing on a stool at a certain point, 20:5220 minutes, 52 secondsit was no less impactful. 20:5420 minutes, 54 secondsHe wasn't making art for comfort. He was making art as testimony. 21:0121 minutes, 1 secondBut what I found most powerful is not the horror. 21:0621 minutes, 6 secondsIt's Evelyn Prair's face. the moments where his camera simply rests on her, 21:1521 minutes, 15 secondslets her think, lets her feel. Even though there are no audible words in 21:2221 minutes, 22 secondsthis film, the actors emoted wonderfully. 21:2721 minutes, 27 secondsThose moments are as radical as anything else in the film. He's saying her inner 21:3421 minutes, 34 secondslife matters. her character is worth your attention in 1920 21:4121 minutes, 41 secondson screen. And when you really think about it, that in itself is a revolutionary act. 21:4921 minutes, 49 secondsAnd knowing what we know now, knowing that she would be gone just 12 years later at 36 years old, there's something 21:5721 minutes, 57 secondsvery precious about every single film that she's in. Watch her closely. 22:0522 minutes, 5 secondsSo, that's all I have for you today. Um, the film was banned, nearly erased, 22:1422 minutes, 14 secondsrediscovered in a foreign archive, and is now exactly where it belongs, at the 22:2122 minutes, 21 secondscenter of conversation about what American cinema is to be and what it refused to be. Oscar Mako didn't ask 22:2922 minutes, 29 secondspermission. He raised money from his community. He built his own infrastructure and he made the films he believed needed to exist. 22:4222 minutes, 42 secondsI think I said this in the last episode. He was ahead of his time. And because he was and because he did, 22:5122 minutes, 51 secondswe have a 79 minute survival. This piece of testimony that is still speaking a 100 plus years later. 23:0223 minutes, 2 secondsIf you watch one film after this, make sure it's within our gates. It's on YouTube. It's in the Library of Congress. It's on MGM. 23:1423 minutes, 14 secondsYou can get it from your local library. 23:1623 minutes, 16 secondsYou can find this film for free. Give Evelyn Prayer your full attention. 23:2423 minutes, 24 secondsGive M give Oscar my co the engagement that he was fighting for. really study his study his film, study him. 23:3723 minutes, 37 secondsYou know, as I watched the film, I thought about what he had to do to be a filmmaker. 23:4423 minutes, 44 secondsHe was a key figure in building the black film industry. Not the only, but the well-known figure. 23:5623 minutes, 56 secondsI wondered what would he think of the black film industry today. 24:0324 minutes, 3 secondsAll right. Well, that's it. Thanks for spending your time with me. Like and follow our Facebook and YouTube page, 24:1224 minutes, 12 secondsMovies That Move Wee, and share this if it meant something to you. If you got anything out of it, go ahead and share 24:2024 minutes, 20 secondsit with someone you know. Until next time. Bye. MY THOUGHTS What does it mean to tell your own story when others with more power decide they don't want to see it? What does it mean to tell stories that the larger industry was designed to oppress? 1919 The red summer, was the USA burning or was the black populace in the usa being burned? 4:22 the Spanish title is La Negra, the black... Within Our Gates Spanish title is , the black. 5:41 I didn't know Evelyn Preer died in child birth The funny thing is Micheaux's stories had more complex characters than white financed films for decades after. 6:50 Piney Woods Country Life School https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Piney_Woods_Country_Life_School The largest boarding school for black descended of enslaved, one of four Black DOS boarding schools. https://www.pineywoods.org/ 9:59 well said, Michaeux reverses the roles from "birth of a nation" 10:30 good point, representation is never neutral. 11:05 Also, shows the power of white violence, but also treats whites with a humanity, that his white peers do not do for blacks. 11:59 hmmmm well WEB Dubois/ Booker T Washington/ Marcus Garvey/ Frederick Douglass are all at the same time. They all advocate for the rights of Black individuals or groups. They all advocate for learning, greater learning among black individuals or groups. I think their variance is in the response to white violence and sequent actions or goals to black people. Dubois heading the white jewish financed National association for the advancement of colored people don't take even one percent of the crimes against black people by whites to court, while he supports a phenotypically integrated workplace. I argue, Dubois wants civil rights but can only demand it as a public request to whites, alongside a request to allow blacks in white owned labor environments based on merit. But paid labor is rarely based on merit. Washington wants Black people who at that time for ninety percent in the former confederacy states, to remain in the south and uphold a less intertwined form of integration. Washington doesn't want segregation but he wants to comfort whites by staying out of their towns/schools/business areas and getting black people to focus on building their own. The variance between Dubois side Washington is in their end goals. Dubois end goal is to have communities/workplaces/schools where whites side blacks are one people. With that kind of goal, you can't have historic black colleges side historic white colleges. You can't have blacks towns side white towns. Government for Dubois is a tool to force total/holistic integration. This suited the white jew financiers for Dubois whose strategy was to guide blacks to have a holistic integration to get whites who are not jewish to embrace the white phenotypical populace with no boundaries in gender/religion/language/geographic ancestry. Looking at the future the White jews got what they wanted as the modern white populace at the time of this writing doesn't have any of the internal blockades to whites who are not male/Christian/European descent as in the eighteen hundreds or early nineteen hundreds. Washington's end goal is to have black communities/black schools/black businesses that only relate to whites financially, and stay out of government. The whites who financed Washington didn't have any allegiance to poor whites in the south and saw the black populace of the south as a potential offset to the poor white populace of the south. The Jim crow laws in many ways were pushed by financially poor whites who realized the black southern populace if not kept in an extremely negative financial state using the governments of the southern states, would be a rival and upend their position in bargaining with rich whites. Looking at today and the southern states, and how the white southern populace is the base for the anti immigrant position, it shows truth. The white southern populace didn't mind immigrants as long as they were hindering black financial growth by being cheaper labor or blockaded from bettering poor whites by their illegal status or extended jim crow laws. Marcus Garvey though supported black rights plus education. The problem is Garvey didn't believe anywhere in the American continent was plausible for black rights to be upheld or for black education to lead to opportunity. And it is truthful, if you look at Mexico, brazil, the usa, even Haiti after henri Christophe died, the entire American continent, canada to argentina, before jean Jacques Dessalines or after henri Christophe in Haiti, was an anti black place. yes, examples throughout the American continent existed for black individual examples, going through many white walls. But, what is the point of life? is the point of life to struggle? I argue no. I argue the point of life is to have it good, have it easy, have it fun and ninety nine percent of black people in the entire American continent , canada to argentina, late eighteen hundreds or early nineteen hundreds, didn't have anything good or easy or fun. So leave the American continent. The tragedy is the same whites from Canada to Argentina who preached dislike of blacks hated the idea of black people leaving. Why? because white unity was only based on the presence of black people , in the entire American continent. The native American, indios had already been decimated in populace in such a way, they will never have the numbers to threaten, thus whites can't unify around an empty threat. As for Frederick Douglass, he was older but his point wasn't to support dubois/washington/garvey but to state his belief, that the usa warrants surviving. Douglass point is the usa can become something no other government can and if black people leave en masse or don't seek complete integration, the usa can never become what he dreamed it become, a country of humans. On one side note, Booker T Washington's wife was a white Asian and it is interesting that when you look at white Asians as a populace in the usa, they act the way booker t Washington wanted black descended of enslaved to act. Don't get involved in government, focus on your own everything. Not criminalizing integration but make everything a financial position first or foremost. In cheap retrospect, the one thing Washington didn't comprehend, and this connects to Haiti. Black DOSers relationship to the usa isn't fiscal, it isn't fiscal capitalistic. Black DOSers are not in the united states of America to make money. Black DOSers are in the usa because whites wanted it. Black DOSers can not find any reason to support the usa based on enslaved forebears. Ala, the often said while very erroneous, our forebears helped build the usa line. It is the great Black DOSer sin saying that line. My forebears were enslaved, but for anyone to suggest they cared one bit about anything in the usa, is an ugly lie. And this is the fundamental problem with said four leaders, each was bound to fail. WEB Dubois was being used to make unify white groups. Booker T Washington couldn't protect black people from fiscally poor whites violence. Garvey didn't believe in the usa or the American continent as a good place for blacks and whites in majority wanted blacks to change their minds, to anything but anti America. Frederick Douglass felt the Black DOS populace should fight through anything to remain in the usa for a greater human achievement that wouldn't benefit blacks in any of the ways they wanted but would support humanity in a way he felt it needed. 13:07 very true, i can't think of any other film showing white violence to black women that strongly, made in the usa. 14:19 i wonder your thought to passing? 15:18 good point, white comfort, this goes back to gone with the wind, a song of the south, birth of a nation, even king kong, make white people feel good about themselves, by not showing white people in any negative light. 16:37 yes, what gets saved isn't neutral and is also expensive. You have to say, what were black wealthy people doing? they could had saved. 17:21 good quote from mosely, if you are not in the story, you are not in the culture. 18:29 thank you for mentioning Julie Dash 20:00 What does watching the film demand today? 21:27 yes, lovely emotion from the thespians. 22:13 great show Oscar Micheaux biography from Movies That Move We https://youtu.be/1C5hxGrohps?si=hnAH78ulXh4-pyMg my comment What are your thoughts to the film passing? Thanks for mentioning Julie Dash. Great review... Oscar Micheaux in many ways incorporated WEB Dubois's philosophies aside Booker T Washington's philosophies in the production of this film. I even wonder how many non blacks saw his films and were inspired by his work. Great question, what would he think of the black film industry today? What would he think of the Black film industry in or out of the USA? Black identity today is global but is of many parts. Each part has its own environment. What would he think of Nollywood? What would he think of the Black film industry in the USA which monetarily is based on a handful of black producers: blacks with money or who can access money to make films? That is such an engaging question you ask at the end. I wish he was alive to answer. I wish he had a journal. I wish I had all his screenplays. I know he wrote books alongside the films but it seems many are lost. Profile of OScar Micheaux video link https://youtu.be/1C5hxGrohps?si=LKAo5vDY1-rQksl9 Embed video 0:2929 secondsHey, 0:3131 secondsHey everyone, welcome back to another edition of Movies That Move We. 0:3737 secondsThis is the place where film isn't just entertainment. It's history, it's culture, it's memory. 0:4545 secondsSome episodes that we do are about the movies, you know, commentary, ratings, 0:5252 secondsall of that stuff. But but today, this is just about one man. This month we're 0:5959 secondsfocusing on black film history and today we're going to be profiling Oscar Mako. 1:081 minute, 8 secondsWhy is this episode different? 1:111 minute, 11 secondsThis is different like I said because there's no reviews, no ranking. We're doing a profile of someone who is very important in black film history. 1:211 minute, 21 secondsWe're talking about how film history gets made and who gets left out of it. 1:291 minute, 29 secondsYou know, while Hollywood was being built, Oscar MO was already working. 1:371 minute, 37 secondsExcuse me. He was a writer, director, producer, distributor, 1:461 minute, 46 secondspromoter. He was independent before independence was ever really a category. 1:551 minute, 55 secondsNow, one of the movies that I mentioned um that we should watch and it brings context to this conversation is Titans: 2:062 minutes, 6 secondsThe Rise of Hollywood, which you can find on Netflix. 2:112 minutes, 11 secondsSo, let's talk about it. You know, the start of the American film industry was early 1900s. 2:192 minutes, 19 secondsUm that was the period of the short film. 2:252 minutes, 25 secondsUm the industry itself was very tight and what I mean by that is there were a few men controlling the whole industry. 2:382 minutes, 38 secondsIt started in New York. It was in cities like New York and Chicago. And in these 2:452 minutes, 45 secondscities there were a group of people who you had to go to for everything for the 2:522 minutes, 52 secondsfilm for camera set for everything. You could only use certain actors and you couldn't use anybody else's actor or producer. 3:043 minutes, 4 secondsIt was giving very what some might call moblike. 3:103 minutes, 10 secondsThis group that ran everything was called the trust. 3:173 minutes, 17 secondsAnd this particular group consider included excuse me included Thomas Edison. 3:283 minutes, 28 secondsMhm. That one that Thomas Edison he controlled production and distribution. 3:363 minutes, 36 secondsum at the time he in America he was the one who was making cameras. That was the only person that you could go to. 3:443 minutes, 44 secondsSo it made it very difficult for people to be filmmakers. But they did it. 3:543 minutes, 54 secondsAnd at the point that we have three early titans come up, the film industry is shifting from novelty to industry. 4:054 minutes, 5 secondsPower consolidated very quickly. 4:094 minutes, 9 secondsSo again, the early Titans, Thomas Edison, he controlled the patents. He controlled who could legally make a 4:164 minutes, 16 secondsfilm. And then you have these three players who enter who their their work still stands today. 4:264 minutes, 26 secondsThese companies still exist. You have Adolf Zukor. 4:324 minutes, 32 secondsHe created Paramount. Um he was the first one to go with feature length films, meaning 4:404 minutes, 40 secondsearly films were only a few minutes long and they were silent. 4:464 minutes, 46 secondsAll you had to read was body language and dramatic gestures. That's what early films were. Um he created the feature 4:554 minutes, 55 secondslen length film which was 30 minutes an hour long. He created the star system. 5:015 minutes, 1 secondSo all of a sudden we have people who are marketed and promoted as this is who 5:085 minutes, 8 secondsyou want to be. Is very New York centered early on. More about him later. 5:165 minutes, 16 secondsUm Car Carl Lamel he opened a theater making movies accessible to the general public. Um 5:255 minutes, 25 secondsagain films at this time were a luxury item novelty. You got dressed up. It was like going to the theater you know and 5:345 minutes, 34 secondsonly certain people could afford that luxury. 5:395 minutes, 39 secondsBut he brought it to the people and he was one who fought Edison and one of the 5:475 minutes, 47 secondspeople in the industry who was the first to move to California and build Universal City that was around 1915. 5:595 minutes, 59 secondsWilliam Fox that Fox brought vertical integration, 6:056 minutes, 5 secondsmeaning he brought the production, the distribution, and the theaters to the 6:116 minutes, 11 secondssystem. For him that was ideal because he did it all, including creating a place to show his films exclusively, 6:226 minutes, 22 secondswhereas everybody else was shopping around to see who would be willing to present their films. 6:316 minutes, 31 secondsLewis B. mayor, one-third of the MGM uh film company. He brought brought to 6:406 minutes, 40 secondsthe uh the industry the prestige, the glamour. Again, going off of uh what 6:476 minutes, 47 secondsLamel also brought to it all the glitz and the branding power and the razledazzle 6:546 minutes, 54 secondsthat um comes with Hollywood that we know of uh in Hollywood. 7:027 minutes, 2 secondsanother person that um she isn't mentioned as one of the big three but 7:087 minutes, 8 secondsshe was still influential and that's Mary Pigford. She was an actress 7:157 minutes, 15 secondsum and she brought her writing skills as well as her acting talents to the industry. 7:247 minutes, 24 secondsSo important clarification that I want to make here is that it wasn't one man that moved Hollywood west. 7:357 minutes, 35 secondsZukor wasn't the one who led the move to the west coast. He followed 7:427 minutes, 42 secondsLamel and Fox were the first two to move to California. 7:497 minutes, 49 secondsWhy California? 7:517 minutes, 51 secondsIt was ideal because it offered an escape from Thomas Edison. 7:577 minutes, 57 secondsThe weather was ideal. They could film outdoors. They had plenty of of landscape to choose from. They had the 8:058 minutes, 5 secondsspace. And most importantly, they had control. They didn't have to answer to 8:138 minutes, 13 secondsthe trust. they could do their own thing, set their own rules, and they did. 8:218 minutes, 21 secondsHollywood was built with capital, land, and legal protection. 8:298 minutes, 29 secondsOkay? In short, infrastructure equals power. And in the film industry, 8:378 minutes, 37 secondsthey became the power. 8:408 minutes, 40 secondsJust consider for a moment how quickly the industry grew. In just 20 years, it 8:488 minutes, 48 secondswent from those short five minute silent reels to featurelength productions with 8:558 minutes, 55 secondsdialogue and razledazzle and music and fanfare. Um, 9:039 minutes, 3 secondsit it moved very quickly. 9:079 minutes, 7 secondsOne important truth, something to keep in mind is Hollywood wasn't neutral. It was white, 9:169 minutes, 16 secondsit was male, and it was capital backed. 9:239 minutes, 23 secondsBlack presence in the industry was visible, 9:289 minutes, 28 secondsbut it was limited. So you saw um the servant, the butler or on the other end 9:389 minutes, 38 secondsof the spectrum people who were involved in crime and immorality, the stereotypes. 9:459 minutes, 45 secondsUm black people weren't missing necessarily, but they were locked out of 9:539 minutes, 53 secondsthe system. We'll talk a little bit more about that later. In contrast, you have Oscar Mako. 10:0210 minutes, 2 secondsHe had no studio lot. He had no patents. 10:0710 minutes, 7 secondsHe had no theater chains. And he didn't have any legal protection. Let me tell you a little bit about him. 10:1510 minutes, 15 secondsHe was born in 1884. His parents were former slaves. They moved as a part of 10:2110 minutes, 21 secondsthe great migration from Kentucky to the Chicago area, Illinois. Um his mom was a 10:3310 minutes, 33 secondsbig fan of um Booker T. Washington, you know, and she w she was in full agreement with what he 10:4210 minutes, 42 secondssaid about being educated. And of course, this is what she taught her son Oscar about. And so you'll see that in 10:5110 minutes, 51 secondshis films where you have the the educated, you have the class differences. You'll see all of that 10:5910 minutes, 59 secondsstuff in his films. Again, more about that later. Um he was one of the early 11:0711 minutes, 7 secondshomesteaders when the government was giving away land out left out west. He went ahead and he put in his bid and he got himself a plot of land in Oklahoma. 11:1911 minutes, 19 secondsand he worked the land and he proved to his neighbors because this was a community. Homesteading was a community, 11:2711 minutes, 27 secondsnot just something you did independently. He proved to his white neighbors around him that he could do this. He did it well. Now, during one hard winter where he couldn't harvest, 11:4011 minutes, 40 secondscouldn't bring in crops or anything like that, and again, that's something everyone in that area was going through at the time, not just him. He sat down 11:4811 minutes, 48 secondsand he wrote his first novel called Homesteader. It's not an autobiography, 11:5511 minutes, 55 secondsbut it is based on his experience. Um, 12:0012 minutesand he he went ahead and he self-published that, you know, he went door todo with it. Um, same thing 12:0912 minutes, 9 secondsapplied with his films. He wrote his scripts and he self- financed those films. Okay. 12:1712 minutes, 17 secondsUm, Lamel escaped Edison. Mo escaped Hollywood. 12:2612 minutes, 26 secondsHe didn't have to avoid it. He didn't have to engage with it either. 12:3112 minutes, 31 secondsWhat did he put on screen? He talked about, as I was mentioning earlier, 12:3812 minutes, 38 secondsall of the topics that were important to the black community at the time, um, like colorism, 12:4712 minutes, 47 secondspassing, tension between the classes, sexual violence, religious hypocrisy, 12:5612 minutes, 56 secondsum, migration, ambition, and moral compromise. 13:0213 minutes, 2 secondsSomething important to note, his work was not uplift only. It wasn't 13:0813 minutes, 8 secondsconsidered safe or sanitized. He was telling complex stories and censoring 13:1513 minutes, 15 secondsAfrican-American people in these stories. He wasn't trying to comfort uh 13:2213 minutes, 22 secondswhite people or um play what do you call it? Respectability politics with black 13:2913 minutes, 29 secondspeople. He was telling plain truth. This is what life looked like from the black perspective. 13:3913 minutes, 39 secondsHe wasn't alone in this pocket of independent uh film industry. 13:4713 minutes, 47 secondsThe system for black filmmakers was fragile. 13:5113 minutes, 51 secondsAnd so you had people out there who were trying to show films, who were making films. Their work, unfortunately, was not preserved. 14:0314 minutes, 3 secondsNot all of Oscar MO's work was preserved, but we have more of his films available than we do some of the other players in the industry. 14:1314 minutes, 13 secondsSome of those folks were William D. Foster. 14:1714 minutes, 17 secondsHe was a black film producer, um, owner of Lincoln Mo Motion Picture Company. 14:2414 minutes, 24 secondsUh, Sherman H. Dudley is another. He started the black theater circuit and 14:3114 minutes, 31 secondsthe black vaudeville circuit which later became the theater owners booking association 14:3914 minutes, 39 secondsalso known as Toba. Um he was key in distribution and getting these things 14:4714 minutes, 47 secondsinto uh certain spaces in black spaces. Um, 14:5414 minutes, 54 secondsOscar Mako's films were they were played in black theaters, 15:0015 minutesblackowned theaters. There weren't a lot of them, but they were played in blackowned theaters. They were played in segregated theaters. He had the support of churches, 15:1115 minutes, 11 secondslodges, community halls, and and road showings, um, screenings, excuse me. 15:1915 minutes, 19 secondsUm, another way that his films made it into the community were uh Midnight 15:2615 minutes, 26 secondsRambles, which were usually white owned theaters that would show black films after midnight so that the 15:3615 minutes, 36 secondsblack and white patrons would never meet and they didn't have to worry about hearing complaints from white patrons 15:4415 minutes, 44 secondsabout, oh my gosh, what why are these people even in this building. So those 15:5015 minutes, 50 secondsthings were were how his films made it to to the masses. Um key cities, 15:5915 minutes, 59 secondsyou hear people talk a lot about uh the Chitlin Circuit. Well, 16:0716 minutes, 7 secondsthey focused on, and when I say they, 16:0916 minutes, 9 secondsI'm talking about um oh gosh, I just lost the name. um Foster and Dudley and 16:1816 minutes, 18 secondsOscar Mako and other filmmakers of the time, you know, they focused on 16:2516 minutes, 25 secondsdistributing their films in places like Chicago, Harlem, New York City, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Kansas City, 16:3416 minutes, 34 secondsthe great migration cities because that's where we were coming from. That's where we were going to when we were 16:4216 minutes, 42 secondsmoving from the south. There were some spaces where they did show films, these black films in the south, but of course they had to be very careful about that. 16:5516 minutes, 55 secondsHollywood asks, "How do we control the market?" Oscar Mo asks, "Who already has 17:0117 minutes, 1 seconda screen actors and impact?" 17:0917 minutes, 9 secondsyou know, he started a lot of careers and I wish I wrote down the names of uh 17:1617 minutes, 16 secondssome of them, but one of the most notable, most recognized is Paul Robson. 17:2317 minutes, 23 secondsUm Paul Robson, he was a football player, of course, if you've ever heard of him, he had a magnificent singing 17:3117 minutes, 31 secondsvoice. He acted in Oscar Mico's film Body and Soul 1925. 17:4017 minutes, 40 secondsIt was a dual role. So he played both a preacher and a con man in this film about moral complexity. 17:5117 minutes, 51 secondsDoes that sound familiar? Sinners. Anybody? Yeah. He did it first before Michael B. 17:5917 minutes, 59 secondsJordan. Why does this matter? Again, this story challenged stereotypes. 18:0718 minutes, 7 secondsIt addressed themes of race, morality, 18:1118 minutes, 11 secondsstruggles of the black community, and of course, it did it from the black perspective, 18:1918 minutes, 19 secondsblack audience. What What did he make possible with this? Why did this film matter so much? because his films and he 18:2818 minutes, 28 secondsdid over 40 in his career trained the expectations of the black 18:3518 minutes, 35 secondscommunity. What they should expect from black stardom. It normalized seeing black people on film. And again, 18:4518 minutes, 45 secondsnot being the stereotype, but being professionals, 18:5118 minutes, 51 secondsnot living in a shack somewhere, but living in the big city and having careers and things like that. Um, think 19:0019 minutesabout actors and actresses like Lena Horn, 19:0519 minutes, 5 secondsDorothy Dandridge, and Harab Bella Fonte. They were some of the the the 19:1219 minutes, 12 secondsfolks that took on complex roles laid complex roles later on in in black film history. He didn't launch their careers, 19:2319 minutes, 23 secondsbut he did make them possible by laying the groundwork. 19:3119 minutes, 31 secondsHow many films are left? A lot of his films are lost. Um, like I mentioned, he 19:3919 minutes, 39 secondsI think he did 44 films in his career. 19:4619 minutes, 46 secondsAnd this right here is what's left of his film collection. I believe this is 15 19:5519 minutes, 55 secondsof his films. Um, Within Our Gates is one. I did watch that one. It's actually 20:0220 minutes, 2 secondsvery good. Um, this was done in 1920 and it's 73 minutes long, but that one again covers those themes of migration. Um, 20:1520 minutes, 15 secondsand actually one of the things that he focused on in that film was a woman's ability to choose and move freely. Um, 20:2520 minutes, 25 secondsso if you haven't get this collection, check that film out. But again, 20:3320 minutes, 33 secondshis films really spoke to the community. Okay? And 20:4020 minutes, 40 secondswhen you think about how come so many of his films were lost, how come we don't have any of Dudley or Fosters's work, 20:4820 minutes, 48 secondsit's not because they didn't matter. 20:5220 minutes, 52 secondsIt's because preservation follows power. 20:5820 minutes, 58 secondsThink of it this way. How many how many films can you think of that are when 21:0421 minutes, 4 secondstheir their titles are called it's like oh yes this is pinnacle great film th 21:1221 minutes, 12 secondsthis goes down in film history this is a must-see film this is you know 21:1821 minutes, 18 secondsdefinitely something that framed or shaped culture um those films are 21:2721 minutes, 27 secondsprotected and I'm pretty sure if you start running them back in your mind. 21:3121 minutes, 31 secondsWhen I when I hear it, I think of um like the Woody Allen films, Martin Scorsesei films. People will hold those 21:3821 minutes, 38 secondsin high standards. Those films by those uh writer, directors, producers will be 21:4621 minutes, 46 secondsupheld and preserved. We'll have them forever. 21:5121 minutes, 51 secondsUm they're protected, 21:5521 minutes, 55 secondsthey're preserved, and they're celebrated. Film history isn't neutral, 22:0222 minutes, 2 secondsit's curated. 22:0522 minutes, 5 secondsJust kind of let that sit with you for a minute. 22:1122 minutes, 11 secondsEven though Oscar Mako doesn't get mentioned at as much in film conversations, 22:1822 minutes, 18 secondsthere are many beneficiaries of the road that he built. Um, again, think about Ava Duivere, 22:2722 minutes, 27 secondsIssa Ray, Jordan Peele. Um, they all have ownership archives of their own 22:3522 minutes, 35 secondswork. Um they've done things like they build on smaller platforms first and 22:4222 minutes, 42 secondsthen present like it's you know she started with um Awkward Black Girl and 22:5022 minutes, 50 secondsrolled that into a television series eventually. And you have Jordan Peele um 22:5622 minutes, 56 secondswho he has narrative control over his work. he can decide these themes and even if people don't get it, he's not 23:0523 minutes, 5 secondslocked in again to being a stereotypical um filmmaker where he can only focus on the hardships 23:1423 minutes, 14 secondsof black life. No, he gets into some real cerebral stuff. Okay. Um and and 23:2323 minutes, 23 secondsthis isn't important. He he didn't choose he didn't chase Hollywood. He he was well aware that 23:3123 minutes, 31 secondsthey're not going to let me into those gates. 23:3523 minutes, 35 secondsI have to create my own path. He built endurance. 23:4223 minutes, 42 secondsSo with that in mind, and you can share your thoughts on this down in the comments, 23:4923 minutes, 49 secondswhat does it mean to create when the system isn't built for you? I'd love to hear your thoughts on that. What 23:5823 minutes, 58 secondsdoes it mean to create when the system isn't built for you? 24:0324 minutes, 3 secondsOscar Mako in film history is not a footnote. He is the foundation 24:1024 minutes, 10 secondsfor what we know as the black film industry now. 24:1624 minutes, 16 secondsSo tell me again, share your thoughts on this one. If Oscar Mah were alive today, 24:2424 minutes, 24 secondswould he join Hollywood or do you think he would still continue to build something of his own? Let me know what you think. 24:3424 minutes, 34 secondsOkay. 24:3624 minutes, 36 secondsOne of the things that I keep coming back to with Oscar Mako is that he didn't want to be validated. 24:4224 minutes, 42 secondsHe wasn't worried about being on um the Paramount Star system. He wasn't 24:5024 minutes, 50 secondslooking for the the the awards. He wanted to talk to his people and he did that. He didn't wait for permission. He 24:5824 minutes, 58 secondsdidn't wait for the resources. He didn't wait for history to catch up. He just created. 25:0725 minutes, 7 secondsAnd that's what we do here at Movies That Move We. That's what we're really about. The stories that move us because they remind us of what is possible. 25:2025 minutes, 20 secondsSo, thank you for joining me and spending time with me today. Um, if this episode moved you, share it with someone who loves film history. And, you know, 25:3225 minutes, 32 secondsdon't forget to share, follow, subscribe to our pages on YouTube and Facebook. 25:3825 minutes, 38 secondsYou can find us at Movies That Move Wee. 25:4325 minutes, 43 secondsI'm Nay. This has been Movies That Move Wee, and we'll see you next time. Bye. MY THOUGHTS 2:44 thank you for saying it started in New York city, many don't know that. 5:23 I wonder what zukor will think to paramount today 5:58 Lamel made, Universal city, so in the end, the movie industry moved west to get as far from Edison or New York City as possible. 6:37 Fox created the proper business model, you need to own theaters to make money. 6:55 Mayer supported the star system. 7:07 Mary Pickford was connected. 8:37 good point on infrastructure. 10:46 thanks for informing about his mom who was a philosophical adherent of booker t Washington, thus he supported black strength in his films, but it wasn't anti white as much as anti "negative behavior" 12:27 I knew Micheaux self published, in Japan called Doujinshi, but I love hearing it. 13:17 good point, like booker t Washington, he wasn't trying to comfort whites or blacks, but telling the truth while supporting black empowerment. 14:17 William d foster [ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_D._Foster ] , Sherman h Dudley, theater owners booking association toba [ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sherman_H._Dudley ] 17:23 thank you for mentioning PAul Robeson started with an OScar Micheaux film. 18:49 and also integrated. The key is not merely showing Black positive lives, but showing black positive lives while in the environment of the USA. my comment thank you for mentioning PAul Robeson started with an OScar Micheaux film. [ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Body_and_Soul_(1925_film) ] hahaha Sinners! well done. and spencer williams [ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Blood_of_Jesus ] Thinking on Nollywood, I wonder. As a Booker T Washington philosophical adherent, he would be pro USA. But, when you look at Nollywood, to be blunt, it is the biggest Black film industry in humanity. Bigger than the black film industry in south america/north america/southern asia. Posse/Daughters of the Dust/Within Our Gates/ Emitai/ Ceddo are the first films that come to my mind with your question of films that need to be preserved. Now I want to say I am lucky, I remember seeing Within Our Gates when it was first refurbished. A black film organization exist in harlem that shared it. and I will tell you that most of the people in that showing were black. They existed in the Adam Clayton Powell state office building. What does it mean to create when the system/environment is opposed to you as a creator or anything you create? hmmmm,I always say the following, growing up as a kid, I recall so many books about black fantasy, not just history. Many black people... descended of enslaved or not, can recall biographies. And nothing is wrong with biographies. But I recall as a very little boy, thick books on black dos mythology, Haitian mythology, African myths, fables. I didn't just grow up learning about Madame CJ Walker side Malcolm side KWame Nkrumah side Ida B Wells...I learned about High John, The Devils Daughter, John Henry, Brer Rabbit. My point being, creating is a way to continue your heritage, what you carry side who you are. And if you don't create, you risk your heritage dying and future cultures, what people grow, being absent. Creating is everything when it comes to artistic expression of self. When you create in an environment opposed to you creating, it is more than just an artistic challenge. Creating in an environment supporting you creating is a blissful thing. Underrated often in how valuable it is, how emboldening it is. When you look at white film makers you see this. Whites could present their false narratives of the south , as supported creators. But when you are not supported in the environment you live in, you are making a specific statement. Said specific statement is, even though you are against me.. you have more power than me... I exist and I will not cower or delete my identity because I have impotencies. It is interesting, because someone like Marcus Garvey will say it is better to find a supportive environment than create in an unsupportive one. and I concur to garvey, he is correct. It is unwise to create ... exist, in an environment opposed to you. But what Micheaux displays, what all black filmmakers in the USA display, is what W.E.B. Dubois/ Booker T Washington/ Frederick Douglass all embodied or worked for. That even though a passion/suffering will happen when one creates in an environment opposed to one self, it is more valuable to create in an environment opposed to you creating to define not only yourself but to make a call, legally or militaristically impotent as it may be, to demand change to the environment that opposes. And that call has a power/value that can reach to a future with greater impotency than militaries or laws. If Oscar Micheaux were alive today would he join Hollywood or would he do his own? Micheaux would be independent. He would be an independent creator. I think he would also embrace internationalism in all earnest. I think he would learn languages to be into the film industries that don't speak English. COMMENTARIES https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12582-have-you-seen-within-our-gates-from-oscar-micheaux/#findComment-80617 osted just now @aka Contrarian Micheaux never did mammy figures or tragic mulattoes or righteous reverend figures, in any of his films i saw. he did evil tricksters, but they were rarely pantomime and he did romantic leads, but they were human men. Check out within our gates in the main post, it is free to view , you will see https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12582-have-you-seen-within-our-gates-from-oscar-micheaux/#findComment-80622 osted just now @aka Contrarian well you know that most of Marcheaux's films , over ninety percent , have never been seen by anyone alive. So unfortunately, we only have a small section of films to view, and of the ones that are around today don't show those characterizations. I am not even certain all of Marcheaux's films are known. MAny have cited a list but ... unfortunately, absent a time machine, marcheaux's work like black descended of enslaved history from the early nineteen hundreds to fourteen ninety two is eternally incomplete. Yes, all the black pantomime characters come from white theater. Jim Crow itself is a pantomime character. Before movies, theater plays plus recorded music was the prime media tools and were very commercial. Race music was huge, al jolsten was a white jew but the larger industry of race music/race theater, which had black writers like joplin, was huge in the united states of america. Such that when films come about they took the pantomime black characters from stage and music of the late eighteen hundreds, and put them on screen. The interesting historical process for me is the analogous existence of Black fictional slave works, like clotel linked below, alongside the black pantomime. The black late 1800s fiction is of fictional slave narratives. High John was still popular as a fable, and high john's nemesis is literally Massa, a white man with bone white skin with bone white clothes. Clotel to me is a fictional account but a pure indictment on the white populace of the usa. To restate, black late eighteen hundreds fiction arguably makes pantomime white villains/criminals/baddies. Oscar Micheaux emitted the vibe of the black written fictional slave narratives. The white late 1800s fiction is of fictional slaver narratives. The films birth of a nation, gone with the wind, song of the south all reflect late eighteen hundreds white fictional slaver fiction literally made as a reply to black late 1800s fictional slave narratives. And yes, in modernity, both late 1800s genres are no longer highly read or known or ... majority popular. Both fictions were highly popular among the phenotypical groups they were made for with some crossover fans but blacks seemed to dislike the black fictional slave narratives as a genre. Whites slowly lost taste with the white fictional slaver narrative. The question is why did Blacks dislike the black fictional slave narrative genre. Arguably the first fiscally successful genre in the usa. https://aalbc.com/tc/blogs/entry/496-clotel-or-the-presidents-daughter-a-narrative-of-slave-life-in-the-united-states-by-william-well-brown/ https://aalbc.com/tc/blogs/entry/495-le-mulâtre-from-victor-séjour-two-versions-split-by-an-essay/ https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12582-have-you-seen-within-our-gates-from-oscar-micheaux/#findComment-80636 osted just now @ProfD 3 hours ago, ProfD said: Films depicting slavery aren't going to be very popular. Mainly because it des not make people feel better about themselves. Entertainment is a form of escapism not intended to cause depression. You sound like a very good friend of mine, a director, he always says, entertainment is to escape and I always tell him hogwash. I have never felt that way with entertainment, especially growing up. I have never wanted to be anyone but me, I like myself. II have never wanted to live anywhere than the harlem of yore that is now long gone. Now I admit, maybe having a loving home with both my parents in a small section of harlem that was happy/peaceful/black empowered meant I didn't feel bad about my home or the local area I live in the world. and thus no need to escape. As a brother of mine said, to a parent, maybe he is happy at home. It took me years to comprehend how fortunate I was. If anything the fact that so many people in the usa, a country whose majority populace in modernity is descended on uninvited or unwanted people from the first peoples who came to this country to be happy as they were unhappy wherever they were from, find escapism through entertainment says alot about the ability of immigrants to find happiness in the usa. When I first saw within our gates I wasn't depressed, I was interested. When I read poetry or stories in my contest/ challenges I am not looking to escape or be made to smile, I want to comprehend what the artists is saying. When I look at music, I never forget, mahalia jackson saying she would rather sing gospel than the blues cause she would rather be uplifted than sad and ... I call feces on that. I love black music, all of it, from various corners of the world and all the genres born in the land that is today the united states of america. Not all blues is sad. And mahalia should had known that. But, to your point Profd, mahalia jackson was making the same case , saying blues music is the same as fictional slave narratives, too sad, too negative, thus the need to escape, the truth, escape the things people don't want to hear or read or see because they remind them of reality that they don't want to deal with. Better to sing gospel, and not see the truth of the usa or your peoples place in it. Better to see the huxtable clan whom have none of the problems ninety percent of black people have than to see sanford and son. Even though as red fox said correctly, all black shows are dishonest, including sanford. But then, we have in the same black populace, black people saying how black people need to want to be president and ceo and all of this stuff. I think the entertainment black people like over the years is telling to our mental states as a collective. Thank you for your answer, I think , your 100% correct. I didn't want to face the answer is as simple as dismissal of certain aspects in the arts... maybe my variance is i look at things as the arts not exactly entertainment, if something I find funny happens I will laugh but I don't need to laugh de facto ... anyway, I think its interesting. PRofd, isn't it a thoughtful dichotomy. Black people in majority have never been happy in the usa or the european colonies that preceded it , at any time including modernity, and yet, blacks went from enjoying fictional slave narratives as the most popular black fiction, to now in modernity not wanting any mention of enslavement in any fiction. The same black people who will say love the usa and their forebears died for them to be president, will then dismiss seeing enslaved to whites, black children tortured by whites in media. To me, that says they are lying to themselves. I start with myself, if I didn't know any black history as a child, my parents for whatever reason didn't tell me the truth, provide me books with the truth , and I was just presented escapisms, I imagine my whole stance toward the usa would be different today than what it is. As a tutor I always told the children the truth, about everything. And this post has made me think about some of the other adults one time. I didn't think on it then but now I see why they looked at me a certain way... Thank you again. .. I realize now how many black people don't get black truth in their fiction, in their learning. It seems like many black adults want black children to be adults, circa twenty, before black truth is given... and this isn't something derived from whites, this is a black heritage. I must admit , this topic has aided me in something, hmm thank you 3 hours ago, ProfD said: Well, the archaeologists had to dig up Within Our Gates from a Spanish copy of the film. They had to edit to clean up/fix & translate it back to English. Do you know the spanish subtitle for Within our gates is La Negra, the black woman. It is so basic, and a little crude and yet telling. Though I must admit the real story is how a copy of the film found its way to somewhere in spain. @aka Contrarian 3 hours ago, aka Contrarian said: @richardmurray: this same TV channel that I mentioned watching (back in the 1960's) showed old black movies from the past that did feature the stereo-typical black characters I mentioned. That's how l became aware of them. And they were "talkie" movies, not pantomimed, filmed during the late 1920s and early 1930s by black movie producers, lesser known than Oscar Marcheaux. Incidentally, the acting was very amateurish and stilted, the sound and camera work of poor quality. Even so, they were treasures which I hope are stored away in vaults somewhere. well yes I know what you speak. That is why i mentioned scott joplin, i love his rag works, but he did race music and it was very financially profitable for him. My point being... The hsitory of black comedians of the usa warrants a whole history section in the history of entertainment. You have whites who historically are most entertained by blacks or whites mocking blacks... immitation/bufoonery/jestering... the cakewalk started on plantations with black people mocking whites for a piece of cake. So whites historically love to be entertained, ala, made to laugh by blacks in the usa. Then you have especailly in the jim crow era, 1865 to 1980, blacks who increasingly want to escape as Profd said correctly. This leads to black entertainers developing to serve both audiences an interesting style. magical bufoonery. But yes, Michaeux was an outlier, but he also owned his own more than most black entertainers/filmmakers. @admin please share what you think after you view it, I want to know. URL- only an excerpt 'Within Our Gates': The only copy of the oldest African-American film was hidden in Spain as 'La negra' | Culture | EL PAÍS https://elpais.com/cultura/2021-11-09/la-unica-copia-de-la-pelicula-afroamericana-mas-antigua-se-encontraba-en-espana-escondida-como-la-negra.html Wayback machine full version https://web.archive.org/web/20211109050628/https://elpais.com/cultura/2021-11-09/la-unica-copia-de-la-pelicula-afroamericana-mas-antigua-se-encontraba-en-espana-escondida-como-la-negra.html The only copy of the oldest African-American film was hidden in Spain as 'La negra' 'Within Our Gates', the original title of Oscar Micheaux's film released in 1920, was kept at the Filmoteca, where it will be screened tomorrow, Wednesday, and was returned to the United States in the nineties A moment from the film 'La negra', directed by Oscar Micheaux and released in 1920. Elsa Fernández-Santos Madrid - 08 Nov 2021 - 03:53 CET In a letter dated July 23, 1979, one of the highest authorities on African-American cinema, Thomas Cripps, expressed his enthusiasm to one of the heads of the Spanish Film Archive, Catherine Gautier, for what seemed to be the discovery of a lost relic of the history of cinema. Gautier, a legendary programmer for more than four decades, had shown him the copy weeks earlier in Madrid and Cripps had come to the conclusion that the material could correspond to Within Our Gates, by the pioneering black filmmaker Oscar Micheaux. The film had been born as a response to the racism of D. W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation, but neither whites nor blacks liked it. After its premiere in Chicago, it began to be censored or ignored until its only four copies were lost. One of them, however, travelled to Spain in the fifties where it was preserved under the title La negra or La negressa. After traveling to Madrid and seeing the material in a moviola, Cripps informed Gautier that it could be three different titles by Micheaux in which actors, "a black informant" and the obsession with the culture of lynching, something recurrent in his films since he himself had witnessed a famous case as a child, that of Leo Frank, a young Jew who was the victim of a human pack that accused him of the murder of a minor whom he never killed. The three films were The Gunsaulus Mystery, from 1921, Lem Hawkins' Confession, from 1935 or, the one that finally was, the oldest of all, Within Our Gates, released on January 12, 1920. Considered a National Asset, the film rescued in Spain is available on the internet, and can be seen tomorrow Wednesday as part of a cycle organized by the Filmoteca and the Reina Sofía entitled, Black Films Matter. After a long process, La negra passed into the hands of the American Film Institute. In 1993, it was restored by the Library of Congress, returning the intertitles from Spanish to English and, with the help of some of Micheaux's books, reinterpreting the dialogues in slang. "We did an exchange for Sierra de Teruel [by André Malraux, with a screenplay by Max Aub]," recalls Catherine Gautier. "I was in charge of relations with the other film libraries, where we looked for materials that we didn't have by Buñuel. We sent the first positive test to the United States in 1988. The internegative, a year later. They were excited, the film became a success." Micheaux was attracted to interracial conflicts and used to reverse roles in his films. In Within Our Gates, it is a gossipy servant who causes the misunderstanding that ends with an older and innocent marriage on the gallows. They are the adoptive parents of the protagonist of the film, a mulatto, the black woman of the title, played by Evelyn Peers. The young woman has had the privilege of studying and in the first shot of the film, she appears dressed in white and reading in a flirtatious living room in a city in the north of the United States. She is a black woman with privileges, who defends the right to education and the vote of her own but who hides a traumatic past. The entire final part of the film is a long and dramatic flashback in the Mississippi Delta. There, on the plantation where their adoptive parents lived, the protagonist helps them add and subtract their savings so that they can collect from the boss without being deceived. From the beginning of the footage, Micheaux refers to lynchings, from which he does not even save the abolitionist North. The owner of the plantation is presented as a tyrant, hated by whites and blacks, to whom his slanderous and drunken servant goes with stories of the other blacks who aspire to have an education. In the film they try to lynch four people, the only one who escapes death is a child, the protagonist's younger brother, who manages to flee. The noose around the neck is only explicitly seen in a dream of the gossipy servant, who also ends up beaten by the mob. The terrible sequence of the old couple executed closes with an ellipsis in which we only see how the rope on which they have been hanged is cut. To top off the horror, there is also an attempted rape, of such realism that actress Evelyn Peers remembered the sequence years later as the best and most brutal of her career. It is in this attempted rape that the origins of the character will be clarified, who her real father was and why she, unlike others, had agreed to an education. Churches and film clubs Within Our Gates was released in Chicago and Detroit in 1920, but the screenings began to be increasingly conflicting and the film stopped circulating in the main market to move only in churches and film clubs. Micheaux's style, who went on to shoot 40 more films always on the margins of the industry, is intense and at the same time sloppy, a disjointed editing that for some analysts responds to the style of improvised jazz. In any case, the film we know today is incomplete. The nitrate copy that arrived in Spain in 1956 was sold to the Filmoteca in a lot that includes titles such as La cabrita tira al monte, Pilar Guerra or a short film by Félix el Gato. Its price was 4,000 pesetas. "The Filmoteca bought the nitrate copy from Manuel Rabanal Taylor, who was national head of the SEU film clubs," explains Laura Carrillo Caminal, head of the Documentation and Cataloguing Service. "Subsequently, in 1961, the Arroyo laboratories were commissioned to produce a negative duplicate and a new 35 mm copy on acetate support, which was a non-flammable support and therefore safer. These commissions to the laboratory were, and are, common in the Filmoteca as part of its conservation policy. The original copy is not preserved, it would probably be lost because it is in poor condition." Writer, director, producer and distributor, the figure of Micheaux has not ceased to gain relevance in recent times. The recently opened Academy Museum in Hollywood, in Los Angeles, has made questionable museological decisions by minimizing the figure of the great patriarch of cinema, D. W. Griffith, for the Southern exaltation of The Birth of a Nation. While tiptoeing around the man who according to Eisenstein taught everything "to everyone", author of Broken Lilies or Intolerance, the focus is on Micheaux's work and his cinema through extensive documentation that situates the context in which Within Our Gates was shot and released and why it is considered a response to racism in The Birth of a Nation, whose premiere in 1915 provoked protests from the African-American community. "Micheaux's importance as the first great African-American filmmaker cannot be underestimated," explains Zoran Sinobad, curator and head of film at the Library of Congress. "Not only was he the first African-American to direct feature films, but he was also the first whose films were screened in white theaters. This is especially important in the context of his work's commitment to racial injustice, a theme that was virtually non-existent on American screens in the 1920s. Micheaux was a groundbreaking filmmaker whose films challenged the stereotypical representations of black men and women that were prevalent in Hollywood at the time and provided a uniquely black perspective on race and life in the United States." The Black Films Matter cycle that La Filmoteca and the Museo Reina Sofía present this month and which will last through December and January, aims to "give voice and space" to a series of filmmakers whose works have hardly been seen in Spain or Europe. [ https://www.museoreinasofia.es/actividad/black-films-matter ] The films of "pioneers such as Micheaux and Zora Neale Hurston; champions of race films such as Spencer Williams; revolutionaries such as Melvin van Peebles, Charles Burnett or Cheryl Dunye". All of them, fundamental names in the construction of an identity whose struggle to break with stereotypes was born in a film that chance brought to Spain. Museo reina sofia of spain Black Films MAtter BLACK FILMS MATTER (1920-2020) Date and time Held on 10 Nov 2021 Yes, black film matters. From the oldest surviving feature film directed by a black filmmaker, Within Our Gates (1920) by Oscar Micheaux, to the frenetic contemporary proposals of Arthur Jafa in the Trump era, this cycle proposes a journey through the American independent black film and does so in an anthological retrospective organized by the Reina Sofía Museum and the Spanish Film Archive that, For the first time, it brings together a century of films directed solely by African-American filmmakers. With this essential condition, the cycle seeks to avoid the racial stereotypes in representation that characterized, in the past, the work of legendary black actors and actresses. Some thirty sessions – during two months of programming – claim and tell another great story of this medium in the United States, which places at the center the subaltern and resistant gaze of the black minority. A story that obeys one of the most urgent and necessary desires throughout an entire century: that of the struggle for life. As filmmaker Arthur Jafa and philosopher Fred Moten remind us, it is possible to make film noir with the same power, beauty and alienation of black music. Both have a common aspect: not obeying rules but undoing them and recombining them in an improvisatory logic that animates blues, jazz, hip-hop or house, but also the images and sounds of black film. The route cannot, therefore, be traced chronologically and linearly, but in a spiral and with leaps back and forth, in a syncopated composition that governs the dialogues between the projections of both venues. The programming, far from the canon or the emblem, proposes a story based on film manifestations that do not deal externally or observationally with the black population, but are made by this same community that shows their way of life and unique experience. BLACK FILMS MATTER (1920-2020) is, therefore, a cycle of singular films with resonances and confluences between them, rather than a theoretical program. It consists of various sessions that, as units of meaning, give underlying shape to this beat of films. In this way, archaeology is made of the pioneers of cinema, including the films of the first African-American directors in history, Oscar Michaux and Zora Neale Hurston. These are the so-called race films of the early twentieth century, an alternative industry that developed in the silent period and that still remains unknown due to its enormous potential for destabilization. In this way, Oscar Micheaux's Within Our Gates is an anti-racist response to the aberrant xenophobic monumentality of D.W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation (1915), a milestone in the orthodox histories of cinema. After this period, we connect with the emergence of black consciousness and the civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s, characterized by the insurgency of the Black Power movement and the LA Rebellion, collectives where film giants such as Charles Burnett, Melvin van Peebles or Billy Woodberry stand out. In turn, the politics of difference unite feminism, blackness, and queer identities in the work of Julie Dash, Cheryl Dunye, and Cauleen Smith. There is also room for a popular street cinema in the cycle, which addresses the neighborhood as territory and battlefield, as is the case with the films of Spike Lee, Gordon Parks, Michael Schulz or John Singleton, aimed at a new specifically black mass audience, a "counter-audience" that transforms American entertainment cinema. The sessions by contemporary artists, which feature Kevin Jerome Everson, Arthur Jafa and Kara Walker, function as counterpoints – regardless of a chronology – that return to foundational moments of black film, such as the origins of the pioneers or the revolts of the 1960s and 1970s. The program seeks to reintegrate these historical genealogies into a contemporary Black consciousness that incorporates the past while being able to manifest today, in unison with one of the great social movements and hopes of our time, Black Lives Matter, that Black lives (and the cinema that inhabits them) matter. Program Wednesday, November 10, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second pass: session 30. Screening and closing concert with The Silent Entertainers Band. Thursday, January 20 and Saturday, January 22, 2022 / Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 1. Pioneers I Thursday, November 11, 2021 - 5:00 p.m. / Second screening: Wednesday, December 29, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 2. Pioneers II Friday, November 12, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Saturday, December 18, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website / Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 3. Kara Walker Saturday, November 13, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second screening: Friday, December 17, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 4. Melvin Van Peebles Sunday, November 14, 2021 - 5:00 p.m. / Second screening: Wednesday, December 15, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 5. L.A. Rebellion I. Don Amis and Charles Burnett Monday, November 15, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Sunday, December 5, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website / Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 6. Julie Dash Tuesday, November 16, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second screening: Monday, December 27, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 7. Pioneers III Wednesday, November 17, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Friday, December 3, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website / Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 8. Kevin Jerome Everson Thursday, November 18, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Tuesday, December 7, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website / Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 9. Pioneers IV Friday, November 19, 2021 - 5:00 p.m. / Second screening: Thursday, December 23, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 10. Pioneers V Saturday, November 20, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second screening: Friday, December 10, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 11. Gordon Parks Sunday, November 21, 2021 - 5:00 p.m. / Second screening: Sunday, November 28, 2021 - 12:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 12. Michael Schultz Monday, November 22, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Thursday, December 9, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 13. Pioneers VI Tuesday, November 23, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second screening: Sunday, December 5, 2021 - 12:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 14. Pioneers VII Wednesday, November 24, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Saturday, December 4, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 15. Bill Gunn Thursday, November 25, 2021 - 7:30 p.m. / Second screening: Monday, December 13, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 16. Ivan Dixon Saturday, November 27, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Thursday, December 23, 2021 - check schedule on the website of the Spanish Film Archive Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema Session 17. Larry Bullard and Carolyn Y. Johnson Saturday, November 27, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second screening: Wednesday, December 22, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 18. Spike Lee Sunday, November 28, 2021 - 5:00 p.m. / Second screening: Sunday, December 19, 2021 - 12:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 19. John Singleton Monday, November 29, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Saturday, December 11, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 20. Stephen Winter Tuesday, November 30, 2021 - 9:00 p.m. / Second screening: Wednesday, December 8, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 21. Cheryl Dunye Thursday, December 2, 2021 – 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Sunday, December 26, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 22. L.A. Rebellion II. Haile Gerima Friday, December 3, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Tuesday, December 28, 2021 - check schedule on the website of the Spanish Film Archive Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema Session 23. L.A. Rebellion III. Larry Clark Monday, December 6, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. / Second screening: Friday, December 10, 2021 - check schedule on the website of Filmoteca Española Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 24. Cauleen Smith Tuesday, December 21, 2021 - check schedule on the Spanish Film Archive website / Second screening: Friday, January 14, 2022 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 25. Feminist Short Films Wednesday, December 1, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website / Second screening: Saturday, December 11, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Cine Doré / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 26. Arthur Jafa Tuesday, December 14, 2021 - check schedule on the Spanish Film Archive website / Second screening: Saturday, January 15, 2022 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 27. Kathleen Collins Sunday, December 12, 2021 - 12:00 / Second screening: Wednesday, December 22, 2021 - check schedule on the Filmoteca Española website Museo Reina Sofía, Sabatini Building, Auditorium / Second screening: Filmoteca Española, Cine Doré Session 28. L.A. Rebellion IV. Billy Woodberry Sunday, December 19, 2021 - check schedule on the Spanish Film Archive website / Second screening: Monday, December 20, 2021 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 29. Gordon Parks Thursday, January 20, 2022 - check schedule on the Spanish Film Archive website / Second screening: Saturday, January 22, 2022 - 6:00 p.m. Spanish Film Archive, Doré Cinema / Second screening: Reina Sofía Museum, Sabatini Building, Auditorium Session 30. Screening and closing concert with The Silent Entertainers Band https://vimeo.com/640315746?fl=pl&fe=sh 03142026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12582-have-you-seen-within-our-gates-from-oscar-micheaux/#findComment-80649 osted just now @aka Contrarian 14 hours ago, aka Contrarian said: @richardmurrayI watched "Within Our Gates" and fully appreciated it for what it was. In fact, it inspired me to do some research on Oscar Micheaux because I was both curious and confused about him, even misspelling his name. I was, however, vaguely familiar with him which was why I was of the opinion that it must've been his movies that I was seeing quite a while back on a local TV channel that did not run them in prime time but instead put them on during the early afternoon, almost as if to fill in empty air space like the wrestling matches and The Liberace Show did back during the early days of TV. This would mean that my seeing these old films must've been back in the 1950s. Anyway, I learned, to my surprise, that Oscar Micheaux was born in 1884 in Metropolis, Illinois, a town I know of because I had friends from there, and that he died in 1951, so he was alive during my life time. I watched a couple of short YouTube videos about him and have concluded that at least some of those sound movies I was watching back then were ones produced by him later in his career. Finally, imo, some of the stereotypes I previously mentioned did appear in Micheaux's "Beyond the Gates". Certainly Sylvia Landry, the lovelorn heroine of "Within Our Gates, was a "tragic mulatto" whose real father was white and whose black adoptive parents were lynched, her adoptive and nurturing mother, Mattie, being a "Mammy" figure, and the wicked Larry, brother-in-law of Sylvia's cousin, being a villainous "Trickster", while the tattle tale Ephraim, was the "Coon" figure. The minister Jacobs, who ran a school for black children, represented the "Righteous Reverend"and Dr. Vivian, who falls in love with Sylvia, represented the "romantic hero". These personifications, rather than being pantomimed degrading figures, were transformed in "Within Our Gates", and I suspect the improved versions, like the film itself, were used to counteract the negative caricatures that "The Birth of a Nation" depicted. My introduction to Micheaux was probably about 70 years ago and I'm curious if those films I remember seeing were lost and no longer exist since the claim is being made that this movie is the last of its kind in existence. Btw, I also beg to disagree with your classifying the Cakewalk as a form of buffoon mockery. It was actually an elegant, joyful, high-stepping dance where couples competed against each other, with the winner being awarded the prize of a cake! Nor were minstrel shows totally without merit. They show cased sly humor, buck dancing and banjo artistry among other things. I mention this because there was a time when black Masons would stage their own minstrel shows and, having seen one put on by my father's lodge when I was a young girl in the 1940s, I remember being rather proud that my dad, was a member of a barbershop quartet that performed in a show his Masonic lodge staged. Just some thoughts... Expand Lovely thoughts, thank you for sharing them:) Well use of the word personifications, in that true persons change are not pantomime. Sylvia a true mulatto, definitely goes through trials or tribulations but she isn't tragic cause she wins in the end. She isn't clotel. Mattie is motherly, in the same way Mammy's are, but Mattie is a black woman married to a black man raising a black child... when a black maid is motherly to a white child that is the mammy figure, it isn't a black woman being motherly to a black child, that is expected? right? The landrys are both hanged and burned alive for a crime they didn't commit. hahaha LArry is the trickster, I admit he doesn't change. If anything he is the one true caricature. and Micheaux being like Pioneer:) one of these law abiding blacks, criminalizes black street people. All of larry's crimes are financial, none are violent. but yeah, larry is the pantomime black trickster, but knowing what I know of micheaux that makes sense. I as a writer don't view black hustlers negatively so... Efram wasn't the coon for one reason, in the film, he recants his actions in a confession to the audience so to speak. yes, he is the prototypical coon figure gestures, talk and all, BUT unlike most coon figures, he gets killed by whites, which is a very rare touch. even among black writers, they rarely give "black traitors" aka coons the death that micheax gave efram. People remember samuel l jackson's characters death in django, but he is murdered by a black man, django, Oscar micheaux murders his coon, efram through the true subjects whites, displaying the simple truth that whites are the enemy of blacks folks, whether the honorable, loving, law abiding Landry's or the lying, self hating scheming eframs. But the key is that efram confesses he hates himself, confesses he is wrong which is very rare in film, even black written films. And your correct, the Rev is the "righteous reverend" and Dr.."good hero" But at least with the rev. he is actually challenged. when sylvia rebukes his offer of marriage, that is a real test that again, so few righteous reverends have in many stories. to be challenged is key to testing the identity. but the doctor is an evergood hero:) which ok:) I wish I could see a complete version of symbol fo the unconquered. The partial I placed below. I think it is a response to birth of a nation, not within our gates. Why do I say this? In a general sense, because all of Micheaux's work involve the south plus black people and they are not like in griffith's film, they are all partially a response to birth of a nation, on a mere stylistic point. But in terms of agrarian fantasies, i argue, symbol of the unconquered is more of an agrarian fantasy which is what birth of a nation is, than within our gates. Birth of the nation is dismissive of the usa outside of the south, in birth of a nation the usa outside of the south, doesn't functionally exist. In that way, within our gates isn't a reply. Within our gates is very much holistic. It is showing black unity between blacks outside the south and to the south. Sylvia makes it where the black school in the south will thrive/survive/live but she lives in the north, has found love in the north, fled the south because of white terror, but doesn't ask other black people to leave the south. Within our gates i argue is more holistic to the usa. that complete nature is absent in birth of a nation. But symbol of the unconquered is all about black homesteaders. It is focused on a specific area in the usa like birth of a nation. And like birth of a nation has straight messages about certain persons or groups. Whereas the KKK is heroic supporting the traditions of the south in birth of a nation, the kkk is a terrorist illegal operating organization in symbol of the unconquered. whereas "birth's" female lead is so negatively biased she can jump off of a cliff to her death rather than be violated. the female lead in "symbol"fights through wind and rain and storms, to get her land. can be frightened but will never go to her death from fear. yeah, well , even though I don't prefer comedy usually, i think comedy is the art form most in need in the usa at all times, this countries history doesn't yield to seriousness well. lovely thought, thank you for sharing them 03152026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12582-have-you-seen-within-our-gates-from-oscar-micheaux/#findComment-80716 osted just now @Pioneer1 my pleasure, check out more films and content https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/677-oscar-devereaux-micheaux-books-plus-films/ @Troy ah cool:) some of the elements of within our gates are still rare to see. a black character who is publicly antiblack and confesses to it with shame before being killed by nonblacks, very rare to see //read/hear today in anything with a budget and getting paid to be made, even among black produced/financed work. the relationship between north and south black regions in the usa, the lead female character does not like the south for multiple reasons and yet still helps the black populace in the south , I recall I mentioned in the past how many fiscally wealthy blacks who live outside the former confederacy have never paid for one person to go to one historical black college or universtiy (HBCU) even demanded all the people they have paid college for get money only if they go to a hbcu.

Introduction to Jesse JAckson Juniors Eulogy Yesterday I listened for several hours of three United States presidents who do not know Jesse Jackson,... He maintained a tense relationship with the political order, not because the presidents were White or Black, but the demands of our message, the demands of speaking for the least of these — those who are disinherited, the damned, the dispossessed, the disrespected — demanded not Democratic or Republican solutions, but demanded a consistent, prophetic voice that at no point in time sold us out as a people.” MY THOUGHTS Who is Jesse Jackson ? In cheap hindsight, Jesse Jackson is one of the Black Leaders, another is Shirley Chisholm , whose rise was in the last decade of the Jim Crow era, 1865 to 1980[eighteen sixty five to nineteen eighty , the period after the enslavement era from 1492 fourteen ninety two to 1865 eighteen sixty five], in the 1970s, nineteen seventies. What happened in the the 1970s? China + Japan , two white asian countries, each began a fiscal push, that in twenty twenty six have become pillars of modern fiscal activity, deleting the edge in engineering the usa had from the end of commonly called world war two. the USA installed the lickspittle puppet, the Shah of Iran in the nineteen fifties because the elected prime minister of iran, Mohammad Mosaddegh, wasn't a lickspittle and was stopping the uneven oil business. I restate, Mosaddegh wanted to sell Iranian oil to iran's favor at market value, both things, and that is what led to United States of America plus the United Kingdom of England plus Israel overthrowing the government of iran and installing the shah as a monarchy. yes, the usa plus uk plus israel installed a monarchy to get what they each wanted financially. But that action led to the Muslim Revolution of Iran overthrowing the shah in the 1970s and publicly stating two countries who had a hand in overthrowing the elected government of Mosaddegh, , USA+Israel are correctly enemies of Iran. The inevitable failure of the civil rights laws in the private financial sector showed their reality. As Black populaces in white cities had a growing class of workers for city governments, aided with publicly funded schools, but the white flight was about to allow white cities to undercut staffing and undercut funding which ultimately derailed many black populaces in cities. What was Jesse Jackson's plan? Jesse Jackson realized the heritage of unpaid unelected advocacy in the Black descended of enslaved populace, whose members were continually murdered through the whole jim crow period needed to survive in the future; said heritage was about advocacy, working for something, that returns nothing to oneself. MEdgar evers/Fanni lou hamer/James Baldwin/Malcolm/ MLK jr/ Billie Holiday/ Mary Lou Williams all died through murder or poor condition of life, financially broke. None of them had money. They all had funerals paid for by others, had their childrens opportunities financed by others. Jesse Jackson's idea was, lets place Fannie Lou Hamer + Malcolm in the elected official class. Why? I argue Jesse Jackson saw with Jim Crow ending, the USA is going into a phase where individuals from many communities in the usa will be able to financially achieve great heights, unbounded, but they will be communally abvocates. Not advocates, those who work toward, but abvocates, those who work against. So, while financially a Black one percent will grow and those not of white european descent in a rainbow coalition, which came from Fred Hampton in chicago, will achieve financial wealth, the black fiscal poor as part of the greater fiscal poor of the united states of america will need an elected class who are not just filled with victors who own spoils abvocating to the districts that elected them, but communal advocates who have the same energy plus vibe that Jesse Jackson saw in the jim crow era before it was murdered by non blacks aside their black agents. Did Jesse Jackson succeed? No, To the victor goes the spoils is the oldest heritage for elected officials in the united states of america. It is a strong heritage because in a land where government post tend to not be inherited, the only fiscal profit in government is in extracting what you can in the short term. Supporting the short term fiscal value of elected positions in government is the rarity of advocates of highest quality that surrounded Jesse Jackson in the nineteen sixties. Being an abvocate , working against, to the people is easy , natural in the united states of america. Being an advocate to the people , and better yet one who is making no fiscal revenue, is a rare way of life in the usa. Jesse Jackson tried to create a culture of advocacy for all people within the elected class of government officials in the united states of america, who could make money and take money while being effective legislators or executives who forced profit to be made on mountains of unprofitable caring to prevent crimes in the future or the potency of crimes in any past. TRANSCRIPT 0:00 Yesterday 0:07 I listened 0:10 for several hours of three 0:14 [clears throat] 0:15 United States presidents 0:18 who do not know Jesse Jackson. 0:26 He maintained a tense relationship 0:30 with the political order. Not because 0:34 the presidents were white or black, 0:38 but the demands of our message. 0:40 Yes. 0:41 The demands of speaking for the least of 0:43 these, those who were disinherited, the 0:45 damned, the dispossessed, the 0:48 disrespected. 0:50 Yes, sir. 0:51 demanded not Democratic or Republican 0:54 solutions, but demanded 0:57 a consistent 1:00 prophetic 1:02 voice 1:03 that at no point in time ever sold us 1:06 out as a people. 1:10 And it speaks volumes about who the 1:13 Reverend Jesse Jackson 1:16 was. Our message has already been 1:20 delivered today. I can see it all over 1:23 my mother's face. 1:26 Rise, Jesse, rise. Give Jonathan Jackson 1:30 another great round of applause for 1:33 delivering our family message to the 1:37 world. 1:42 Let's hear it for the congressman. 1:50 [applause] 1:52 There'll be no different message that 1:55 leaves this service than the one that 1:56 Jonathan Jackson has blessed us with. 2:02 I want to thank my sister Ashley and on 2:05 behalf of all of our siblings, 2:08 there is something about the blood of 2:11 service that Jesse Jackson has given to 2:15 all of us. 2:17 Ashley is an extraordinary individual, a 2:21 very, very talented young lady, and I am 2:24 so grateful. We're all so grateful to 2:27 call her our sister. Thank you, Ashley. 2:32 [applause] 2:37 [applause] 2:41 a gift to us from our father. 2:48 Amen. 2:50 to my sister Santita 2:53 whose talents are so extraordinary that 2:57 I've always wondered why they're so 2:59 contained. 3:02 We're so grateful for her scholarship, 3:06 her input, her thinking, 3:09 her being our oldest 3:11 sibling. 3:14 She doesn't like oldest. She likes 3:16 eldest sibling. 3:20 We want to thank Cintita in a very 3:21 special way for her leadership. Give 3:24 Centa a great round of applause. 3:25 [applause] 3:27 Let's hear it for Centa. 3:33 [applause] 3:38 And if we can listen once again to four 3:40 presidents yesterday, three of whom 3:43 happened to be US presidents 3:46 who did not know my father, we can 3:48 certainly listen to Jqualine Jackson. 3:52 We can listen to Jqualine Jackson who 3:54 cared for my father. Give her the round 3:57 of applause that she deserves. 4:03 [applause] 4:13 And last but not least, 4:18 for 64 years before we heard of 4:22 progressive nuclear pausy or Parkinson's 4:25 disease, 4:28 my father at North Carolina ENTT said 4:30 that he was standing 4:32 at the cafeteria when he saw a young 4:34 fresh woman 4:37 walking across 4:39 the campus. 4:41 That's right. 4:44 And mommy, at least as the story was 4:46 conveyed to me, he said something to the 4:48 effect that you're going to be my wife 4:51 one day. 4:54 And mama said to him, "You going to have 4:56 to work hard to make that the case, my 4:58 brother. 5:04 for 64 years with a particular emphasis 5:07 since Reverend's diagnosis 5:10 of initially Parkinson's disease but a 5:13 further diagnosis that revealed 5:16 pseudonuclear Pauly 5:19 whether the weather was rain or whether 5:21 the weather was cold 5:23 whether things were going well or things 5:25 were not going well. 5:28 the mountain tops that marriages reach 5:30 as well as the valley that they reach. 5:32 Jqualine Jackson has been the enduring 5:35 force in the ministry of the Reverend 5:38 Jesse Jackson and she lent him to the 5:43 world. Give Mrs. Jackson the honor that 5:47 she deserves. 5:51 [applause] 5:55 [applause] 6:00 I want to remind everybody 6:03 Yes. 6:07 that we are burying our father today. 6:17 I was so grateful that he gave me his 6:18 name. 6:22 When he first gave it to me, it was a 6:23 good name, 6:26 Jesse Jackson. 6:28 Born March 11th, just a few short days 6:31 from now. 6:34 He had traveled from Chicago Theological 6:36 Seminary to Selma, Alabama. 6:41 He sent my mother to Greenville, South 6:43 Carolina. 6:49 because he wanted his firstborn son to 6:51 be born where he was born. 6:56 When I was born, the Selma to Montgomery 6:58 March was entering a new phase. And mama 7:02 called Selma to find out what 7:06 or to share with my father that his 7:07 firstborn son had been born. And 7:11 he was so overwhelmed by the moment that 7:13 he almost named me Selma. 7:21 But thank God for mama's better 7:23 judgment. 7:29 And my father had a lot of jokes. 7:32 Yes, sir. 7:33 My father was a funny man. 7:36 Those of you who knew my father knew 7:38 that he was an enjoyable man. Whatever 7:42 the media has to say about him, it has 7:45 nothing to do with what each and every 7:48 one of us knows about who Jesse Jackson 7:52 was and is in our thinking. 8:06 being Jesse is not easy. 8:09 And so, Dad and I had worked out some 8:12 understanding of why he would do this 8:14 and why I would do that. And a symbiosis 8:17 occurred in our personality because what 8:20 he did affected me one way and what I 8:23 did affected him the other way. But such 8:26 was the name Jesse Jackson. 8:30 And I remember when I was in prison. 8:40 [applause] 8:43 And I would think about the man 8:46 who brought Robert Goodman home. 8:48 Yes, sir. 8:50 Yes, sir. 8:51 Who called the Ayatollah in Iran and 8:55 asked him to release the Americans. And 8:58 when he wouldn't, he said, "At least 9:00 release the black ones because America, 9:03 don't use them as a human shield. 9:05 America don't care." 9:09 And Ayatollah heard Reverend Jackson's 9:12 voice and released the black prisoners. 9:20 [applause] 9:21 Jonathan and I were in Cuba when dad 9:23 brought, I believe, the Mario prisoners 9:26 home. 9:28 I think Yousef and Jonathan were in Iraq 9:32 when they met with Saddam Hussein 9:35 [snorts] and brought a 747 9:38 of filled with human shields home. 9:44 [applause] 9:49 And I remember mama when daddy would 9:51 come visit me in prison 9:53 and I would think about 9:56 all of the people my daddy could save. 10:07 He came to visit me one day and I said, 10:08 "Daddy, 10:11 do you think you can get me out of 10:12 here?" 10:18 [applause] 10:23 [applause] 10:25 He said, "I'm trying, son, 10:28 but don't give up." Yes, sir. 10:31 Hold your head high. 10:33 Stick your chest out. 10:35 You can make it. 10:38 And so, yesterday, I began a little 10:41 statement, and this ain't going to last 10:43 but about four more minutes cuz I 10:46 haven't had a chance to develop it. 10:48 [snorts] 10:50 Howard Thurman 10:54 because the message has already been 10:57 delivered. Rise, Jesse, rise. I'm 11:00 specifically hanging around Howard 11:03 Thurman yesterday because I don't want 11:06 the media to step on rise, Jesse, rise 11:10 in tomorrow's story. 11:14 It's a calculation. 11:16 Yes, sir. We Jackson have to think about 11:19 what we say so we don't have too many 11:22 messages emanating from the same 11:25 household. We think about it. 11:32 Howard Thurman his family grew up as a 11:34 sharecropping family and he had 11:36 experienced some of the horrific 11:38 treatment of African-Americans in the 11:40 South, not unlike my father. and his 11:43 family decided they didn't want young 11:45 Howard to be a sharecropper. So, they 11:47 put together all of their pennies and 11:50 quarters and nickels, and they came up 11:53 with just enough money to make sure 11:55 Howard Thurman could afford a ticket to 11:58 go to college. 12:03 And in the book, which Bill Clinton 12:05 referenced yesterday with Head and 12:07 Heart, he dedicates the book 12:11 to this story. 12:14 When he went to get his ticket, the 12:17 broken pieces of his life were in a 12:20 trunk that his family had given to him 12:23 with no handles. And he had tied the 12:25 trunk up with ropes. 12:28 Yes, sir. 12:29 Yes, sir. And the conductor said, "You 12:32 can get on the train, but your baggage 12:33 can't." 12:35 He said, "In that trunk was all of the 12:37 broken pieces of his life, his pictures, 12:40 his his clothes, all of his memories, 12:43 and 12:46 he wasn't leaving his broken pieces 12:49 behind." 12:52 So he went over in the corner of the 12:54 train station and he began crying 12:58 because his dreams and his hopes had 13:01 been thwarted about whether or not he 13:04 could go to college. 13:07 And crying and tears and mucus all lay 13:11 in a pile when he wiped his eyes and he 13:12 looked up mama and he saw a pair of old 13:16 rustic boots. 13:20 He continued to look up and he saw a man 13:23 in some overalls and he saw an old black 13:26 man wearing a straw hat and he said, 13:28 "Boy, 13:30 what you crying for?" And Howard said, 13:33 "Because I can't take my luggage with me 13:38 on the train. I've decided not to go to 13:41 college." And the old man reached in his 13:44 pocket and he grabbed a little leather 13:45 sack and pulled out a few coins and 13:48 bought a ticket for Howard Thurman's 13:51 luggage. 13:54 And Howard Thurman says he never got the 13:57 man's name. 14:00 Yes, sir. Yes, sir. And all he remembers 14:04 was his train was going in one direction 14:07 and he saw the old man walking down the 14:10 train tracks until he faded away. 14:14 He dedicates his autobiography 14:18 to the stranger 14:23 who restored his hope. 14:26 Yes, sir. 14:27 And sent him to college. Thank you, 14:30 Jesus. 14:31 I just want two more minutes to tell you 14:34 about who my daddy was. 14:38 [applause] 14:39 You see, when I was in prison, 14:41 Yes, sir. 14:42 I had to ask my daddy if he was 14:44 disappointed in me. 14:45 Yes, sir. Come on. Come on. 14:48 [snorts] 14:49 I announced this little old campaign for 14:51 Congress on his birthday, October 8th, 14:56 2025, because I wanted to remember his 14:59 birthday as long as I live. 15:02 Yes, sir. 15:05 Help. 15:06 You see, when I was in the hole 15:10 and I looked up and saw the ceiling, 15:14 I thought about the stranger. 15:19 And I said to myself, "My dad is the 15:23 stranger." 15:26 You see, he's the man who can save 15:28 people from prison and save people and 15:31 bring them from foreign leadership. He's 15:33 the man who can go around the world and 15:36 change it for everybody. 15:39 He's the man who spoke in the high 15:41 schools and told young people to stop 15:44 complaining about what they don't have, 15:46 to use what they got. 15:48 Yes, sir. Yes, sir. 15:51 He's the one who told them down with 15:53 dope and and up with hope. 15:56 He's the one who preached your funerals 15:59 for your families and married your loved 16:02 ones and helped bring them forward in 16:05 happily married matrimony. 16:08 He's the one we turn to at our lowest 16:12 hours. 16:13 And so, [gasps] not only in the life of 16:17 his family was he hope, 16:20 but he was a stranger Yes, sir. for 16:24 millions of people who knew not his 16:27 name. 16:28 You see, [cheering] 16:31 imminent Howard Thurman theologian said 16:34 that to Howard Thurman, the stranger was 16:38 the embodiment of God. 16:42 So when the stranger shows up in our 16:45 space, 16:46 I don't care if it's your daddy. I don't 16:49 care if it's your mama. I don't care if 16:51 it's someone that you don't get along 16:53 with. God is trying to tell you 16:55 something, judge. 16:57 Yes, sir. [applause] 17:00 Yes, sir. 17:01 I'm done. 17:03 [applause] 17:04 God help you. 17:05 When Jonathan delivered that message 17:06 today, 17:08 you 17:09 on behalf of this family and on behalf 17:11 of a people, 17:12 Yes, sir. 17:14 He covered every aspect that I know of 17:19 my father's life. 17:20 Yes, sir. 17:21 I am so grateful to each of the 17:23 iterations of Jesse Jackson that are 17:26 represented here today 17:28 because we've seen and you you you and 17:31 you have lifted this family and allowed 17:34 us the great privilege 17:37 Yes, sir. 17:39 [cheering] 17:39 of representing you 17:42 in some mighty amazing places. And so, 17:46 Santita, to God be the glory. [cheering] 17:50 For all of the wonderful things that he 17:54 has done. 17:56 I am grateful to all of you on behalf of 17:59 our family. Rise, Jesse. Rise. COMMENTARIES https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12576-president-obamas-eulogy-of-rev-jesse-jackson/#findComment-80620 sted just now @aka Contrarian well,I think what jesse jackson jr said was truth, clinton/obama/biden were each considered good guys, the southern white sax player, the mulatto with a black wife, the kindly old white guy, but each weren't the kind of elected advocate that Jesse Jackson senior hoped to brew as a common occurrence in the usa. I still feel ,with no proof, that what Jesse Jackson wanted, his purpose, was to get people with the quality of leadership of advocates, unpaid or unelected while totally committed, like fannie lou hamer or malcolm x to be elected officials, to improve the quality of elected officials, in the usa. Instead, the overall industry of government led to a bunch of pantomime black or non black elected officials who are all salespeople, who do nothing for blacks or non blacks while claiming their are acting in all humanities betterment. This is why Shirley Chisholm left government. She was an advocate who became an elected official, but she was surrounded by black plus non black salespeople. And three of said salespeople spoke during jesse jackson's funeral with the same quality inherent in insult that brooke shileds plus magic johnson spoke at michael jackson's funeral. 03142026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12576-president-obamas-eulogy-of-rev-jesse-jackson/#findComment-80668 osted just now @aka Contrarian On 3/11/2026 at 6:04 PM, aka Contrarian said: Well, if you dont want the 3 Presidents to talk politics at the funeral of a political figure, then don't invite them, just to show how important the deceased was. And Al Sharpton certainly didn't mince any words about what's happening in the country in his remarks. If you want a dignified funeral, don't invite a bunch of dignitaries to speak, and hold the services at a huge hall to accommodate all the public mourners you opened the doors to. You're just asking for confusion and resentment and that's what the Jackson family got. You can't have it both ways. I am with you 100% Do I think jesse jackson spoke false ? no BUT I concur to your point that if you want no commercialization then make the funeral private and if you want a more public aspect, for jesse jackson was famous, known, then you need to have greater control over what happens plus over how what happens in the schedule. I concur to you. If you open the possibility for behavior you don't want at an event you control, then when the behavior you don't want happens you are partially and arguably mostly to blame. If Jesse jackson junior would had began mentioning where the jackson clan, or whomever was in control went wrong, that would had made his speech not only truthful but even. @Pioneer1 1 hour ago, Pioneer1 said: This shit has got to stop. Perhaps there should be a Black Law: If you're already light skinned, you shouldn't be allowed to dye your hair blonde. Maybe we should have a limit to how many "white" features a Black person is allowed to have before they are no longer considered Black....lol. i have to ask a simple question. who will enforce the black laws? you?:) you talk of law enforcement with white laws so i assume someone will enforce the black laws:) 03142026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12576-president-obamas-eulogy-of-rev-jesse-jackson/#findComment-80674 osted just now @Pioneer1 2 hours ago, Pioneer1 said: I guess if we could figure out who or what is influencing so many Black women to dye their hair blonde, we can figure out who or what can get them to stop. what if the influencer is the freedom of a woman to do whatever she wants with out having to worry about any penalty ? who is going to deny them their freedom to do what they want? what can deny them the freedom to do what they want? 03152026 https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12576-president-obamas-eulogy-of-rev-jesse-jackson/#findComment-80709 osted just now @Pioneer1 7 hours ago, Pioneer1 said: If the "freedom of a woman to do whatever she wants" was the influencer....where are the AfroAmerican women with naturally light hair dying it black or dark brown? When was the last time you saw a Black entertainer with naturally lighter hair dying it black? It's not about freedom, it's about them being conditioned to believe that blonde hair, light skin, and light eyes somehow makes them look better. I don't think they should be physically or even legally prevented from doing so, but I do think that we as AfroAmericans who ARE proud to be Black...should have a consistent campaign of self-love and promotion of African features like dark skin and dark hair and promote this especially to our children to COUNTER the effects from centuries of racist anti-Black brainwashing that our community has endured. Use the movies, television shows, and advertisements to promote dark skin and dark hair....especially to our children. Make them desire THOSE features, instead of the opposite. Expand In my experience most Black women don't have naturally light hair. so they would never need to dye it a dark color. In contrast i find many white women tend to have natural light hair and they dye it dark colors. I can't recall a Black Entertainer with naturally lighter hair. Black to dark Brown is the usual colors for Black entertainers. You are not wrong that conditioning exist, this is undeniably true. BUT, you hint at a greater challenge. I live in NYC , has more black women than any other city in the united states of america. If someone asks me what hairstyle do most black women have. I argue, a majority of black women in NYC today of younger generations have natural styles. And black women in nYC of older generations have a fifty /fifty natural to unnatural. Now, You mention a consistent campaign but when does this end? are you speaking of an eternal campaign? why do I ask? don't forget you live in the usa. There isn't a populace/peoples/group in the usa today that doesn't have many individuals in it who don't adhere to some code of appearance or conduct. Many people whose parents: don't speak english , don't speak spanish; dance the rumba; don't dance forms from latin america; are of asian descent, have been adopted by white europeans and barely know any asians. ... my point. If you are looking for 100% like another member of aalbc, or maybe yourself when it comes to black crime, then you can forget it in the united states of america. In my experience most black people desire being of some black tribe, in appearance, heritage, culture. But, not 100% and in my view, what your complaining about is the lack of 100% which I oppose. Pioneer you will always see black people who are white-philes in the usa, ALWAYS. But Black people have always been majority in love with being Black. I think black people like you love to cry emergency with the mere existence of black people who act as you feel they should not, even though said black folk have always been a minority in the black populace.

https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/Wishingwellsstamp-1307071478 EMBED CODE For the wishing wells challenge https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/665-wishing-wells-challenge-in-color-me-club/ My example lineart https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/660-preto-liberdade-wishing-well/

PRIOR ENTRY https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/669-art-comments-03042026/ NEXT ENTRY COMMENT URL https://www.deviantart.com/comments/1/1306786656/5270319074 hope you feel better @leothefox @lockssteps they have a tutorial challenge, maybe you can do a tutorial for making digital art https://www.deviantart.com/beckykidus/journal/Tips-Tricks-and-Tutorials-the-Contest-1302807947 @artjwb what is upcycled art? name or link a song that reflects the sound of the band in creatures of the night three @HaiaShouster love the violence in the seascape, winter 506, acrylic right? @BERLINsART the haint of boogler hollow, nice title, for some reason I am thinking of Rat in fantastic mr fox @clover-teapot nice lineart, do you know about the following challenge? https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/journal/Wishing-Wells-1286745083 @j-o-h-a-n-l-a-n-d love passpartout acrobat, chef all around friend

https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/journal/WATN-Wall-E-1286566667 supporting story https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/667-silver-inspirations/

This series is merely to help me record my replies to the lovely art galleries I see about. NEXT EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/671-art-comments-03072026/ Comment URL https://www.deviantart.com/comments/1/1305905496/5269724043 Thanks @Chaosfive-55 hope side your loving ones find yourselves this march happy plus healthy. Thanks for sharing my work @Elizabethexpresses the composition is lovely, the mountain range the arch of the female model, yourself and then the inverted arch of the rocky path under you. very nice. For above so below was the photo taken from a drone or helicopter. I gamble unfiscally, a drone. am I right? for those who may want to know the photogher websites are [ https://www.sensualight.com/ + https://nimblephotons.com/ ] I couldn't find them in deviantart. Elizabeth, maybe you can convince sensualight +nimblephotons them to join deviantart for a commercial page. deviantart has fiscal tools now. @3J-ART enjoyed the messaging , the movement the linear identity of the figures, the offsetting of the one who is different, facing toward the viewer, no red shadow, at an offangle to the line of the same in all three axis @Devilpig what inspired, sputchik? and nice title by the way, quite heavy ducts your plastic man is a perv is genius comedy, that is worth a mens magazine @Sparrow-Scratch17 ahh i didn't even know wizard of oz, dorothy and her crew are all in the public domain. hmm thank you. and very adorable, love the lion gesture, the hobo look of scrarecrow and very rusty tin man, nice @organicvision ahh the french alps, lovely, thank you... happy no paragliders messing up the shot @Ragcat392 for purple passion, what were your fractal settings? like scaling factor or fractal dimension? @yom94 I can be wrong but is that a paper cut out of an image on a wooden frame? for monkeybird paris @WonderErika well vampiress, after imagining I hope you don't pounce and decide to go home from the ceiling Question, are you a fan of vampirella? I know you love diana of paradise island. but who is your favorite female vampire in fiction? who is your favorite illustrator of female vampires? @assincr0n0 have you ever seen the film flow? @AnickinColor is william scheff on deviantart? we have a group called color me club which accepts inks that can be colored? and lovely coloring by the way. What inspired him to make the accordian head? @blackforeststeve that dog looked spoiled rotten all they want to do is shake water on people and get away with it @TheBarrelMan thank you, i never saw this art before. thanks for the history. What inspired the shape? what is it about phillipine heritage in the past or culture to that future that led to this? and just for the record, no one can put their head in their ass. @LaurainBurbank love the blue tones and shades. Did you manipulate the image with tones or shades separately or all in one go? what tool did you use? @Ustranga what is the difference between psychedelic art compared to surreal art? I will give it a gander and say based on your work , psychedelic and surreal work I know of. in psychedelic the colors, the unevenness uncommon unexpected colorings is the key but the shapes shouldn't be too far from cognizant. wheile in surreal, the colors may be bland or even natural, while the shapes are meant to be uneven, uncommon, unexpected. What say you ? Comment URL https://www.deviantart.com/comments/1/1301876991/5269737735 @leothefox will take a look here before I get to the best magazine on deviantart @300ChickenNuggets lovely ink, did you use a reference @dmorehead how long did the grimm fairy tale cost where do you put all these lovely sculptures? @BlaWhi well done, shadow is lovely @GiggleAddict if the land ever get mad @CapnDeek373 does bob's mom know grendel's mother? what is the thing Onyx is next to? Comment URL https://www.deviantart.com/comments/1/1304442539/5268959804 @Fafnir313 the war for the pallid throne chapter 1 intro is brilliant, sets a tone, gives an idea of the world, and appealing chapter title haha three hots and a cot, poor felix, nice structure, in one chapter, we know the most traumatic element in felix's life, we know the world he is in has religious fanatics, we know he lives in this world as an abused street thief who is about to join on organization who knows about him and his past , for survival, nice @Ustranga the lighthouse is in trouble @leothefox I read chapter eleven of the ways of sin.or the ways of baron potzroy on a scale of 0 myhtological saint to 10 more corrupt that dorian grey after a painting was made, what grade will you give baron potzroy? @ZaubererbruderASP the face of the resident of hell almost seems pleasant. to answer your question, they will have nothing to eat and thanks for introducing me to Lizdarkcroft her prose about photoshop role to commonly called AI is true. @TigerEgern the third stanza is my favorite fellow poet, in share these pages @LizDarkcroft , what will come out the egg? @Perzaart I asked someone somewhere else, what is the variance between psychedelic imagery compared to surreal imagery? I answered, in short form, psychedelic focuses on colors being the radical elements while surreal focuses on shapes being the radical elements. What is your answer? @zeroequalsq nice title, all expenses paid @Chaosfive-55 Will jack of the hearts tell the taste of the queen's tarts? Did he or the sheriff learn of Arwen's true darts? Nice use of their rivalry focus to start change her focus was so blinding she missed her fate's range @Peka98 in 20260130 203836 interesting storytelling as the knife has no blood on it @theyellowroom27 beautiful shadow don't go forward Dreadful Tales no. 61 A Saint's Appetite The Baron Returns in Strength Share these pages Ye Mad Minstrel Strikes Again

Submissions are now open for our new horror initiative with Tubi! [ https://blcklst.com/programs/tubi-black-list-horror-initiative?mc_cid=2d68c3555c&mc_eid=e0b642193c ] Emerging and established writers with a feature script in the horror genre are encouraged to submit their project for further consideration in the Tubi x Black List Horror Initiative. Submissions will remain open until June 30, 2026 – write that deadline down now and get to work, writers! Tubi intends to produce and distribute the selected script. The Black List will executive produce the project and will be collaborating closely with Tubi throughout the entirety of the program. Writers are welcome to upload new projects for consideration in this program. Fee waivers are also available for submitting writers! 100 fee waivers will be distributed at the discretion of Tubi and The Black List throughout the submission window. Learn more about how to apply for a program-specific or general fee waiver at blcklst.com/help. [ https://help.blcklst.com/kb/en/?mc_cid=2d68c3555c&mc_eid=e0b642193c ] We are so excited to expand our collaboration with Tubi with this incredible new initiative! If you have a horror script we strongly encourage you to learn more here. If any are interested in my style check out my screenplay free to read online [ https://www.kobo.com/ebook/the-nyotenda ] and if you are interested and want to brainstorm I can make a place in my discord or we can chat in aalbc or tumblr or deviantart:) If you are interested in other tales of mine consider [ https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/THE-PROMOTION-1255339028 ] which is part of my gallery of literature [ https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery/81311721/my-tales-or-poetry ] FORUM POSTS https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12571-calling-all-black-writers/ https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12572-what-is-a-horror-storyelement-you-will-like-to-see-that-you-havent-seen-before/ NOTICE TEXT Calling all Black Writers! I have a screenplay I am working on already. I was planning for it to have another path but with this. the timing is perfect. Any black writers interested, join me on aalbc or wherever and lets discuss:) I will make a roundtable on my discord if need be. If you are interested in my style links to various pertinent works are in the page below. https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/668-tubi-x-blacklist-horror-initiative-2026-challenge-final-day/ #rmaalbc #aalbc #tubi #blacklist #horror #screenplay #richardmurray #kobo #kwl #hddeviant #deviantart #richardmurrayhumblr #tumblr #black337 #rmaalbc #aalbc #tubi #blacklist #horror #screenplay #richardmurray #kobo #kwl #hddeviant #deviantart #richardmurrayhumblr #tumblr

Story for the Where Are they Now Wall E challenge March 5th 2026 https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/Silver-Inspirations-1297071893 Title: Silver Inspirations A rustic looking couple with a wooden wheel cart filled with old BNL starliner parts is crossing their towns original road; they see two elders sitting content, looking toward them, the road, the larger town beaming positivity; and they wave. The two elders wave back. And the couple continue onto home. Hakim and Harriet, two silver haired humans with chocolate colored skin, sitting on a stone weathered into a bench after many years, look on a simple walkway in a farming town on Earth. A blond-haired man with streaks of grey and light buff skin approaches, his blue eyes watery: "Grandmother, grandfather, are you alright?" Harriet reply, while Hakim smile: "We are fine Roncar, just looking at all our children and children's children and more generations, lovely little plants growing happily in this part of home" Hakim adds: "We went to where the Axiom landed and saw Wall-E and EVE" Roncar interjected: "Were they looking at their baby?" Harriet replied: "No, they have a grandbaby , very cute and little, their baby is fully part of the Earth now... but watching EVE and Wall-E be so attentive to the life or just being happy it is alive reminded us of why we were so inspired , so many years ago, to start this town around our compass post, and sit here to watch it live" Roncar cry: "Thanks for watching us grow" And Hakim taps the sitting stone, and Roncar sits next to his grandparents, watching life continue. from Richard Murray / @HDdeviant Audio version https://www.tumblr.com/richardmurrayhumblr/810019771872657408/written-by-richard-murray-hddeviant https://www.tumblr.com/richardmurrayhumblr/810019771872657408/written-by-richard-murray-hddeviant

participate for prizes by march 26th 2026 but open forever to challenge oneself https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/journal/It-s-a-Mad-Mad-Mad-Mad-Mad-Mad-March-1296319921 artistic example https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/Yaffles-at-Yggr-or-Laughs-at-Odin-1303027466

participate for prizes by march 31st 2026 but open forever to challenge oneself https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/journal/Wishing-Wells-1286745083 artistic example https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/Preto-Liberdade-Wishing-Well-1304264153 EMBED CODE

Of computers, fiscal quality and nonfinancial revenues.... Computers I saw the following from Ann Michelle Thurmond 𝗔𝗜 𝗔𝗳𝘁𝗲𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗽𝗽𝗹𝗮𝘂𝘀𝗲 | 𝗜𝗻𝗱𝘂𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘆 𝗘𝗱𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 Last week’s Legal Tech post explored how acceleration exposes structural gaps that were easier to ignore at slower speeds. This week, I want to stay with that thread; because in many organizations, the first visible symptom isn’t failure. It’s workaround behavior. In my experience working across projects where timelines were tight and expectations didn’t slow down, teams didn’t resist governance. They improvised around it. Not out of defiance. Out of necessity. 𝗦𝗵𝗮𝗱𝗼𝘄 𝗔𝗜 is often framed as a compliance issue. More often, it’s a design signal. When people discover tools that help them deliver faster, and the sanctioned path can’t keep pace, work flows toward the path of least friction. Deadlines don’t wait for policy updates. Over time, this creates invisible decision-making layers: • Outputs that look consistent • Processes that aren’t • Assumptions that aren’t shared • Risk that isn’t visible Two teams may appear aligned while relying on entirely different inputs or methods. That erodes comparability, traceability, and trust -- quietly at first. Simply lifting restrictions doesn’t solve it. Without standards, sanctioned tools can produce the same fragmentation at scale. The deeper question isn’t: “How do we stop people from using AI?” It’s: “What capability gap are they trying to close that we haven’t designed for yet?” Governance that creates safe, usable pathways tends to reduce shadow behavior far more effectively than prohibition. 𝗥𝗲𝗳𝗹𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗣𝗼𝗶𝗻𝘁: If shadow AI disappeared tomorrow, would that mean the problem was solved? Or that innovation pressure had nowhere to go? Comment below with your thoughts. Let’s talk about it. AI After the Applause Decision Velocity, Engineered. hashtag#AIStrategy hashtag#OperatingModel hashtag#Governance hashtag#ShadowAI Citation https://www.linkedin.com/posts/amthurmond_aistrategy-operatingmodel-governance-activity-7431680492623638528-Z9je?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop&rcm=ACoAAC9jwHcBhMdyfurNH2JmdlAPjJgXHivmWR8 My Reply yeah, exactly, computers are here, no matter the power level, and definitely at the level called AI. So the issue is how to use them. And in the usa i argue, the same model is being used as in the gold/oil rushes. most are spending money on tech they can't afford or will cost them eventually, like land deeds or spikes. The profiteers are the ones providing services and buying and reselling or leasing products. but they are also learning the better practices. it is a hands on approach. https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7431680492623638528?commentUrn=urn%3Ali%3Acomment%3A%28activity%3A7431680492623638528%2C7431858195385659392%29&dashCommentUrn=urn%3Ali%3Afsd_comment%3A%287431858195385659392%2Curn%3Ali%3Aactivity%3A7431680492623638528%29 Richard, the “rush” analogy really lands. There’s definitely a lot of spending happening before the long-term costs and tradeoffs are clear. What feels different this time is that AI isn’t just a resource; it’s reshaping how the work itself happens. The winners will be the ones experimenting hands-on and staying disciplined about value and sustainability. Appreciate you adding this perspective. https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7431680492623638528?commentUrn=urn%3Ali%3Acomment%3A%28activity%3A7431680492623638528%2C7431858195385659392%29&replyUrn=urn%3Ali%3Acomment%3A%28activity%3A7431680492623638528%2C7431864362157379584%29&dashCommentUrn=urn%3Ali%3Afsd_comment%3A%287431858195385659392%2Curn%3Ali%3Aactivity%3A7431680492623638528%29&dashReplyUrn=urn%3Ali%3Afsd_comment%3A%287431864362157379584%2Curn%3Ali%3Aactivity%3A7431680492623638528%29 exactly, we all can see AI formation while a counter AI formation:) occurring simultaneously because the tools are changing the methodologies in the labor industry which was imbalanced before the modern tools so is growing abstractly https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7431680492623638528?commentUrn=urn%3Ali%3Acomment%3A(activity%3A7431680492623638528%2C7431858195385659392)&replyUrn=urn%3Ali%3Acomment%3A(activity%3A7431680492623638528%2C7432139535507136512)&dashCommentUrn=urn%3Ali%3Afsd_comment%3A(7431858195385659392%2Curn%3Ali%3Aactivity%3A7431680492623638528)&dashReplyUrn=urn%3Ali%3Afsd_comment%3A(7432139535507136512%2Curn%3Ali%3Aactivity%3A7431680492623638528) Fiscal Quality Recently, Netflix dropped the bid for Warner bros and I think Netflix will be the better for it. Focus on original content. Yes, stockholders love the idea of owning intellectual properties that come with fans. But, Warner Bros still has a lot of debt. Remember, AOL owned Warner Bros, then AT&T owned Warner Bros, then AT&T sold warner bros under speculative[ which means by appearance not strict value of assers] market rate with the caveat that Discovery channel absorb all the debt. AT&T got debt off its books and whipped it hands clean of a very large + not profitable firm. Discovery channel for me was always looking to sell. How couldn't selling be the main focus with so much debt. netflix wanted to by a part of Warner BRos/Discovery, not the whole thing, which I imagine would had erased or deleted the amount of debt absorbed. Skydance which is a holding firm will basically put the debt into the global, and in my view inevitably catastrophic, debt market. And this is absent even knowing if skydance will be approved. I think Netflix plus Disney are the big winners. Disney for having a late comer to its strategy that is spending wildly only growing disney's specualtive value by leaps and bounds. Disney is already ahead of processing itself, Skydance will have a lot to do. Netflix can focus on original content and I argue, make smart deals with creators in Europe or Asia for properties very popular in Europe or Asia. Yes, the too big too fail business model will maintain till the inevitable collapse of the entire market revolving around failing large firms. But it isn't wise to invest in it. Article Netflix drops $83 billion bid for Warner Bros. Discovery, paving way for Paramount Skydance deal By Megan Cerullo Updated on: February 27, 2026 / 6:04 PM EST / MoneyWatch Netflix said on Thursday that it will not match Paramount Skydance's latest bid for Warner Bros. Discovery, clearing the way for a massive merger that could shake up the entertainment and media industry. Netflix agreed in December to buy part of Warner Bros. Discovery for $27.75 a share, or $82.7 billion. But Paramount Skydance had made a $30 a share all-cash offer to buy all of the company, and on Tuesday raised its offer for Warner Bros. Discovery to $31 a share, valuing the deal at roughly $110 billion (Paramount Skydance owns CBS News). Earlier on Thursday, Warner Bros. Discovery's board of directors notified Netflix that Paramount's $31 per share offer constituted a "superior proposal" for the company. "The transaction we negotiated would have created shareholder value with a clear path to regulatory approval," Netflix co-CEOs Ted Sarandos and Greg Peters said in a statement Thursday. "However, we've always been disciplined, and at the price required to match Paramount Skydance's latest offer, the deal is no longer financially attractive, so we are declining to match the Paramount Skydance bid." David Ellison, chairman and CEO of Paramount Skydance, said in a statement that joining forces with Warner Bros. Discovery will benefit viewers, investors and other stakeholders. "By bringing together these world-class studios, our complementary streaming platforms and the extraordinary talent behind them, we will create even greater value for audiences, partners and shareholders — and we couldn't be more excited for what's ahead," he said. David Zaslav, president and CEO of Warner Bros. Discovery, said in a statement that the company pushed to "secure a transaction that maximizes the value of our iconic assets and our century-old studio while delivering as much certainty as possible for our investors." Sarandos meeting with Trump admin officials Sarandos spoke with several Trump administration officials — but not with President Trump — on Thursday. The Netflix executive had a meeting at the White House with Mr. Trump's chief of staff, Susie Wiles and, earlier in the day, he met at the Justice Department with Attorney General Pam Bondi, the antitrust division's acting chief, Omeed Assefi, and other senior Justice Department staff, according to sources familiar with the conversations. Justice Department officials told Sarandos they expected to conduct a very comprehensive antitrust investigation into the Netflix-Warner Bros. Discovery deal, sources told CBS News. Warner Bros. Discovery owns streaming and film studios, along with cable channels including CNN, Food Network, HBO, HGTV, TBS, TNT and Turner Classic Movies. The merger of Paramount Skydance and Warner Bros. Discovery will require approval from federal antitrust enforcers. Paramount Skydance executives have said that combining the companies would benefit consumers and help boost the entertainment industry, which has struggled to recover from the pandemic. Some entertainment industry groups and lawmakers have raised concerns that uniting two major Hollywood studios could undermine competition. For its part, Paramount Skydance executives argued that a union between Netflix and Warner Bros. Discovery, which owns the streaming platform HBO Max, was likely to raise antitrust objections. In enhancing its offer this week, Paramount Skydance said it would pay a $7 billion termination fee if its acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery collapsed over regulatory concerns. Edited by Alain Sherter Jennifer Jacobs and The Associated Press contributed to this report. Citation https://www.cbsnews.com/news/netflix-warner-paramount-skydance-deal/ Nonfinancial Revenues The Ayatollah Ali Khamenei of Iran has been murdered by the USA + Israel governments. In my lifetime I have noticed the USA murder and bully more and more leaders of governments publicly, not the nineteen hundreds secret operation style, more straight. Saddam Hussein, whose sons were murdered before him, cursed the USA before he was hanged. Khaddafi whose daughter was murdered by the USA before him, was dragged by segments of the Libyan people , fully armed + financed by the United States of America using intermediaries or Statian satraps like Israel if need be. The last Assad survived raising the stakes and is in exile in Russia. Now, the current Ayatollah has been murdered. One thing people forget is most human beings have loving ones. Vendetta or revenge is a very dangerous thing, the human imagination is very creative, the seeds planted by the united states of america post jim crow 1980 to today, are very interesting. The one thing most dangerous about said seeds is that they are not financial in nature, which means they will not be able to be bought or paid POST URL Which is the best use of computers in your life? If someone would offer you one hundred million dollars but only if you could invest in the global debt market would you? Do you think revenge can be sated by fiscal capitalism? not merely in groups but also all individuals? https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12563-the-crossroads-of-computers-failing-firms-or-revenge/ PRIOR EDITION Economic Corner 35 02/23/2026 - RMCommunityCalendar - African American Literature Book Club NEXT EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/675-economic-corner-37-03102026/ #economiccorner #ai #computer #netflix #dc #warnerbros #wb #skydance #paramount #cbs #speculation #truth #Ayatollah #Ali #Khamenei #iran #israel #usa #rmaalbc #aalbc #richardmurray #kobo #kwl #hddeviant #deviantart #richardmurrayhumblr #tumblr #blackartistoftumblr

WHO ARE THE BLACK TRIBES? Pioneer has a post https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12557-my-tribe-vs-yo-tribe/ MY COMMENT Posted just now @Pioneer1 Ending black history month with thoughtfulness:) hope #black327 is very eventful I have confused you. Black Americans is the root, these are all black peoples in the usa, gardless of ancestry, language, religion, this is all about the skin. Black Americans in the USA today is composed of two main groups, populaces not tribes. Black DOSers- descended of enslaved black folk which also includes those who willingly immigrated into the usa before the 1960s, like MArcus Garvey for example + Black modern immigrants - black people who willingly immigrated to the usa when Blacks achieved in the USA complete legal federal recognition which was with the Civil Rights Act of immigration act of 1964 and who came after the immigration act of 1965. Yes, black people did freely immigrate into the USA before 1964 or 1965 but before then the federal legal rights of Black people in the usa were simply not in any way even to whites. Now states laws would take time to change but by the end of the jim crow era, 1980, they did. Black Modern immigrants tribes are based on the countries they come from: jamaican/panamanian/south african/nigerian/indian/brasilian either their country is majority black and so they come from a tribe in their country of their country has a name for the black minority. Black DOSers have three tribes from the creation of the USA and none are based on geography , all are based on a philosophy toward the usa or the whites in it. Black Statians are black people who embrace the USA as their home, gardless of whites activity, gardless of the historic reality, gardless of most black peoples views towards the usa or the whites in it. . James Forten for example. WAs a businessman, fought for the USA, was a prisoner of war, and all of this is while over 90% of black people in the colonies were completely enslaved, and most who got freedom fought against the USA, yet he held firm. Black Statians are not about being in the majority, it is about the usa as their home , gardless of anything else. Black Militants - I want to say a caveat, militancy is really about wanting to go to war. But Black Militants are really about trust. Black Militants don't trust/will never trust the usa or whites of the usa and want the earned revenge. Now the earliest black militants fought for the english, whites, not because they trust whites, but because they distrust white statians the most, and want revenge. Black Freefolk- I use this term because, what many people don't seem to comprehend is when the USA was founded, over ninety percent of black people were enslaved to whites. What does that mean? That means when the USA was founded over ninety percent of blacks, had no allegiance or caring for the USA or for whites, so they weren't statians, even though many of them them or most their lineage would only know the usa as a home, it had no connection to them. But they weren't militants. Yes, they hated whites but they didn't want revenge, they only wanted away from whites. All they wanted was to be as far away from the colonies or the later USA or white people as possible. In them you find the back to africa movement, which at is heart to trying to get black people as far away from whites or the usa. Their influence is what made in combination side black statians the exoduster movement, which at its heart is an agreement between black statians + black freefolk. Essentially, one group says they embrace the usa, the other group says, they want as far away from the usa or the whites in it. So the middle ground is places as far away from whites in the usa. The problem is, white people historically, don't like black people to be undisturbed by whites wherever we live. whether an urban black region or a black town, whites have a heritage of negative meddling with blacks. Another subtribe for the the black freefolk are those Leaving the USA [which for the record always goes on among black DOSers every year, yes it has never bee n a majority act but people forget whites historically hated black people who spoke of leaving the usa. From most whites perspectives, histoorically, they wanted black people to embrace being enslaved as a positive, for white financial betterment... ]. Another subtribe are black individualism. It makes sense to me. how Black people descended from enslaved people who had nothing to do with the creation of the usa and were descended from people who wanted nothing to do with the usa or the white people in it would see themselves as individuals. Embracing a hard truth that, the usa is nothing to them , but since fate has placed them here, they just live, not because they are comfortable or love whites, but simply because like the ninety percent of our forebears enslaved in the usa when it was founded , they have no where to go or nothing to be apart communally. The slave quarter isn't a communal zone, it is pig pen for humans, so if the usa is merely a huge pig pen in a black person's mind, they why should they think communally. For me, I don't know either of you well enough to be sure of anything . But based on communications in this forum, I think, cynique like yourself are Black Statians, the tribe in the populace of Black DOSers. Both of you embrace the USA. You pioneer seem to have an exoduster mentality. You embrace the usa, part of you loves it. But what you want for its future is black solidarity + safety in the usa, not as indiivduals in a hyper mixed brew but in specific locals. It isn't impossible, to reach what you want. Nothing is easy. Cynique it seems, has a James Forten philosophy. She embraces not only the usa but the idea its white enslaving founders suggested , a country of humans, individuals who embrace the idea that each individual should be treated equally. Frederick Douglass/MLK jr/Barrack Obama all live their lives with this idea, started from James Forten's or similars example. Arguably, Black Statians like Cynique are closest to achieving their goal. because Black Statians like her were by default most willing to work with whites, they benefited them in the usa, where whites only started allowing the majority of the black populace equal status, 1980. to be blunt, if you aren't willing to work with whites pre 1980, while you live in the usa, you essentially have nothing. As black DOSers forebears were enslaved so they could provide no fiscal inheritance and as all know, over ninety percent of wealth in the usa is inheritance. Very few whites are willing to work with blacks who want away. Yes, Back to Africa movements occurred in the usa , but their white financiers were never representing a majority of whites. So, For me, both of you are Black Statians. The key for you to comprehend is Black DOSers relationship to the usa is historically not financial, it is pure philosophy, or vendetta based. This is why Black Modern Immigrants fit in so well with the USA, because their relationship is like all non blacks who aren't indigenous. It is, a financial desire to make money, to be better off. But, Black DOSers didn't originally have that desire, and even in 1865, when the enslavement era ends and jim crow begins. Black DOSers didn't come into the Jim Crow era thinking I want to be apart of the USA. Black Freefolk historically had to be convinced of the merit of the USA which many Black Statians have always had problems with ., ala the similarity of Frederick Douglass/MLK jr/ Barrack Obama who arguably all spent the latter years of their most potent time disliked by most Black DOSErs. Which makes sense, because Black Statians by default, embrace the usa no matter what. So faced with Black people with the same experiences who don't accept it at all, or who need convincing when whites make that nearly impossible, outside of faith based, it becomes a natural divide no bridge can cross. Citation https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12557-my-tribe-vs-yo-tribe/#findComment-80451 IN AMENDMENT 03022026 Citation https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/12557-my-tribe-vs-yo-tribe/#findComment-80496 osted just now @frankster what you speak is what James Forten/ Frederick Douglass/ MLK jr/Barrck Obama said in more words or more eloquently or in how they lived their life. But their lives prove that other humans are not always in concurrence to that standing. and that is my point. I don't speak of tribes because it is the most positive plus effective end, the most effective end for humans is to treat all life on earth with the same love or consideration each human will want to themselves, but that isn't how humanity operates. @aka Contrarian yes, i think that in the population of the usa is already brewing a people who will functionalize your way [or at least try to] , the way many other black people in the usa today adhere to, what the raping slaver thomas jefferson wrote, what black people like james forten/frederick douglass/mlk jr lived their entire lives fighting for even when most black people opposed them. what barrack obama tried to uphold even though the needs of the usa in the immediate term warranted another way.

https://www.tumblr.com/richardmurrayhumblr/809821403446722560/alien-queen77s-oc-deimyns-morning-blossom-by https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/809821456024371200?source=share Breakout singer from the Babur Tribe and the Regina Rabble Regina Rabble are my OC's On thumb Piano, the Hopping Twins. On Banjo, Ser Slim. In the bowl horn, Loverpuff the seventh. Scene: A singer from the Babur Tribe is singing the theme song from the old stage hit, Which Sun Is Fun, she was invited to sing by the Regina Rabble who give new female singers a chance to shine. The club is empty as it is very late at night. Saddletear is flying home. But, Wise Alek loves this new girls singing so much he wants to hop over her head. Edubrer, ever the good guy, is staying with Alek to make sure he gets home safe:) Coloring page- with either or you can place your image. USE LINK ABOVE Notes to the Scene Rabble means pack of nonhumans Regina is female form of Rex which menns of a queen The bowl horn uses a special horn which allows the sound, resonating in the bowl in its water to emit through. Loverpuff plays a shakare on the sand. Male rabbits hop over female rabbits head as a sign of mating. If the female rabbit doesn't jump herself it is a sign she accepts. Challenge and referral fake collab comic (draw any character from my blog in your style) from @banzaboiieatskilishi https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/806921846778937344?source=share I choose this , Babur Tribe, an OC of @banzaboiieatskilishi https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/808176317121118208?source=share tribeoftheday link https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler?tab=recent&tagged=tribeoftheday NOTES to heritages/instruments/characters: video of Babur Tribe https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JwQkL5ohqYg "Which Sun Is Fun" the stageplay https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/WHICH-SUN-IS-FUN-1140924741 Edubrer Rabbit https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery?q=edubrer Phillipe Saddletear https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery?q=saddletear Wise Alek https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery?q=wise+alek early banjo https://banjoroots.blogspot.com/2011/05/stedman-creole-bania-look-at-worlds.html instruments https://slaveryimages.org/database/image-result.php?objectid=273 "Musical Instruments of the African Negroes [of Suriname]." From John Gabriel Stedman's - pdf https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/41849012.pdf white spotted pufferfish https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pufferfish_mating_ritual PRIOR CHALLENGES OF Black Artist of Tumblr Sexy Black Mermaid https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/781817515543298048/draw-this-in-your-style-lmao?source=share Mermaid + Merman https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/782958066220023808/concurrently-from-aquasonic?source=share for DTIYS mermaid challenge from @nostalgicmermaaiid https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/779508689140875264?source=share Deimyn's Morning Blossom https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/788516389145182208/alien-queen77s-oc-deimyns-morning-blossom-by?source=share Alien-queen77's OC Deimyn's Morning Blossom by RichardMurrayHumblr Deimyn's Morning Blossom Colored page DTIYS Challenge page Coloring page I figured Deimyn wakes up in the early morning in her conquerin Tumblr for the DTIYS challenge @alien-queen77 https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/784824878525251584?source=share Goodbye Skype from @richardmurrayhumblr side @outsidethebeautybox https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/782953486245576704/chili-skype-goodbye-chili-is-from?source=share Goodbye Skype Chili Skype Goodbye Chili is from @outsidethebeautybox Chili is holding his skype pillow for late night skype sessions and watching his sky Tumblr for Goodbye SKype Art Trade from @richardmurrayhumblr https://www.tumblr.com/communities/black-artist-on-tjambler/post/778766776139923456/goodbye-skype-art-trade?source=share #blackartistoftumblr#banzaboiieatskilishi#richardmurrayhumblr#tumblr#hddeviant#deviantart#richardmurray#rmaalbc#aalbc#kobo#kwl#dtiys#alien-queen77#outsidethebeautybox#nostalgicmermaaiid

EMBED CODE https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/Preto-Liberdade-Wishing-Well-1304264153 Preto Liberdade Wishing Well The Wishing Well in Preto Liberdade. You can see the hotel where a couple with a time traveling element had a fateful dinner. The grand Elevador Oshun, curling about the elevation of the island; it is covered in copper. It has graffiti on the side representing Krapa Musuyidee as a coin of cleansing from the ancestors plus the honey blood of Oshun which spells luck. A woman bakes a pie and a man flies a paper airplane. An art work representing the mermaid of the well hangs on a wall. What will the plane write in the sky? for the Wishing Wells challenge in @color-me-club ?coming march 1st Inspired by the following https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/A-JOURNEY-TO-A-FIRST-TIME-1015930061 related illustration https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/art/New-Chapter-image-1015927848 Inks Gallery https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery/47013691/comic-coloring-pages If you like my work, I do coloring page commissions https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/commission/Single-Coloring-Page-1732448 Literature Gallery https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery/81311721/my-tales-or-poetry Stageplay Gallery https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery/87407046/the-theater Jiausiku https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/gallery/90812819/jiausiku-2024 Tip Jar, it is always a season to tip https://www.deviantart.com/hddeviant/tier/Tip-Jar-to-HDdeviant-902770076 NOTES: About Wishing Wells https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wishing_well Elevador Lacerda created in the 1800s https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elevador_Lacerda Bailong Elevator tallest elevator in the world https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bailong_Elevator Adinkira symbols https://www.adinkrasymbols.org/#gsc.tab=0 braille https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Braille #wishingwell #wishingwells #hddeviant #colormeclub #richardmurray #kobo #kwl #richardmurrayhumblr #tumblr #coloringpage #lineart