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  1. Day 3 SUMMIT KEYNOTE A Conversation with the 2024 National Black Writers Conference Honorees Friday, March 22 6:30 pm - 9:00 pm Honorees 1-> Paul Coates [ https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=W.+Paul+Coates ] • Percival Everett [ https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=Percival+Everett ] 2->Peniel Joseph [ https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=Peniel+E.+Joseph ] • 3->Bernice McFadden [ https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=Bernice+L.+McFadden , https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=Geneva+Holliday ] M-> Moderator: Gloria J. Browne-Marshall [ https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=Gloria+J.+Browne-Marshall ] Emcee: Wallace L. Ford, II M Question # Answer My thoughts M-> What writers you carry with you? 3-> Alice Walker then Toni Morrison 2-> CLR James Black Jacobins. Gwendolyn Brooks, Sonia Sanchez, James Baldwin. Baldwin's ability to talk about history shaped him. I carry Zora Neale Hurston with me. The black storytellers or griots or jaliyahs from ancestral times to know that carried the stories of anansi to high john. I carry the lyricists who made the negro spirituals to the pop music at the end of the 1900s. M-> What inspired you to do obscure? 1->Obscure connects the more well known. Malcolm X, Baldwin, but he followed Richard Wright more. He grew up with Richard Wright. Haki R. Madhubuti. Drusilla Dunjee Houston [ https://aalbc.com/authors/author.php?author_name=Drusilla+Dunjee+Houston] wrote a book in 1926 [[the wonderful ethiopians]]. She was just 26. Her book informed him on what it means to tell your own story. She was a witness to the attack of the black populace of Tulsa by the white populace of Tulsa. He said she said, she was happy she didn't have a son cause on that day she would had sent him to die. Doctor Ben. Amy Jacques Garvey, it was she who recorded all of Marcus Garvey's stuff . When we read Garvey we are reading her. One thing I notice is when you write against audience expectations it doesn't lead to the path of money as a writer. Even if people praise a work, its uncommon setting styles or character definitions tend to push the potent commercial crowd away, for the identities common in the potent commercial space. M-> You say the first reconstruction was the exodus from the south and the second reconstruction is the 1960s but what was brought back from 1877 to 1960s to now? 2-> He goes against the commonly attributed timeline suggested for reconstruction. Two main factors come in. Dignity , which is god given. He thinks of IDa B Wells as exemplary of this. Citizenship- external form of dignity. From eighteen hundred and fifty four to eighteen hundred and sixty eight was the first reconstruction. From nineteen hundred and thirties to the nineteen hundred and seventies is the second reconstruction. From Barack Obama's presidency to now is the third reconstruction. From first to second to third the duality of dignity side citizenship is battled over or redefined. In the third reconstruction, we all count or no one counts. For him, the locus of Black art is with Lorraine Hansberry. We are in it together. For me, Slavery ,the enslavement of Black people by whites took several forms, each legally weaker than the prior, but none less potent or influential than the other, especially on black people. The first form, which was global, was direct white european imperialism, black people no matter where they were indigenous to: africa/asia/america [[as in continental usa from modern day canada to argentina]] were enslaved to whites living in the region of earth they lived in for the most part, barring rare exceptions. Siddi or Negrito in Asia, the city states along the coast of west africa as tributary states aiding in enslavement for arms which kept them protected from larger military entities like the hausa caliphate, who through the islam route enslaved as well. Black indigenous people, meaning indigenous people in the american continent who are phenotypically fitting the label black. The second form in the usa, mirrored by the creation of governments after the end of direct white european rule in various places outside of europe, is blacks in the USA enslaved to whites in the usa. This form's key point is that governments were started with enslavement of blacks as a pillar of identity. You see this in south africa , australia, India, Brasil. or many others. This pillar was about generational wealth for white people, regardless of european ancestry. This is why you see mestizos or blancos in latin america who from the strictest anglo american view are not white statians, benefit from being white in the usa, no different than other white people. The third form in the usa I will call the thirteenth amendment. In this form, slavery no longer is completely allowable or legal as in the prior two forms in the usa. In this form, slavery is allowable once incarcerated under the law. So in this form, even though black people were legally enslaveable before at the desire of whites, the negative manipulation of black homes or populaces becomes the norm as an automatic strategy for the thirteenth amendment simply states that to continue the enslavement of blacks in the usa you have to legally bind the actions, regardless of legal quality. Slavery in the third phase is no longer a natural right for whites to impose on blacks, while slavery can be an aspect of a legally bound condition whites through the government impose on blacks. This is why violence was so expansive. The thirteenth amendment didn't change the heritage of white people, it simply forced white people to change from a culture of public pride as enslavers to the non white which made the black to non black relationship simple into public liars about all abuses to the non white using statistics or laws as the cover, which turned the relationship of black to non black complex. A complex relationship the black populace has never been able to handle internally well. The fourth form is what I call the 1960s. This form is about deleting enslavement in the federal government of the usa, while allowing states or cities all controlled by whites to expand abuses to black people in states or cities. The third form isn't dead but mutated so that within the federal government alone in the usa, multiphenotypical peaceful coexistence can grow or become . This leads to more black elected officials. A huge growing presence of blacks in the usa military. Which can be deemed by peaceful integrationist as a positive, while in the cities or states, you have the white flight alongside urban plight which was cities supported by states, moving all wealth to where white people displaced themselves while placing black people in financially destitute city environments, void farmland or land ownership capabilities as well as local governments with enough whites to deny black governmental control or dominance, thus maintaining the urban plight. The fifth form is The End of the Old USA empire. The enslavement of blacks to whites went from under the british empire to under the declaration of independence to a province of illegality to planned obsolescence in the federal administrative apparatus to residual functions through the usa's administrations or organizations. I argue reconstruction, meaning to build again for black DOSers can never happen in the usa cause the rebuilding to an enslaved people requires two things the usa can not give, physical freedom from the usa plus a commonly accepted idea from black people in the usa on what they want their future to be as a group or what they want reconstruction to lead to. M->To your book Sugar, it deals with an underclass of women, can you speak about that? 3-> She wrote Sugar 25 years ago and she was thinking about her family and wanted to know them more. She sneaked about and listened to their stories as a kid. We carry twelve generations of Deoxy ribo nucleic acid in our body. She wants to make ancestors proud. M->You decide who will be published. What books do you think? 1->He was looking for his wife all night and glad he found her in the crowd. ... He wants to know more about the three reconstructions from Peniel Joseph's book. He wants to know about the periods. Publishing for him is a way to resist. He doesn't have the luxury of thinking commercially. He has a different approach than Simon and Schuster. The first book he published predated the New Negro in time. He is focused today on black cookbooks which need to be republished. He has the responsibility to decide impact and right now it is obscure cookbooks From Black newspapers to Black publishers to Black owned websites, Black owned avenues of information emission have always existed. But the problem is they never had the kind of financial support needed to be expansive in the black populace of writers or other artists. M-> What do you carry from cookbooks? 1->The way black people made good out of things that are no good . His father knew how to cook waste products . He will love to know where his father got that from. How do you build the nutrition when they say you are lower than dirt. Like Chitlins, which is the gut of the pig. Many people in modern humanity speak of recycling and yet, the ability to reuse waste is mostly in the Black Statian heritage which is disconnected from the methods or ways implemented by white statian firms who control the plans on recycling. M->Geneva Holiday is a pseudonym for Bernice McFadden. Why was she created and what does she carry? 3-> It took her ten years to sell her first novel , Sugar. Publishers were saying their was no audience for her work in 1998. She decided she would write a chick flick. From nineteen hundred and ninety nine to two thousand and three or two thousand and four she will write a different type of writing. She didn't want to confuse audience , not all who read Mcfadden love Holiday or vice verse. Holiday carries sexual liberation. M->The Stokely Carmichael definitive book you wrote? 2-> He met Kwame Toure at college before Toure's cancer. Toure asked him, what are you doing for our people's liberation. In his dissertation he thought to Toure. He thinks Kwame Toure doesn't get the credit he deserves. After MLK jr + Malcolm , Toure is the leader. Toure lives in Africa and critiques USA imperialism everywhere. HE devoted ten years to write the biography and media turned the biography into the MLK/X show. As a teacher he knows students who know MLK/Malcolm/Ida B Wells /Fannie Lou Hamer but not Stokely. Well, I argue this is an internal black statian issue. Stokely showed he had garveyism in him, and was a segregationist. These two elements, leaving non black countries for black countries, or living in a Black country or a Black space in a non Black country was and is against many black adults in the usa in the mid to late nineteen hundred or still today. Many Black people parents or guardians in the usa speak to their children adopting the usa, embracing the usa or the whites in it. Kwame Toure was vocal in not doing that except under beneficial circumstances for black people. M-> What do you want your work to carry to readers , want readers to carry forth? 3-> She didn't know in the Book of Harlan black people were in death camps in germany. She didn't know that and wonder why no one else around her knew. So learn and pass on knowledge. 2-> The older he gets the more he comprehends Black folk have a lot of empathy. Ida B Wells for example had a deep profound love for Black people. He recalls a press conference where Malcolm was asked , what is his credentials, and Malcolm responds, his sincerity. To often we buy into denigration like the Moynihan report. It happens in churches as well . Good black people become mesmerized. Black Lives Matter was by three black women, showed what happened to Trayvon Martin, Sandra Bland, George Floyd , Breonna Taylor. To give dignity and by honoring them we honor ourselves. M-> Maybe if we talk more about our joy, it may help the young people. Brooks, you chose the black panthers for your skills then you chose The Black Panther Party to place into Howard. What do you want writers/researcher to carry out of the Black Party archive? 1-> He realized coming out of the Black Panther party, Black folk talk too much. The rhetoric is no critique-able which helped carry that small movement, the black panthers for self defense. But, overall Black people talk too much and do too little otherwise. He wants a researcher to come with what Black Classic Press is, a catalog of resistance. Prescence African [[ https://www.presenceafricaine.com/ ]] eh thought of as drum and spear. Presence African go itself from the Harlem Renaissance. Black Classic Press has documented that resistance. He listened to earlier speakers and no one used the term white supremacy. Stop talking about book bans, it is a system of white supremacy. Black people are attacked all over the world. In Black Classic Press it is only the Black presence in the USA but everywhere on Earth is a black presence and that global or holistic approach is the best way to battle white supremacy. Being nonviolent in a populace of people who want to be violent, have every reason to be violent, while guided by a more powerful populace beyond or a part of a populace within to be nonviolent tends to lead to a very talkative nature. Speaking against tends to become more potent or influential while other non violent actions repeatedly yield negative results. I will never forget a black woman who owns a house in texas, that her bloodline has owned since a time period nearest the end of the war between the states , telling how her great grand mother as head of her clan told two grand cousins who sought violent actions against whites to go to chicago. Now, people may say this saved their lives. But it also taught lessons and made problems. Two black people who wanted to use violence against non blacks who are attacking the home of their clan, are not being supported by their clan but told they have to leave to a white city devoid of black potency. What should the cousins think? Should they want to be active? why? They wanted to be active in texas and just to ensure stay alive were taken from a better place of black empowerment to a worse place of black empowerment by their own clan. I think Black people in the USA , especially DOSers make too little of what the path of nonviolence does to black people who are engaged. Question and Answer session Q->Question # or M->Answer My Thoughts Q->Malcolm X was asked about what he thought about the noble peace prize, what was his answer? 2->Malcolm X said if he was the general of an army he would not accept a peace prize in a time of war. But he was asked the question alot, and asked it variantly. Malcolm always comprehended that being nonviolent living aside those who are violent to you is a dysfunction on the part of the nonviolent. Cause the violent can attack the nonviolent naturally. While the nonviolent can be abused naturally. PEace isn't always a positive. Q-> At his children's school they don't have a library but a tech center. How can we carry this knowledge to a generation that may not be reading it, how to build a bridge that can keep ? 3-> Everything begins at home. If I am reading a book the child will. You can't depend on outside influencers to guide what we want M->We don't need a license. We have to take young people to the library. We can do things going back to midnight schools post war between the states and why would we expect schools run by the government in the usa to do that. 3-> He learned as a parent , that time or ability to not rely on school systems is a luxury. M-> One of her books is banned in florida and sometimes you have to go online to get some resources 2-> We introduce them to literature where they are at. He shows his students videos. What we do wrong sometimes is criticize young people for their way so the comparison is unfair between generations. This is not 1923. We have to meet them where their at. The home is correct but it must be said, over one hundred and fifty years since the end of the war between the states, it is telling that the Black populace in the usa doesn't have in any city or town in the entire usa a publicly funded organization to maintain black heritage/history/culture absent in that city robustly enough to demand all embrace it at some level who live in said city. Q-> How do you get out of Weeds of research ? What about a process? 3-> I probably shouldn't answer. She hears the challenge all the time. She doesn't struggle. The characters make it form. 2-> I struggled and I continue to struggle. In the last few years, he has been in the groove of writing every day . Chester himes said: "fighters fight and writers write". He stopped writing when he felt inspired. He learned from Amiri Baraka. Baraka is one of the most important artist that lived. Baraka said Max Roach said: "you have to put in the time". The great artist comprehend it is a labor, not a ditch digging but it is a labor. he teach students we are all a writer. You narrate your life every single day. The only thing preventing unleashing their literature is themselves. You are all brilliant writers as a memoirist and it is your story. So you need to think about the labor. It doesn't mean abandon your family, but if you do i t everyday you will have a manuscript after three hundred and sixty five days , and then you revise it. That is writing. Q-> I read the Sugar series. You go into graphic detail about abuse of black women. How did you tend to yourself writing that and what can I tell students who think it is trauma porn. 3-> When she has to reread she feel the emotion but when creating she doesn't . She inherited it from her mother. She regrets the term trauma porn is used. Slavery was not manufactured. Many young black people see the enslaved as slaves and that has to change. Many black people call our forebears slaves when they were enslaved. Free people whose freedom was taken from them. M-> I am doing a book, a history of activism, due in a week. She tells students if it becomes to much, walk around the block, watch something silly. She can compartmentalize. Remember, we are not being harmed, separate from this and gain from the courage of those survivors. Give the heroic experience from those who survived the respect it deserves. So have researchers not put themselves in peoples shoes but put their story and the responsibility of telling their story because the people they are writing made it where the modern can be. This goes back to one of the negative results of the nonviolent path the black populace in the usa has brewed for over one hundred and fifty years. When Black peoples homes generation after generation speak ill to violence, speak ill to anger, speak none to enslavement, speak none to white abuse, generation after generation supposedly to spare black children the deadly truth to their blood relationship to the country they live in, you allow for the growth of an anti violent culture, which is against black people themselves bringing up the truth, cause the truth is not mostly positive or pretty for black people in the usa. It may be unfortunate, but that is the truth. Q-> White liberals seem to eradicate the militant aspect of some leaders? 1-> The history isn't attacked because of militancy but a counter narrative against one whites have made. unless you tell your story the way whites want, your story is attacked, unless you tell it their way. It is not coincidental that wherever you see black people you see a white narrative, it has nothing to do with the variation of black people or how radical or not a black person is. We have to comprehend we are under assault from those who want to enslave all who are not them. A system of white supremacy, no matter what you, non white, are talking about. I don't know if Blacks, or nonwhites, or anyone we can unify around opposing the system of white supremacy. And, today white supremacy isn't the Klan coming down the road. 2-> When you tell stories of Ida B Wells or Stokely or other Black leaders people would delete elements from them. Malcolm was talking about Congo in the 1950s and 1960s. Pedagogical or university organizations would save what Malcolm said but would cut out Congo. Ida B Wells plsu Malcolm X remind us of this. Students ask me, what did Malcolm accomplish. They comprehend MLK jr and I answer, MAlcolm turned negroes into blacks. Toni Morrison was a champion of this. When Toni Morrison replied to Charlie Rose who asked , where are the white people, and she replied, it isn't about you. I concur the larger issue is the non black oppressing the black. The complication is that modernity was reached with the less simple relationship of over one hundred and fifty years ago of non black enslaver, black enslaved. So you have interminglings of black side non black that are internally complicated and flexible enough to serve various actions. Q-> How to bridge generations? 3-> Have conversations with elders 2-> Share stories. Young people need to attack the redemption version of the usa and support the multiracial. Oral histories are more important than written histories. Maga got an oral story on January 6th , and emit that story through voting or violence. We must share our oral history with elders. Financial literacy , equitability. Black wealthy haven't helped the community back enough but doing that is not enough. Black people in the 1860s could had been president. Black people in the past could had been president. M-> A lot of young black people today have white friends. But that white friend don't have to like any other black people. The Tom Test . Do you pass it? Ten or fifteen years go before the black youth with white friends realize white powers negative affect in their lives , wasting years. I do think specificity may help also. Find the black people young to old who are similar minded.
  2. Add this book Hamilton Heights and Sugar Hill : Alexander Hamilton’s Old Harlem Neighborhood Through the Centuries Davida Siwisa James FRONTLIST | On Sale Date: April 2, 2024 9781531506148, 1531506143 Hardcover $34.95 USD, $45.99 CAD, £29.99 GBP, €33.90 EUR Discount Code: HC from @DeeSiwisa It showcases books, maybe some sort of interactive will engage more. Crossword puzzle or something?
  3. Before I go into the segment I will speak on Stageplays + screenplays. One of the things I like about stageplays or screenplays is they are made to be performed. Which means what? They are meant to be the basis of a collective art work. A book of fiction is meant to be read but not performed. That simple variance , in my mind, opens up stageplays or screenplays to a different set of allowable judgements. The best example I can think of showing the power of screenplay fluidity is "THe Jungle" from "The Twilight Zone" . In the original short story from Charles Beaumont it is located in Africa and in the future with a technologically advanced manner. The characters are all the same but the visualization is starker. The goal is to show an encroachment by the wealthy white powers onto a Black space, and the price for some agents of that white power. It is that blunt. But when Beaumont wrote the teleplay for the show. He changed alot of aesthetic. But kept the basic idea, still kept the story. But why? A play is a collaborative artwork as is a film and both are open to interpretation. It isn't about rigiidity , it is about interpretation. Another example is Baum, writer of the wizard of Oz, who loved the 1902 stage production, a musical, whose language and tone was far more adult. But I paraphrase him:"as long as people do well by the work he is fine" . In the same way , he would had loved "The Wiz" stageplay in my opinion for its quality while reflecting another community or the earlier Judy garland movie, whose dorothy is significantly older than in the book. Whether the work is turned into something meant to be laughed at with gawdy humour, or reflecting another communities ways, or just some tweaks of the original works , stageplays or screenplays are interpretations and if they achieve their goals then no critique to a standard storytelling is warranted. Immediately below is an excerpt from an article presented ultimately. I will continue my prose after the excerpt THE EXCERPT In 1979, Paramount needed an answer to Star Wars, so it revived Trek in the form of movies. Then T.J. Hooker came along a few years later. What did you get out of the show? It was a terrific show. It had all kinds of drama. I got to direct several of the episodes. And some of my shots are in the opening. I was totally involved, committed to the writing, committed to the directing. You're running all the time. You've got to make decisions and you don't have enough money. You directed a big-budget feature, Star Trek V, in 1989. It was considered a disappointment, but it has its fans today. Were you hoping to expand what a Trek movie could be by filming around the world? I wish that I'd had the backing and the courage to do the things I felt I needed to do. My concept was, "Star Trek goes in search of God," and management said, "Well, who's God? We'll alienate the nonbeliever, so, no, we can't do God." And then somebody said, "What about an alien who thinks they're God?" Then it was a series of my inabilities to deal with the management and the budget. I failed. In my mind, I failed horribly. When I'm asked, "What do you regret the most?," I regret not being equipped emotionally to deal with a large motion picture. So in the absence of my power, the power vacuum filled with people that didn't make the decisions I would've made. You seem to take the blame, but outside observers might say, "Well, the budget wasn't there. You didn't get the backing you needed." But in your mind, it's on you. It is on me. [In the finale,] I wanted granite [rock creatures] to explode out of the mountain. The special effects guy said, "I can build you a suit that's on fire and smoke comes out." I said, "Great, how much will that cost?" They said, "$250,000 a suit." Can you make 10 suits? He said, "Yeah." That's $2.5 million. You've got a $30 million budget. You sure you want to spend [it on that]? Those are the practical decisions. Well, wait a minute, what about one suit? And I'll photograph it everywhere [to look like 10]. (Editor's note: The plan to use one suit famously did not work well onscreen and was ultimately abandoned.) MY CONTINUED PROSE It seems to me, Shatner made two mistakes. When you go from low budget television to large budget film, the financial scale requires greater care. In a low budget television show, your financial scale is predetermined low so you know limits, there is no suggestion of overspending. But when you do a high budget film the allowance for misuse or waste is higher and sequentially ruinous or dangerous to the overall collective experience. I am not sure but shatner alludes to not presenting a screenplay or storyboard list. And while I comprehend film studios love pitching a concept in a sentence. I think an artist is wiser to have a screenplay plus storyboard list in hand , to aid in the pitch when questions may be asked. Leonard Nimoy supposedly had the script for Wrath of Khan before the pitch he made, so there lay the variance. When I look at Star Trek Generations, I can see that being a remake of Star Trek v tweaked to bridge the original series + next generation. The Nexus is what? a science fiction element that is as close to the gateway to heaven as you can get. It literally exist as a natural phenomenon in space, moving about destructive to interface with but if very lucky it can grab you or if unlucky or purposed can spit you out. And the place it goes to is so powerful part of you remains there, ala Guinan's character. This is heaven. Shatner said he wanted the Enterprise to meet god and essentially that concept was tweaked so that two enterprises meet , as close as possible in star trek world, the gateway of heaven. From my little knowledge I imagine the screenplay for Generations was around for a while or at least the writers to it had access to screenplays or other content concerning star trek v, if not the simple pitch itself. But this is why the screenplay/stageplay is such a fluid creature. They are meant to be manipulated for purpose. They are not meant to be treated as rigid works, ala why so many have it wrong when they treat shakespeare's work rigidly. It was meant to be performed, speculated in various ways. I will love a chance to redo The Meteor Man. I think the screenplay isn't bad but can be interpreted in a way various with even the same budget. THE COMPLETE ARTICLE William Shatner on His Biggest ‘Star Trek' Regret – and Why He Cried With Bezos Story by Aaron Couch When writing about a legend who's still working as a nonagenarian, it's almost obligatory to include a line about how they are seemingly busier than ever. William Shatner, 92, may no longer be on set 12 hours a day for the roles that made him the first Comic-Con celebrity (Star Trek), or that transformed him into a late-career regular at the Emmys podium (The Practice, Boston Legal), but it's difficult not to marvel at the pace at which he lives his life. The actor, who looks and speaks much like he did 20 years ago, maintains a healthy travel schedule that includes appearances at a dozen or so fan conventions every year. Always popping up in new projects (he hosted the extraterrestrial base camp-simulating reality contest Stars on Mars that aired on Fox over the summer), in 2021, he became the oldest person to travel to space, pouring that experience into a music-and-poetry performance at Washington D.C's Kennedy Center a few months later with friend and musical collaborator Ben Folds. (That recording, So Fragile, So Blue, will be released as an album April 19). Now, Shatner is the subject of the crowdfunded documentary You Can Call Me Bill (in select theaters March 22, his 93rd birthday), a meditation on his life, career and mortality. The Montreal-born actor began performing at the age of 6 at camp and never stopped, transitioning from Canadian radio dramas to Broadway to 1950s TV Westerns. He's been an omnipresent pop culture fixture since 1966, when he was cast as Captain James T. Kirk in Star Trek under unusual circumstances never seen again in Hollywood. NBC had a pilot that didn't work, but the network wanted to try again with a mostly new cast. Where the original pilot was a somewhat dry affair, Shatner brought much-needed humor to the Enterprise. Though the show was canceled after just three seasons, it earned a cult following in syndication, and Shatner reprised the role for seven feature films. Along the way, he reinvented himself over and over, as a hard-a** cop who didn't understand the value of Miranda rights for five seasons on ABC/CBS' T.J. Hooker, and again as a comedic sendup of himself as the spokesperson for Priceline.com, with ads beaming into homes from 1998 to 2012. His comedic chops led him to the Saturday Night Live stage - 38 years later, people still ask him about a sketch in which he mocked Star Trek fans with the exasperated line "Get a life!" - as well as multiple Emmy wins playing lawyer Denny Crane on David E. Kelley's ABC procedural The Practice and then Boston Legal, which concluded after four years in 2008. And he has penned books, released albums and directed documentaries. During a Zoom conversation in early March, Shatner discussed why Star Trek V: The Final Frontier, his first and only theatrical feature as a director, was the biggest regret of his career; that history-making Star Trek kiss with Nichelle Nichols; and what could lure him back to the captain's chair. Some say acting is a way to find the love they aren't getting elsewhere. Was that true for you? I'm sure it's true. I spent a very lonely life in my younger years. Being able to join a cast and be a part of a group of people, I'm sure that was an element in my starting to be an actor when I was very young. Though you acted throughout childhood, you got a practical degree, a bachelor of commerce, from McGill University in Montreal. Was the plan to use that degree? I've bumbled my way through my life with a growing realization that all the plans you have for your life are dependent on the guy driving a car behind you or in front of you. The accidents that you have no control over, whether they're physical, like falling down a flight of stairs, or emotional, like the person you love the most doesn't love you - and everything in between - you have no control over. So you may think you're like, "I'm going to control. I'm going to choose that motion picture," or go onstage choosing elements of your career, thinking you're making a career move. It has nothing to do with reality at all. But as an actor, you do have some control, right? You understudied for Christopher Plummer on Henry V in 1956, and he once said, "Where I stood up to make a speech, he sat down. He did the opposite of everything I did." I had no rehearsal. I didn't know the people. And it was five days into the opening of the show [when Plummer got sick]. The choreography was one of the other things that I didn't know. I was in a macabre state of mind. So that had nothing to do with "I stood where he sat." [It was, rather], "I've got to move around the stage somewhere. I think I'll sit down here, I'm exhausted!" You worked with director Richard Donner on the classic Twilight Zone episode "Nightmare at 20,000 Feet," which was in fact a nightmare for him, as it was technically complicated and the shooting days were halved. Did you sense the pressure he was under? It's complicated. When you get those science fiction choices: The guy is dressed in a furry little suit and you say, "Well, why isn't the suit aerodynamic? Why is it a suit that'll catch every breeze that blows?" What kind of logic do you use in any science fiction case? When I looked at the acrobat [Nick Cravat, who played a gremlin terrorizing Shatner's character from the wing of a plane], I said to myself, "That isn't something you'd wear on the wing of a 747," but then again, what do you wear on the wing of a 747? So yeah, it was complicated in that way. Star Trek creator Gene Roddenberry had strict rules about what was appropriate for his show. Were you privy to what informed that thinking? He was in the military, and he was a policeman. So there was this militaristic vision of "You don't make out with a fellow soldier." There are strict rules and you abide by the rules. Around that, [the writers] had to write the drama. But within that was the discipline of "This is the way a ship works." Well, as Star Trek progressed, that ethos has been forgotten [in more recent shows]. I sometimes laugh and talk about the fact that I think Gene is twirling in his grave. "No, no, you can't make out with the lady soldier!" The writers of Star Trek: The Next Generation butted heads with Gene when he was alive. The fights that went on, to my understanding, were big, because the writers had their difficulties. "We need some more material." "We need to get out of here. It's claustrophobic." When you joke that Gene is twirling in his grave, you mean he wouldn't approve of onscreen romances between crewmates on the later shows? Yes, exactly. I haven't watched the other Star Treks very much, but what I've seen with glimpses of the Next Generation is yes, the difficulty in the beginning, between management, was all about Gene's rules and obeying or not obeying those rules. You and Nichelle Nichols are credited with the first interracial kiss on TV. Is it true that you pushed to make every take real, despite the network asking for faked takes so they would have the option? I do remember saying, "Maybe they'll try and edit it. What can I do to try and discourage the editing of the kiss itself?" I don't remember quite what I did because it's difficult to cut away [from the kiss in an edit]. But yeah, I remember thinking that. After three seasons, NBC cancels Star Trek in 1969, and you find yourself broke, doing summer stock theater on the East Coast. Did you think acting might be over at that point? I'm broke, living in a truck, sleeping in the back and trying to save that money so I could support my three kids and my [ex-]wife, who were living in Beverly Hills. The only thing that ever occurred to me was, "I can always go back to Toronto and make something of a living as an actor there." I never thought, "Oh, I've got to become a salesman." It never occurred to me from the age of 6 to do anything else. Which is weird because [today] I hear it all around me: "God, I can't make a living anymore [as an actor]." And that's true. People with names can't make a living under the circumstances that the business has fallen into. In 1979, Paramount needed an answer to Star Wars, so it revived Trek in the form of movies. Then T.J. Hooker came along a few years later. What did you get out of the show? It was a terrific show. It had all kinds of drama. I got to direct several of the episodes. And some of my shots are in the opening. I was totally involved, committed to the writing, committed to the directing. You're running all the time. You've got to make decisions and you don't have enough money. You directed a big-budget feature, Star Trek V, in 1989. It was considered a disappointment, but it has its fans today. Were you hoping to expand what a Trek movie could be by filming around the world? I wish that I'd had the backing and the courage to do the things I felt I needed to do. My concept was, "Star Trek goes in search of God," and management said, "Well, who's God? We'll alienate the nonbeliever, so, no, we can't do God." And then somebody said, "What about an alien who thinks they're God?" Then it was a series of my inabilities to deal with the management and the budget. I failed. In my mind, I failed horribly. When I'm asked, "What do you regret the most?," I regret not being equipped emotionally to deal with a large motion picture. So in the absence of my power, the power vacuum filled with people that didn't make the decisions I would've made. You seem to take the blame, but outside observers might say, "Well, the budget wasn't there. You didn't get the backing you needed." But in your mind, it's on you. It is on me. [In the finale,] I wanted granite [rock creatures] to explode out of the mountain. The special effects guy said, "I can build you a suit that's on fire and smoke comes out." I said, "Great, how much will that cost?" They said, "$250,000 a suit." Can you make 10 suits? He said, "Yeah." That's $2.5 million. You've got a $30 million budget. You sure you want to spend [it on that]? Those are the practical decisions. Well, wait a minute, what about one suit? And I'll photograph it everywhere [to look like 10]. (Editor's note: The plan to use one suit famously did not work well onscreen and was ultimately abandoned.) Paramount+ is rumored to have tossed around ideas for you to reprise your role, à la Patrick Stewart in Star Trek: Picard. Is that something you would entertain? Leonard [Nimoy] made his own decision on doing a cameo [in J.J. Abrams' 2009 Star Trek]. He's there for a moment, and it's more a stunt that Spock appears in a future. If they wrote something that wasn't a stunt that involved Kirk, who's 50 years older now, and it was something that was genuinely added to the lore of Star Trek, I would definitely consider it. Did hosting SNL feel like a breakthrough, in terms of showing what you could do with comedy? That was a new show then, it was a big sensation, and hosting it was good. They really wrote comedy for me. I played comedy since I was 7. There is a timing. There is a way of characterizing a line. It's a kind of spiritual thing playing comedy, letting the audience know they're open to laugh. After decades in the industry, you achieved your greatest critical success in your 70s playing Denny Crane on Boston Legal. What was the genesis of Denny? David E. Kelly invites me to breakfast. He says, "I've written this character. He's a little bit senile." I said, "Well, I can play that." He'd write, "The character would say his name, Denny Crane, four or five times." How do you act that? What rationale pulls that together? David didn't offer any explanation. I learned somewhere that snakes stick their tongues out. It's assessing what's out there. So I thought that's what the character is doing. Denny Crane is reading what your reaction is to the words "Denny Crane." In 2021, at age 90, you became the oldest person to go to space. Upon landing, you had a tearful exchange with Jeff Bezos. How have you processed that? I was weeping uncontrollably for reasons I didn't know. It was my fear of what's happening to Earth. I could see how small it was. It's a rock with paper-thin air. You've got rock and 2 miles of air, and that's all that we have, and we're f****** it up. And, that dramatically, I saw it in that moment. What are your thoughts on legacy? At Mar-a-Lago, I was asked to help raise funds with the Red Cross. I had to be at Mar-a-Lago Saturday night, and Leonard's funeral was Sunday morning. I couldn't make both. I chose the charity. It just occurred to me: Leonard died. They got a statue up. It's not going to last. Say it lasts 50 years, 100. [Someone will say], "Who is that Leonard Nimoy? Tear the statue down, put somebody else up." But what you can't erase is helping somebody or something. That has its own energy and reverberation. That person got help - and then is able to help somebody else. You've continued an action that has no boundaries. That's what a good deed does This story first appeared in the March 14 issue of The Hollywood Reporter magazine. URL https://www.msn.com/en-us/movies/news/william-shatner-on-his-biggest-star-trek-regret-and-why-he-cried-with-bezos/ar-BB1k6dbN
  4. Day 1 Eric Dyson was fun, as in media. I argue he is funier. I think he pulls back as he knows the federal audience is mostly not black. He described his youthful self as a "ten year old atheist nerd in the ghetto" As I love libraries as well, my parents home is a library, I stand with him on the value of libraries. His points about the selflessness of great black leaders in the past or how the government of the usa tried to subvert them with displaying personal information to various others while not assisting said black folks in alerting to white threats to them , should be well known but is simply true. The shift as Dyson admitted from black advocacy to black government representatives has been messy. It's funny I saw a version of the robin hood story which took a lot from ivanhoe in my opinion. I do think that added with the immigrant populace post immigration act, the usa is having a mountain to climb to get these populaces all as one. To be honest, multitudes , no matter how many , eventually become one under any government if that government live long enough. Simply because the people eventually merge their own cultures together one by one. His point about older black leaders , like al sharpton who has a hair scenario close to washington the first president [though dyson admitted it is to honor james brown] being spoken to ill by younger black people who lack selflessness , sometimes in a major way [ he referred to some leaders of black lives matter using funds to get homes in parallel to younger black leaders not liking kings desire for silk underwear, though mk jr gave all his money to causes] is also well known or should be, but is a truth. I have to admit I am lucky, but many of the black children I knew well offline growing up had similar parentage that didn't allow disrespect to black leaders or black elders in that way. Opposing strategy is an acceptable thing. Varying aesthetic is an acceptable thing. But rejecting based on aesthetic plus speaking ill while one does worse was not the way I Was raised. He reminded me of sharpton's quote, about how black people who support non violence have to speak till to black violent actors because you can't say white people can't be violent but black people can if the goal is integration under an unbiased law for all, when Dyson said black people not voting cause things didn't go there way is the same as the january 6th from mostly whites. As I have said many times. The Black populace in the usa, which is always under white pressure, has always had a problem handling its many paths. To restate , where do black nonviolent people condone black violence? The obvious answer is no where but when you have black people who have suffered at the hands of white power, telling said black people not to be violent issimply not going to lead to acceptance most of the time. He spoke honest to Trump's ills but explained his one meeting with trump and how congenial it was, regardless of trump's intentions or motives. But admitted he would vote for trump over haley cause people like haley actually believe what trump spews for advantage. I think four years from now will be a time for change as four years from now, the Ocasio Cortez side the Haley's will be in the drivers seat and share an anticentrist stance that has a high chance of leading to violent friction He spoke of how some black people relatively well known didn't think hillary clinton was any different than trump. Though he admitted the failure of hillary clinton wasn't in the popular vote but in the electoral college. The electoral college system which is in the constitution is not accepted enough by people in the usa, even those who active in government advocacy. When Schrumpf won that was the electoral college working the way it is meant to. The point of the electoral college isn't to subvert the majority vote. It is designed to not allow simple majority calculations to dominate the presidency, who at heart is a position at the head of the usa military above all. If popular vote was to dominate, then all you need is new york/california/texas and maybe one other state and all other states can be and will be ignored. It is a myth that strict popular voting with the unevne distribution of populace in the usa will not lead to simple strategic realities. He mentioned not enough local governmental interest by black people. In my own experience I think the past or present has soured many black people on local or state government. I never forget hearing a black woman say, she thinks the states need to go and just have federal law the whole way. Which when I think about it, while an extreme thing, a thing that will definitely lead to friction, has value. Isn't the experience of black people in the usa one where all positives come from the federal level, none from the state or city level? I think at the least you can say the federal government of the usa from a black perspective has yielded positive fruit while states or cities yield much of nothing. If federal power is absent restrictions from smaller municipalities in the usa, then the long game strategies are gone but it does fit the reality of positive returns from government in the usa I had a few questions to him but I didn't deliver in time, I wanted to wait till he was done to give them. But they had collected and presented already when he was finished and I was ready to give. 1) was MLK jr's anti fiscal capitalism that made him misread Black elected officials? 2) is the trump base's inability to be swayed by someone like haley a good sign for the usa? 3) Is the black populace in the usa in modernity hyper federalist? IN AMENDMENT A side note. A black woman with lovely legs, she likes to show off, had on coffee stockings on and, although she had on creamy crack hair in a sea of mostly black women with natural hair, was enjoying the event side her friend. The black man behind me for some reason couldn't hear Dyson or was bothered by their voices, which didn't bother me for a second. I heard Dyson side his host perfectly. As did most people. The man sitting behind them wasn't upset at their voice. So, my point is, if you are a black man, and if you like the way a certain black woman look or like to bother black women for the sake of it, stop or don't. If you want to get laid say you want to get laid, don't make up a false scenario of rudeness, just to get closer or hope to irritate to get black women to act negatively. The host side Dyson shouted out a black writer named Daryl Robinson but I failed to find his content on MSNBC. It was a reply to someone but I forgot it and didn't it write it down on my notes.
  5. @Troy I have continually made the argument that the black populace in NYC and the larger usa is large enough to have many different places. That has been my point when someone black says they grew up in hell, well someone else black in the same city grew up in heaven and that is not an impossibility and my only issue here is the idea from you plus pioneer that it is somehow impossible that some black people had a brilliant time in the same city where you lived in hell. I tell you , people in my bloodline older than you Troy, never lived in a hell, and I was honest and said that others in my family had a similar experience to you. It is all NYC, the fact that it is impossible for that to be true for some black people leads to the larger issue. From schools to the condition of the street, i can tell you of various black experiences in NYC but speaking for myself plus similars it was great, it was flat out great being in this section of the black populace in NYC. You grew up on park avenue. 113th street. to close to whites for me. You know what's is one of the odd things for me. I see more homeless, all colors but more importantly all ways now, than i did as a kid and harlem has so many whites. but it makes sense, the poorest flow nearest the money. To @Pioneer1 ok, again, i want it known, i know black people in nyc who said and say like you as well as black people who said and say like me. In terms of policy or laws, i think what this situation proves is a key problem in the black populace. This is unbridgeable, like I think many frictious issues in the black populace historically. I have always opposed that positon. You want people to be happy, then you have to help them be happy. Wealth is the key, money is the key. But of course, this goes back to another simple prolbem in the black populace in the usa. All black people know whites run things so black empowerment or improvement will not happen easily and moreover, black people haven't been able to have access to the financial betterment that genocide to natives or enslaving a people who don't look like us brings. The national urban league suggest 200 years to equity and I think of james baldwin, whenone of his last speeches he said, when will it happen, for my children or their grandchildren. That rate is slow but it makes sense to me as black wealth in the usa has never been through financially opportune scenarios, again, let black people in the usa have access to the financial wealth garnered from slavery + genocide and we will jump up quick. That is how white people did it. They were not working the land or working their own land. https://ny1.com/nyc/all-boroughs/inside-city-hall/2024/03/08/national-urban-league-president-discusses-new-report-on-black-americans so, you get black people who say, since black financial betterment, which is the true solution in fiscal capitalism to make anybody content is barred for most black people, you better simply stick dogs on the poor. Cause most black people have always been in the usa , the financial bottom. Which si what the enslaved are. I comprehend your position, i know you may not like my language but it is your position's reality. and one that has been uttered again in harlem by many blacks, most importantly by blacks whose financial fortunes are ... better. well, in my experience the phenotypical association of latinos isn't a simple generaliztion witin the latin american popualce in the usa or outside of it. I will simply say i concur that the demographic data has challenges in nyc. from my view, you want to discount my real life because my real life is different than yours. But again, this isn't something new in the black populace in the usa. It is an old story. Earlier in your prose you suggested I don't care about reality or am ignoring reality but you just admitted that commonality is not worth to be shown cause it is common. I accept your position but I am sticking with mine. but you said you wanted 0% so the truth is, you know 0% is unachievable but you want to reach it, that is a cycle to nothing. I choose ot live another way. Maybe where you live or lived most illegal drug dealers want to hang out with children but not where I live. And, will i be ok with an illegal drug dealer trying to get a child? no. But if 99% of drug dealers are not trying to get children I can accept it. Again, 100% is impossible. And As the latino illegal drug dealing covers where children recently died in NYC showed, latinos didn't suggest the same as you to their populace when a child was found dead by their drug dealers negligence or uncaring. why? it isn't a common thing. Ar epeople unhappy or upset, yes, but it isn't a symbol of their community though i know.. we all know many drug fronts exist in nyc. this issue we have gone back and forth with proves media not actions matter. It doesnt matter who commits a crime it matters how media present it. The real estate industry burned the bronx to the ground, a public secret all in harlem or the bornx knew, the law enforcement knew, the fire department knew, but the media said it was black people, black people who share your views said the wild criminal blacks, and that is that. and less poor. again, black people in the usa collectively have more welath today, wealth all earned nothing through slavery, genocide, tricks, even the illegal money is earned cause we never controlled the sources of any drug, which is where the real money is, dealers is what 95% of black illegal drug traffickers are. but to the point, it is more money. money in fiscal capitalism breeds more contentment cause who is more content when they can't pay rent, buy food, pay for electricity, buy clothes. And again, black people, the majority come from enslaved bloodlines that had to literally work every generation to make money, no shortcuts. better happiness helps. but why should most black people be happy in the usa, historically at the least? one thing, when any of you on this platform speak your truth i see it as your truth, i can either oppose it, or concur to it, or have a neutral view, but it isn't a matter of like or dislike. My question is not to your position or truth, but to the larger village. You , and I sadly have to repeat this constantly, like Troy or others I have met offline, offline, have said similar. I believe I said that so many times in this one comment stream, I will promise myself not to say it again. But I also said tha tme side others said different and the larger point is, these positions don't have a bridge so this maintians the deep issue in the black populace in the usa , which it has always had, starting with the usa's founding where again, most free blacks fought against the creation of the usa, the minority of free blacks fought for the creation of free blacks, and the majority of the black populace, the enslaved, hated whites plus the usa and only wanted to kill whites and leave the usa but wee shackled to whites or the usa. Three positions that don't fit each other and that heritage of positons that don't fit each other remains strong.
  6. MY THOUGHTS AND THE ARTICLE

     

    well i read the article, the argument by tyree is dysfunctional, the book was written in 2001, tyree admits the strategem would had been successful in 2010, so... saying it isn't how the industry operates in 2024 is dysfunctional. This is about a moment in the usa, this is not meant to be how the usa was before or after, but this was a real scenario. I wonder why everett had nothing to say. And the argument from some blacks against "urban lit" is no different than italians against italian mob movies . having people look like you represented in a way you don't like doesn't define you, but doesn't make it unreal. Some black people were and are step and fetchit's this doesn't mean I am or any other black person is one of them. Cord Jefferson's question shows he is either ignorant of black history or in denial about black experiences in the usa. For anyone who reads up to this point, let me say something that it seems isn't common knowledge in the usa. Most black people in the usa have always been unhappy or miserable, always. Yes from the colonial times to now a minority in the black populace in the usa has been happy. But, an overwhelming majoirty 95% to 75% of black people in the usa have been terrorized by whites in the usa or by the system of government in the usa designed or ruled by whites. I don't see how anyone black, non black or other can not accept that simple truth. Yes, obama exist, yes, michelle obama exist, yes oprah and the william sisters and lebron james exists. Ok most black people in the usa are miserable, are in pain, are unhappy, have dealt with trauma and they come from a centuries line of black people who felt worse. Said negativities are not the only things we have to offer to culture and have never been the only things. We made negro spirituals that uplift people today before the usa was founded. we made lues music that is utilized in so many asian animated works to characterize strong thoughtful characters. we made jazz that is considered world music and one of the utmost signs of improvisation. Cord Jefferson suggested black people's stories of pain or suffering or anguish or anger are too large in quantity, are too present. what? We made brer rabbit, which was referred to in positive fantasy star trek to save a bunch of defenseless humanoids from corruptions in and out of the fantasy united nations institution called the federation , with earth itself as its usa .saundra and others in the article's great flaw is speaking of the now. They can't get out of the now in assessing the film. Many black people in the usa  like to say , black folk need to forget the past, but does that mean we are to lie about it, or judge all only in the modern? 

     

     

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    Some urban lit authors see fiction in the Oscar-nominated ‘American Fiction’

    BY HILLEL ITALIE

    Updated 10:41 AM EST, March 5, 2024

     

    NEW YORK (AP) — Omar Tyree, author of such urban lit narratives as “Flyy Girl” and “The Last Street Novel,” recently went to see the Oscar-nominated movie “American Fiction.”

    “I loved the emotions of the family,” Tyree said of the comic drama starring best actor nominee Jeffrey Wright as the struggling author-academic Thelonious “Monk” Ellison, Leslie Uggams as his ailing mother and supporting actor nominee Sterling K. Brown as his troubled and unpredictable brother. “I love seeing how Monk tries to bring the family unit together and just seeing Black people trying to work things out.”

    But when asked about the film’s featured storyline — Monk finds unexpected success when he publishes a crude novel under the assumed identity of ex-con Stagg R. Leigh — Tyree laughed and gave a nod to “creative license.”

    “The whole idea that he’s going to sell a lot of books by keeping it raw, in real life it doesn’t work like that,” he said. “That kind of book would have been stronger in the early 2000s.”

     

    “American Fiction,” nominated for a best picture Academy Award and in four other categories, was adapted from Percival Everett’s “Erasure,” a 2001 novel that came out when a genre alternately called “urban lit,” “urban fiction,” “street lit” or “hip-hop fiction” was peaking, especially among young Black readers. Novels like Sister Souljah’s “The Coldest Winter Ever,” Shannon Holmes’ “B-More Careful” and Teri Woods’ “True to the Game” were selling hundreds of thousands of copies while major publishers, who had initially ignored the genre, were offering large advances in search of the next hit.

    The urban lit genre dates back at least to 1967, and the release of the memoir “Pimp,” written by Robert Maupin, who was in jail when he began writing under the name Iceberg Slim and built a large word-of-mouth following. He inspired another street lit pioneer, Donald Goines, author of the Kenyatta urban crime series and other works from the 1970s that influenced such hip-hop stars as Tupac Shakur, who would famously declare, “Machiavelli was my tutor, Donald Goines my father figure.”

    Urban lit is still around, but no new releases approach the heights of 20 years ago. According to Circana, which tracks around 85% of the print retail market, the genre sold around 380,000 copies in 2023, far less than the total sales for “The Coldest Winter Ever.” Many leading urban lit authors these days are either independently published — among them Black Lavish and Mz. Lady P — or released through Kensington Publishing Corp., which still has cut back over the past decade.

    “At one point, the majority of the books on our list that were written by Black authors would have been categorized as urban or street lit,” says Vida Engstrand, Kensington’s director of communications. Because of changes in the “retail landscape and reader interest,” Kensington now offers a much broader selection, with “very few front list titles that fall squarely in the category of urban lit,” she says.

    Everett, an award-winning author whose novels include “The Trees” and the upcoming “James,” was unavailable for comment, his publisher said.

    Monk is inspired to write his pseudonymous book after looking through a bestseller titled “We’s Lives In Da Ghetto” and reading such sentences as “Momma says I be the ’sponsible one and tell me that I gots to hold thing togever while she at work clean dem white people’s house.” After failing to catch on as a literary author, he is offered a six-figure book deal and seven-figure movie deal for his profanely titled novel.

    Stagg R. Leigh is praised by critics and even wins a prestigious literary prize. But few were calling Teri Woods or Shannon Holmes likely Pulitzer winners. The publishing community debated whether urban lit should be condemned for reinforcing stereotypes about Black life — stereotypes parodied by Everett in his novel — or welcomed for its blunt portraits of crime and poverty and for attracting new audiences.

    “I’ve heard a lot of people within the Black community who have that viewpoint, that urban lit doesn’t reflect all of us,” says author Porscha Sterling. “And while it’s important to show the Black community in multiple ways, I do think it’s important to have a well-rounded view that includes everyone.”

    “In my opinion, it was wrong to characterize these books as different from other Black literature,” says Malaika Adero, an author, agent and executive editor for AUWA, a Macmillan imprint led by Questlove. “We’ve had all kinds of classic books that dealt with the underground economy and the ghetto and weren’t classified as hip-hop lit.”

    Monk’s novel has some parallels to a bestseller from the 1990s, Sapphire’s “Push,” an acclaimed and controversial novel about a pregnant teen from Harlem that begins in broken English, but becomes more traditional as the girl learns to read and write. At the time, Sapphire (a pen name for Ramona Lofton) was a little-known poet who received a large advance and attracted the interest of Hollywood. The book became the Oscar-winning movie “Precious.”

    “American Fiction” director Cord Jefferson, nominated for best adapted screenplay, has said that reading “Erasure” reminded him of conversations he had with friends over the years.

    “Why are we always writing about misery and trauma and violence and pain inflicted on Blacks? Why is this what people expect from us? Why is this the only thing we have to offer to culture?” Jefferson often wondered, he told The Associated Press last fall.

    One urban lit author, Saundra, said she found “American Fiction” funny, but “a tad bit overdramatized,” adding she doubted a novel like the one Monk wrote would be so welcomed now. Sterling, whose novels include the series “Gangland” and “Bad Boys Do It Better,” said she identified with Monk’s frustration at not being understood and recognized, but also said the satire in “American Fiction” left her feeling “misunderstood”

    “I don’t know any people who write like that in the urban lit genre,” she said.

    Author K’Wan Foye, known as K’Wan, says he related well to the movie, even if it was “poking fun” at urban lit. He remembers being encouraged 20 years ago to write “something really ghetto,” what became his popular “Hood Rat” series, and showing up for a meeting at St. Martin’s Press wearing a Biggie Smalls-style suit.

    “They thought it was some kind of persona, the way Stagg R. Leigh is in the movie,” K’Wan said. “And I was like, ‘No, this is who I am.’”

    If “Erasure” had been published now, the protagonist would likely have chosen a different kind of book to parody the commercial market, authors and publishers say. Tyree thinks he would have been writing nonfiction, maybe working on a celebrity confessional like Jada Pinkett Smith’s “Worthy.” Shawanda Williams, who oversees the Black Odyssey imprint of Kensington, cites the 2022 bestseller “The Other Black Girl,” the surreal tale of a Black editorial assistant at a publishing house.

    Saundra, whose novels include “Hustler’s Queen” and “It Ain’t About the Revenge,” says the urban lit market has faded enough that she’s trying a different kind of book. In 2025, Kensington will publish “The Treacherous Wife,” which she calls “domestic suspense.”

    “Times are changing,” she says, “and I think readers are looking for suspense, something everyone can relate to.”

     

    URL

    https://apnews.com/article/american-fiction-urban-lit-oscars-9a6d0c044bc2bd94fe7e98217171973b?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share 

  7. In a speech before the Scottish Anti-Slavery Society in Glasgow, Scotland on March 26, 1860, Frederick Douglass outlines his views on the American Constitution. I proceed to the discussion. And first a word about the question. Much will be gained at the outset if we fully and clearly understand the real question under discussion. Indeed, nothing is or can be understood. This are often confounded and treated as the same, for no better reason than that they resemble each other, even while they are in their nature and character totally distinct and even directly opposed to each other. This jumbling up things is a sort of dust-throwing which is often indulged in by small men who argue for victory rather than for truth. Thus, for instance, the American Government and the American Constitution are spoken of in a manner which would naturally lead the hearer to believe that one is identical with the other; when the truth is, they are distinct in character as is a ship and a compass. The one may point right and the other steer wrong. A chart is one thing, the course of the vessel is another. The Constitution may be right, the Government is wrong. If the Government has been governed by mean, sordid, and wicked passions, it does not follow that the Constitution is mean, sordid, and wicked. What, then, is the question? I will state it. But first let me state what is not the question. It is not whether slavery existed in the United States at the time of the adoption of the Constitution; it is not whether slaveholders took part in the framing of the Constitution; it is not whether those slaveholders, in their hearts, intended to secure certain advantages in that instrument for slavery; it is not whether the American Government has been wielded during seventy-two years in favour of the propagation and permanence of slavery; it is not whether a pro-slavery interpretation has been put upon the Constitution by the American Courts — all these points may be true or they may be false, they may be accepted or they may be rejected, without in any wise affecting the real question in debate. The real and exact question between myself and the class of persons represented by the speech at the City Hall may be fairly stated thus: — 1st, Does the United States Constitution guarantee to any class or description of people in that country the right to enslave, or hold as property, any other class or description of people in that country? 2nd, Is the dissolution of the union between the slave and free States required by fidelity to the slaves, or by the just demands of conscience? Or, in other words, is the refusal to exercise the elective franchise, and to hold office in America, the surest, wisest, and best way to abolish slavery in America? To these questions the Garrisonians say Yes. They hold the Constitution to be a slaveholding instrument, and will not cast a vote or hold office, and denounce all who vote or hold office, no matter how faithfully such persons labour to promote the abolition of slavery. I, on the other hand, deny that the Constitution guarantees the right to hold property in man, and believe that the way to abolish slavery in America is to vote such men into power as well use their powers for the abolition of slavery. This is the issue plainly stated, and you shall judge between us. Before we examine into the disposition, tendency, and character of the Constitution, I think we had better ascertain what the Constitution itself is. Before looking for what it means, let us see what it is. Here, too, there is much dust to be cleared away. What, then, is the Constitution? I will tell you. It is not even like the British Constitution, which is made up of enactments of Parliament, decisions of Courts, and the established usages of the Government. The American Constitution is a written instrument full and complete in itself. No Court in America, no Congress, no President, can add a single word thereto, or take a single word threreto. It is a great national enactment done by the people, and can only be altered, amended, or added to by the people. I am careful to make this statement here; in America it would not be necessary. It would not be necessary here if my assailant had shown the same desire to be set before you the simple truth, which he manifested to make out a good case for himself and friends. Again, it should be borne in mind that the mere text, and only the text, and not any commentaries or creeds written by those who wished to give the text a meaning apart from its plain reading, was adopted as the Constitution of the United States. It should also be borne in mind that the intentions of those who framed the Constitution, be they good or bad, for slavery or against slavery, are so respected so far, and so far only, as we find those intentions plainly stated in the Constitution. It would be the wildest of absurdities, and lead to endless confusion and mischiefs, if, instead of looking to the written paper itself, for its meaning, it were attempted to make us search it out, in the secret motives, and dishonest intentions, of some of the men who took part in writing it. It was what they said that was adopted by the people, not what they were ashamed or afraid to say, and really omitted to say. Bear in mind, also, and the fact is an important one, that the framers of the Constitution sat with doors closed, and that this was done purposely, that nothing but the result of their labours should be seen, and that that result should be judged of by the people free from any of the bias shown in the debates. It should also be borne in mind, and the fact is still more important, that the debates in the convention that framed the Constitution, and by means of which a pro-slavery interpretation is now attempted to be forced upon that instrument, were not published till more than a quarter of a century after the presentation and the adoption of the Constitution. These debates were purposely kept out of view, in order that the people should adopt, not the secret motives or unexpressed intentions of any body, but the simple text of the paper itself. Those debates form no part of the original agreement. I repeat, the paper itself, and only the paper itself, with its own plainly written purposes, is the Constitution. It must stand or fall, flourish or fade, on its own individual and self-declared character and objects. Again, where would be the advantage of a written Constitution, if, instead of seeking its meaning in its words, we had to seek them in the secret intentions of individuals who may have had something to do with writing the paper? What will the people of America a hundred years hence care about the intentions of the scriveners who wrote the Constitution? These men are already gone from us, and in the course of nature were expected to go from us. They were for a generation, but the Constitution is for ages. Whatever we may owe to them, we certainly owe it to ourselves, and to mankind, and to God, to maintain the truth of our own language, and to allow no villainy, not even the villainy of holding men as slaves — which Wesley says is the sum of all villainies — to shelter itself under a fair-seeming and virtuous language. We owe it to ourselves to compel the devil to wear his own garments, and to make wicked laws speak out their wicked intentions. Common sense, and common justice, and sound rules of interpretation all drive us to the words of the law for the meaning of the law. The practice of the Government is dwelt upon with much fervour and eloquence as conclusive as to the slaveholding character of the Constitution. This is really the strong point and the only strong point, made in the speech in the City Hall. But good as this argument is, it is not conclusive. A wise man has said that few people have been found better than their laws, but many have been found worse. To this last rule America is no exception. Her laws are one thing, her practice is another thing. We read that the Jews made void the law by their tradition, that Moses permitted men to put away their wives because of the hardness of their hearts, but that this was not so at the beginning. While good laws will always be found where good practice prevails, the reverse does not always hold true. Far from it. The very opposite is often the case. What then? Shall we condemn the righteous law because wicked men twist it to the support of wickedness? Is that the way to deal with good and evil? Shall we blot out all distinction between them, and hand over to slavery all that slavery may claim on the score of long practice? Such is the course commended to us in the City Hall speech. After all, the fact that men go out of the Constitution to prove it pro-slavery, whether that going out is to the practice of the Government, or to the secret intentions of the writers of the paper, the fact that they do go out is very significant. It is a powerful argument on my side. It is an admission that the thing for which they are looking is not to be found where only it ought to be found, and that is in the Constitution itself. If it is not there, it is nothing to the purpose, be it wheresoever else it may be. But I shall have no more to say on this point hereafter. The very eloquent lecturer at the City Hall doubtless felt some embarrassment from the fact that he had literally to give the Constitution a pro-slavery interpretation; because upon its face it of itself conveys no such meaning, but a very opposite meaning. He thus sums up what he calls the slaveholding provisions of the Constitution. I quote his own words: — “Article 1, section 9, provides for the continuance of the African slave trade for the 20 years, after the adoption of the Constitution. Art. 4, section 9, provides for the recovery from the other States of fugitive slaves. Art. 1, section 2, gives the slave States a representation of the three-fifths of all the slave population; and Art. 1, section 8, requires the President to use the military, naval, ordnance, and militia resources of the entire country for the suppression of slave insurrection, in the same manner as he would employ them to repel invasion.” Now any man reading this statement, or hearing it made with such a show of exactness, would unquestionably suppose that he speaker or writer had given the plain written text of the Constitution itself. I can hardly believe that the intended to make any such impression. It would be a scandalous imputation to say he did. Any yet what are we to make of it? How can we regard it? How can he be screened from the charge of having perpetrated a deliberate and point-blank misrepresentation? That individual has seen fit to place himself before the public as my opponent, and yet I would gladly find some excuse for him. I do not wish to think as badly of him as this trick of his would naturally lead me to think. Why did he not read the Constitution? Why did he read that which was not the Constitution? He pretended to be giving chapter and verse, section and clause, paragraph and provision. The words of the Constitution were before him. Why then did he not give you the plain words of the Constitution? Oh, sir, I fear that the gentleman knows too well why he did not. It so happens that no such words as “African slave trade,” no such words as “slave insurrections,” are anywhere used in that instrument. These are the words of that orator, and not the words of the Constitution of the United States. Now you shall see a slight difference between my manner of treating this subject and what which my opponent has seen fit, for reasons satisfactory to himself, to pursue. What he withheld, that I will spread before you: what he suppressed, I will bring to light: and what he passed over in silence, I will proclaim: that you may have the whole case before you, and not be left to depend upon either his, or upon my inferences or testimony. Here then are several provisions of the Constitution to which reference has been made. I read them word for word just as they stand in the paper, called the United States Constitution, Art. I, sec. 2. “Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included in this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons; Art. I, sec. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think fit to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding tend dollars for each person; Art. 4, sec. 2. No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from service or labour; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due; Art. I, sec. 8. To provide for calling for the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.” Here then, are those provisions of the Constitution, which the most extravagant defenders of slavery can claim to guarantee a right of property in man. These are the provisions which have been pressed into the service of the human fleshmongers of America. Let us look at them just as they stand, one by one. Let us grant, for the sake of the argument, that the first of these provisions, referring to the basis of representation and taxation, does refer to slaves. We are not compelled to make that admission, for it might fairly apply to aliens — persons living in the country, but not naturalized. But giving the provisions the very worse construction, what does it amount to? I answer — It is a downright disability laid upon the slaveholding States; one which deprives those States of two-fifths of their natural basis of representation. A black man in a free State is worth just two-fifths more than a black man in a slave State, as a basis of political power under the Constitution. Therefore, instead of encouraging slavery, the Constitution encourages freedom by giving an increase of “two-fifths” of political power to free over slave States. So much for the three-fifths clause; taking it at is worst, it still leans to freedom, not slavery; for, be it remembered that the Constitution nowhere forbids a coloured man to vote. I come to the next, that which it is said guaranteed the continuance of the African slave trade for twenty years. I will also take that for just what my opponent alleges it to have been, although the Constitution does not warrant any such conclusion. But, to be liberal, let us suppose it did, and what follows? Why, this — that this part of the Constitution, so far as the slave trade is concerned, became a dead letter more than 50 years ago, and now binds no man’s conscience for the continuance of any slave trade whatsoever. Mr. Thompson is just 52 years too late in dissolving the Union on account of this clause. He might as well dissolve the British Government, because Queen Elizabeth granted to Sir John Hawkins to import Africans into the West Indies 300 years ago! But there is still more to be said about this abolition of the slave trade. Men, at that time, both in England and in America, looked upon the slave trade as the life of slavery. The abolition of the slave trade was supposed to be the certain death of slavery. Cut off the stream, and the pond will dry up, was the common notion at the time. Wilberforce and Clarkson, clear-sighted as they were, took this view; and the American statesmen, in providing for the abolition of the slave trade, thought they were providing for the abolition of the slavery. This view is quite consistent with the history of the times. All regarded slavery as an expiring and doomed system, destined to speedily disappear from the country. But, again, it should be remembered that this very provision, if made to refer to the African slave trade at all, makes the Constitution anti-slavery rather than for slavery; for it says to the slave States, the price you will have to pay for coming into the American Union is, that the slave trade, which you would carry on indefinitely out of the Union, shall be put an end to in twenty years if you come into the Union. Secondly, if it does apply, it expired by its own limitation more than fifty years ago. Thirdly, it is anti-slavery, because it looked to the abolition of slavery rather than to its perpetuity. Fourthly, it showed that the intentions of the framers of the Constitution were good, not bad. I think this is quite enough for this point. I go to the “slave insurrection” clause, though, in truth, there is no such clause. The one which is called so has nothing whatever to do with slaves or slaveholders any more than your laws for suppression of popular outbreaks has to do with making slaves of you and your children. It is only a law for suppression of riots or insurrections. But I will be generous here, as well as elsewhere, and grant that it applies to slave insurrections. Let us suppose that an anti-slavery man is President of the United States (and the day that shall see this the case is not distant) and this very power of suppressing slave insurrections would put an end to slavery. The right to put down an insurrection carries with it the right to determine the means by which it shall be put down. If it should turn out that slavery is a source of insurrection, that there is no security from insurrection while slavery lasts, why, the Constitution would be best obeyed by putting an end to slavery, and an anti-slavery Congress would do the very same thing. Thus, you see, the so-called slave-holding provisions of the American Constitution, which a little while ago looked so formidable, are, after all, no defence or guarantee for slavery whatever. But there is one other provision. This is called the “Fugitive Slave Provision.” It is called so by those who wish to make it subserve the interest of slavery in America, and the same by those who wish to uphold the views of a party in this country. It is put thus in the speech at the City Hall: — “Let us go back to 1787, and enter Liberty Hall, Philadelphia, where sat in convention the illustrious men who framed the Constitution — with George Washington in the chair. On the 27th of September, Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney, two delegates from the State of South Carolina, moved that the Constitution should require that fugitive slaves and servants should be delivered up like criminals, and after a discussion on the subject, the clause, as it stands in the Constitution, was adopted. After this, in the conventions held in the several States to ratify the Constitution, the same meaning was attached to the words. For example, Mr. Madison (afterwards President), when recommending the Constitution to his constituents, told them that the clause would secure them their property in slaves.” I must ask you to look well to this statement. Upon its face, it would seem a full and fair statement of the history of the transaction it professes to describe and yet I declare unto you, knowing as I do the facts in the case, my utter amazement at the downright untruth conveyed under the fair seeming words now quoted. The man who could make such a statement may have all the craftiness of a lawyer, but who can accord to him the candour of an honest debater? What could more completely destroy all confidence in his statements? Mark you, the orator had not allowed his audience to hear read the provision of the Constitution to which he referred. He merely characterized it as one to “deliver up fugitive slaves and servants like criminals,” and tells you that this was done “after discussion.” But he took good care not to tell you what was the nature of that discussion. He have would have spoiled the whole effect of his statement had he told you the whole truth. Now, what are the facts connected with this provision of the Constitution? You shall have them. It seems to take two men to tell the truth. It is quite true that Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney introduced a provision expressly with a view to the recapture of fugitive slaves: it is quite true also that there was some discussion on the subject — and just here the truth shall come out. These illustrious kidnappers were told promptly in that discussion that no such idea as property in man should be admitted into the Constitution. The speaker in question might have told you, and he would have told you but the simple truth, if he had told you that he proposition of Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney — which he leads you to infer was adopted by the convention that from the Constitution — was, in fact, promptly and indignantly rejected by that convention. He might have told you, had it suited his purpose to do so, that the words employed in the first draft of the fugitive slave clause were such as applied to the condition of slaves, and expressly declared that persons held to “servitude” should be given up; but that the word “servitude” was struck from the provision, for the very reason that it applied to slaves. He might have told you that the same Mr. Madison declared that the word was struck out because the convention would not consent that the idea of property in men should be admitted into the Constitution. The fact that Mr. Madison can be cited on both sides of this question is another evidence of the folly and absurdity of making the secret intentions of the framers the criterion by which the Constitution is to be construed. But it may be asked — if this clause does not apply to slaves, to whom does it apply? I answer, that when adopted, it applies to a very large class of persons — namely, redemptioners — persons who had come to America from Holland, from Ireland, and other quarters of the globe — like the Coolies to the West Indies — and had, for a consideration duly paid, become bound to “serve and labour” for the parties two whom their service and labour was due. It applies to indentured apprentices and others who have become bound for a consideration, under contract duly made, to serve and labour, to such persons this provision applies, and only to such persons. The plain reading of this provision shows that it applies, and that it can only properly and legally apply, to persons “bound to service.” Its object plainly is, to secure the fulfillment of contracts for “service and labour.” It applies to indentured apprentices, and any other persons from whom service and labour may be due. The legal condition of the slave puts him beyond the operation of this provision. He is not described in it. He is a simple article of property. He does not owe and cannot owe service. He cannot even make a contract. It is impossible for him to do so. He can no more make such a contract than a horse or an ox can make one. This provision, then, only respects persons who owe service, and they only can owe service who can receive an equivalent and make a bargain. The slave cannot do that, and is therefore exempted from the operation of this fugitive provision. In all matters where laws are taught to be made the means of oppression, cruelty, and wickedness, I am for strict construction. I will concede nothing. It must be shown that it is so nominated in the bond. The pound of flesh, but not one drop of blood. The very nature of law is opposed to all such wickedness, and makes it difficult to accomplish such objects under the forms of law. Law is not merely an arbitrary enactment with regard to justice, reason, or humanity. Blackstone defines it to be a rule prescribed by the supreme power of the State commanding what is right and forbidding what is wrong. The speaker at the City Hall laid down some rules of legal interpretation. These rules send us to the history of the law for its meaning. I have no objection to such a course in ordinary cases of doubt. But where human liberty and justice are at stake, the case falls under an entirely different class of rules. There must be something more than history — something more than tradition. The Supreme Court of the United States lays down this rule, and it meets the case exactly — “Where rights are infringed — where the fundamental principles of the law are overthrown — where the general system of the law is departed from, the legislative intention must be expressed with irresistible clearness.” The same court says that the language of the law must be construed strictly in favour of justice and liberty. Again, there is another rule of law. It is — Where a law is susceptible of two meanings, the one making it accomplish an innocent purpose, and the other making it accomplish a wicked purpose, we must in all cases adopt that which makes it accomplish an innocent purpose. Again, the details of a law are to be interpreted in the light of the declared objects sought by the law. I set these rules down against those employed at the City Hall. To me they seem just and rational. I only ask you to look at the American Constitution in the light of them, and you will see with me that no man is guaranteed a right of property in man, under the provisions of that instrument. If there are two ideas more distinct in their character and essence than another, those ideas are “persons” and “property,” “men” and “things.” Now, when it is proposed to transform persons into “property” and men into beasts of burden, I demand that the law that completes such a purpose shall be expressed with irresistible clearness. The thing must not be left to inference, but must be done in plain English. I know how this view of the subject is treated by the class represented at the City Hall. They are in the habit of treating the Negro as an exception to general rules. When their own liberty is in question they will avail themselves of all rules of law which protect and defend their freedom; but when the black man’s rights are in question they concede everything, admit everything for slavery, and put liberty to the proof. They reserve the common law usage, and presume the Negro a slave unless he can prove himself free. I, on the other hand, presume him free unless he is proved to be otherwise. Let us look at the objects for which the Constitution was framed and adopted, and see if slavery is one of them. Here are its own objects as set forth by itself: — “We, the people of these United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the United States of America.” The objects here set forth are six in number: union, defence, welfare, tranquility, justice, and liberty. These are all good objects, and slavery, so far from being among them, is a foe of them all. But it has been said that Negroes are not included within the benefits sought under this declaration. This is said by the slaveholders in America — it is said by the City Hall orator — but it is not said by the Constitution itself. Its language is “we the people;” not we the white people, not even we the citizens, not we the privileged class, not we the high, not we the low, but we the people; not we the horses, sheep, and swine, and wheel-barrows, but we the people, we the human inhabitants; and, if Negroes are people, they are included in the benefits for which the Constitution of America was ordained and established. But how dare any man who pretends to be a friend to the Negro thus gratuitously concede away what the Negro has a right to claim under the Constitution? Why should such friends invent new arguments to increase the hopelessness of his bondage? This, I undertake to say, as the conclusion of the whole matter, that the constitutionality of slavery can be made out only by disregarding the plain and common-sense reading of the Constitution itself; by discrediting and casting away as worthless the most beneficent rules of legal interpretation; by ruling the Negro outside of these beneficent rules; by claiming that the Constitution does not mean what it says, and that it says what it does not mean; by disregarding the written Constitution, and interpreting it in the light of a secret understanding. It is in this mean, contemptible, and underhand method that the American Constitution is pressed into the service of slavery. They go everywhere else for proof that the Constitution declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; it secures to every man the right of trial by jury, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus — the great writ that put an end to slavery and slave-hunting in England — and it secures to every State a republican form of government. Anyone of these provisions in the hands of abolition statesmen, and backed up by a right moral sentiment, would put an end to slavery in America. The Constitution forbids the passing of a bill of attainder: that is, a law entailing upon the child the disabilities and hardships imposed upon the parent. Every slave law in America might be repealed on this very ground. The slave is made a slave because his mother is a slave. But to all this it is said that the practice of the American people is against my view. I admit it. They have given the Constitution a slaveholding interpretation. I admit it. Thy have committed innumerable wrongs against the Negro in the name of the Constitution. Yes, I admit it all; and I go with him who goes farthest in denouncing these wrongs. But it does not follow that the Constitution is in favour of these wrongs because the slaveholders have given it that interpretation. To be consistent in his logic, the City Hall speaker must follow the example of some of his brothers in America — he must not only fling away the Constitution, but the Bible. The Bible must follow the Constitution, for that, too, has been interpreted for slavery by American divines. Nay, more, he must not stop with the Constitution of America, but make war with the British Constitution, for, if I mistake not, the gentleman is opposed to the union of Church and State. In America he called himself a Republican. Yet he does not go for breaking down the British Constitution, although you have a Queen on the throne, and bishops in the House of Lords. My argument against the dissolution of the American Union is this: It would place the slave system more exclusively under the control of the slaveholding States, and withdraw it from the power in the Northern States which is opposed to slavery. Slavery is essentially barbarous in its character. It, above all things else, dreads the presence of an advanced civilization. It flourishes best where it meets no reproving frowns, and hears no condemning voices. While in the Union it will meet with both. Its hope of life, in the last resort, is to get out of the Union. I am, therefore, for drawing the bond of the Union more completely under the power of the Free States. What they most dread, that I most desire. I have much confidence in the instincts of the slaveholders. They see that the Constitution will afford slavery no protection when it shall cease to be administered by slaveholders. They see, moreover, that if there is once a will in the people of America to abolish slavery, this is no word, no syllable in the Constitution to forbid that result. They see that the Constitution has not saved slavery in Rhode Island, in Connecticut, in New York, or Pennsylvania; that the Free States have only added three to their original number. There were twelve Slave States at the beginning of the Government: there are fifteen now. They dissolution of the Union would not give the North a single advantage over slavery, but would take from it many. Within the Union we have a firm basis of opposition to slavery. It is opposed to all the great objects of the Constitution. The dissolution of the Union is not only an unwise but a cowardly measure — 15 millions running away from three hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders. Mr. Garrison and his friends tell us that while in the Union we are responsible for slavery. He and they sing out “No Union with slaveholders,” and refuse to vote. I admit our responsibility for slavery while in the Union but I deny that going out of the Union would free us from that responsibility. There now clearly is no freedom from responsibility for slavery to any American citizen short to the abolition of slavery. The American people have gone quite too far in this slaveholding business now to sum up their whole business of slavery by singing out the cant phrase, “No union with slaveholders.” To desert the family hearth may place the recreant husband out of the presence of his starving children, but this does not free him from responsibility. If a man were on board of a pirate ship, and in company with others had robbed and plundered, his whole duty would not be preformed simply by taking the longboat and singing out, “No union with pirates.” His duty would be to restore the stolen property. The American people in the Northern States have helped to enslave the black people. Their duty will not have been done till they give them back their plundered rights. Reference was made at the City Hall to my having once held other opinions, and very different opinions to those I have now expressed. An old speech of mine delivered fourteen years ago was read to show — I know not what. Perhaps it was to show that I am not infallible. If so, I have to say in defence, that I never pretended to be. Although I cannot accuse myself of being remarkably unstable, I do not pretend that I have never altered my opinion both in respect to men and things. Indeed, I have been very much modified both in feeling and opinion within the last fourteen years. When I escaped from slavery, and was introduced to the Garrisonians, I adopted very many of their opinions, and defended them just as long as I deemed them true. I was young, had read but little, and naturally took some things on trust. Subsequent experience and reading have led me to examine for myself. This had brought me to other conclusions. When I was a child, I thought and spoke as a child. But the question is not as to what were my opinions fourteen years ago, but what they are now. If I am right now, it really does not matter what I was fourteen years ago. My position now is one of reform, not of revolution. I would act for the abolition of slavery through the Government — not over its ruins. If slaveholders have ruled the American Government for the last fifty years, let the anti-slavery men rule the nation for the next fifty years. If the South has made the Constitution bend to the purposes of slavery, let the North now make that instrument bend to the cause of freedom and justice. If 350,000 slaveholders have, by devoting their energies to that single end, been able to make slavery the vital and animating spirit of the American Confederacy for the last 72 years, now let the freemen of the North, who have the power in their own hands, and who can make the American Government just what they think fit, resolve to blot out for ever the foul and haggard crime, which is the blight and mildew, the curse and the disgrace of the whole United States. REFERRAL https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/1860-frederick-douglass-constitution-united-states-it-pro-slavery-or-anti-slavery/ Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 from James MAdison https://avalon.law.yale.edu/subject_menus/debcont.asp
  8. @ProfD I paraphrase the great james baldwin, how much time? one hundred years from now, five hundred? if by matter of time you mean one thusand years, well yeah. I quote myself intentionally any answer will require a significant sacrifice of time. I always give the caste parallel in india, the second most multiracial populace i humanity. The caste can't go casue the caste allows for the multiracial populace to exist. In the same way the usa's individualism allows the multiracial populace to exist. yes, the individualism kills communal strength which is why all populaces are suffering to be better communally now in some way or form in the USA. But, to undo the system and build a new one better suited from within the usa while not having drastic financial or militaristic changes to the usa is really a task. The USA had a sixties generation of leaders who were willing but the rich white europans murdered them so... The current system is dysfunctional in many ways but where it does serve best is the individual mandate which allows for latinos who came into the usa illegally in modernity to vote for greater measures against illegal immigrants. It has always allowed for blacks led by the black church folk or black one percent to speak of all sorts of lies or falsities or half truths concerning the majority of the black populace in the usa which has always been fiscally nihil and only had illegal activity to provide financial opportunity. I know you see the usa in the context of two sides of the same coin but I a complex uneven many sided polygon that can't find balance on any one group with ever changing sides, far more than two, and is only held together by an individual allowance, which is rare under most governments in humanity, for positive reason.
  9. now05.png

    Man cleared in a 1996 Brooklyn killing said for decades he knew who did it. Prosecutors now agree

    By Associated Press New York State

    PUBLISHED 9:36 PM ET Jan. 18, 2024

    NEW YORK (AP) — A man who served 14 years in prison for a deadly 1990s shooting was exonerated Thursday after prosecutors said they now believe the killer was an acquaintance he has implicated for decades.

    “I lost 14 years of my life for a crime that I didn’t commit,” Steven Ruffin told a Brooklyn judge after sighing with emotion.

    Although Ruffin was paroled in 2010 and has since built a career in sanitation in Georgia, he said that getting his manslaughter conviction dismissed and his name cleared “will help me move on.”

    “If you know you're innocent, don’t give up on your case — keep on fighting, because justice will prevail,” Ruffin, 45, said outside court. “That’s all I’ve wanted for 30 years: somebody to listen and really hear what I’m saying and look into the things I was telling them."

    Prosecutors said they were exploring whether to charge the man they now believe shot 16-year-old James Deligny on a Brooklyn street during a February 1996 confrontation over some stolen earrings. Brooklyn District Attorney Eric Gonzalez said after court that charges, if any, wouldn't come immediately.

    “You have to be able to convict someone beyond a reasonable doubt, and we have to make sure that that evidence is sufficient to do so,” said Gonzalez, who wasn't DA when Ruffin was tried. “You have a lot of factors working against us procedurally, but also factually — unfortunately, this is 30 years ago.”

    Ruffin's conviction is the latest of more than three dozen that Brooklyn prosecutors have disavowed after reinvestigations over the last decade.

    Over a dozen, including Ruffin's, were connected to retired Detective Louis Scarcella. He was lauded in the 1980s and ‘90s for his case-closing prowess, but defendants have accused him of coercing confessions, engineering dubious witness identifications and other troubling tactics. He has denied any wrongdoing.

    Prosecutors said in their report on the Ruffin case that they “did not discover any misconduct by Scarcella" in the matter. A message seeking comment was sent to his attorney.

    Prosecutors said the police investigation — and their office's own at the time — “were wholly inadequate” and tunnel-visioned, failing to look into the person they now believe was the gunman.

    The mistaken-identity shooting happened as Ruffin and others were looking for a robber who had just snatched earrings from Ruffin’s sister. In fact, Deligny wasn't the robber, authorities say.

    Tipsters led police to Ruffin, then a 17-year-old high school student, and the victim's sister identified him in a lineup that a court later deemed flawed. Scarcella wasn't involved in the lineup, but he and another detective questioned Ruffin.

    The teen told them, twice, that he saw but wasn't involved in Deligny's shooting, according to police records quoted in prosecutors' report.

    Then Scarcella brought the teen's estranged father — a police officer himself — to the precinct. The father later testified that he told his son to “tell the truth,” but Ruffin said his father leaned on him to confess.

    And he did confess, saying he fired because he thought Deligny was about to pull something out of his jacket. Ruffin told the detectives they could retrieve the gun from his sister's boyfriend, and they did, prosecutors' report said.

    Ruffin quickly recanted to his father, who didn't tell the detectives his son had taken back his confession, according to prosecutors' report. The teen went on to testify at his trial that he didn't shoot Deligny but saw and knew the killer — his sister's boyfriend, the one who'd given police the gun, broken up into parts and stuffed into potatoes.

    Jurors at Ruffin's trial heard from the boyfriend, but only about his relationships with the defendant, his sister and others in the case. When the jury was out of the room, the boyfriend invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination and declined to answer other questions, including where he'd been on the night of the shooting.

    Prosecutors didn't release the boyfriend's name Thursday, and the names of lawyers who have represented him weren't immediately available. He told prosecutors during their recent reinvestigation that he had nothing to do with the shooting and didn't give detectives the gun. He also said he never confessed to anyone, though prosecutors say Ruffin's stepfather, sister and late mother all have said he made admissions to them.

    Asked Thursday about the boyfriend, Ruffin's lawyers noted that the prospect of any prosecution now is uncertain.

    “We only wish that in 1996, Detective Scarcella and others had performed the investigation they should have and been able to get this right the first time," attorney Garrett Ordower said, noting that Deligny's family may now never have the finality of a conviction in his death.

    As for Ruffin, he's focused on his future, including promotion opportunities at his job in Atlanta. His now-voided conviction, he said, “never defined me.”

    “This never really spoke of the person I was or the man I was going to become,” he said. “So this, to me, is a great closure of a chapter my life, but my life is still going up.”

     

    URL

     

    https://ny1.com/nyc/all-boroughs/ap-top-news/2024/01/19/man-cleared-in-a-1996-brooklyn-killing-said-for-decades-he-knew-who-did-it-prosecutors-now-agree

  10. topics The thirty-second of the Cento poetry series Dates with astrology + astronomy IF YOU MADE IT THIS FAR: Patrice Rushen Trio in Black Omnibus with JAmes Earl Jones, In A Lonely Place from Ask Eddie of noircity, Honest Bunch Vibrator discussion, The Preacher's Wife from Movies That Move We URL https://rmnewsletter.over-blog.com/2023/08/12/31/2023-rmnewsletter.html
  11.  

    33:00 I think  artist are free to do with their work what they want
    40:38 and dw griffith said correctly , I paraphrase, that the best response to a film is a film itself. I dislike the story in birth of a nation, but the best answer is another story, another film Oscar Michaeuz made , Within our gates, which I love and yes the modern remake of birth of a nation was a similar smart reply. And thank you Eddie for admitting how birth of a nation + song of the south were both the highest grossest films of their day. 
    great question James 27:18  to 45:32
    48:57 great point, eddie does make it often but  private investigators are not law enforcers or bound to the law in thier actions
    57:58 thank you for informing on the  film, celluloid underground 2023 , yes i know iran during the shah was heavily influenced by europe and european creations, the usa
    1:19:46 a sequel of "strange bargain"  in "murder she wrote", with the characters back. I wonder who was behind that production. 
    1:28:22 rest in peace john bailey,suggest watch his film china moon 
    trailer https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8uZLsMYNW3w
    and check out mishima with bailey and paul schrader
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mishima:_A_Life_in_Four_Chapters
    trailer https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LzaXtBr5210
    1:31:00 as long as you are remembered well by someone , you don't escape time, but you live beyond your breaths
     

     

  12. The planet Uranus, James Webb near infra red lens 

     

    Uranus close-up view (NIRCam)

     

  13. My R&A - response and articles

     

    I start with the title. One of the problems with the USA is the lie that the UA is a united place with a united peoples. In his own article he successfully proves how tribal the usa is. 

    But, the word isn't abandoned. The federal government of the USA in different times gambled and all the gambles failed to return what was needed to secure tomorrow.

    The Federal government of the usa gambled: it could build up financial rivals [ england/germany/spain/italy/france/korea/japan/china/india/israel ] to create intergovernmental organizations centered on the usa while maintain a financial dominance as when world war two ended, it could make laws adding races into the usa while merging races to each other and the races will embrace each other positively based on a love of the state, it could grant the fiscal operators [shareholders/owners/bankers] full leeway and their fiscal desire will create untold wealth for all. 

    All the gambles failed to reach why they were made.

    The rivals were given a black check plus resources to reboot absent the challenge of starting from the bottom while not having a need to pay for military expenditures but the usa economy wasn't able to stay on top across the board. 

    All races in the usa [women/blacks/muslims/lesbians] have a financially prosperous one percent, but most communities have only grown their fiscal poor who live tribally from other fiscal poor people, and with ever growing resentment.

    The business sector protected itself and positioned itself to be secure regardless of its failure or quality, ala all the industries in the usa that have collapsed in the usa at an ever increasing ratio, but didn't lift up all peoples in the usa. 

    But the key is, all three gambles could had worked. What was the errors.

     

    The usa funneled welfare checks and money on a simple condition to rivals in foreign countries who guaranteed to be yesmen for intergovernmental organizations totally allegiant to the usa but didn't use their unearned advantage to make the international organizations have more quality. The rivals loved the international organizations to make profit and have controls over weaker governments or former dominions but to actually improve other countries, a kind of pay it forward, europe/japan/china/india/israel didn't do, even though they were given an advantage by the usa in the way they don't give others. 

    Yes, blacks/native americans/lesbians/women/muslims/asians  and all other groups in the usa that didn't have opportunity or potency have members in each group who financially have prospered because the federal laws forced financially wealthy white/male/christian/hetero/european people to share to those not them, but those who were granted opportunity haven't improved their communities and have simply joined financially wealthy white men creating  three tiers of tribalism between the many have nots plus  between the have nots side the have's plus between the many haves. While the usa keeps adding more peoples into the fiscally poor populace, growing violent sentiments.

    Giving the financial community in the usa carte blanche saved it from its own mismanagement which is a betrayal of free market capitalism, but the financially community in the usa no matter how many times it is saved keeps being mismanaged and now relies on the military power of the usa side the intergovernmental organizations mandatory for the bureaucracy to work absent more violence to maintain a cycle of mismanagement from us business and bailouts from the federal government. 

     

    The article is correct, the FDR era ended with Reagan, the Reagan era is ending. Biden is trying to guide it somewhere but I see biden more as a jimmy carter, the last fdr president than ronald reagan, the president who started a new era. The problem with Biden in a general way is his centrism. Centrism at its heart is status quo, maintaining the bureaucracy, but the problem is the bureaucracy isn't fitting the populace it governs and requires radical change to do so

     

     

    Why America Abandoned the Greatest Economy in History

    Was the country’s turn toward free-market fundamentalism driven by race, class, or something else? Yes.

    By Rogé Karma

    now07.png

    Illustration by The Atlantic. Sources: Barry James Gilmour / Getty; Kean Collection / Getty; Library of Congress / Getty.

     

    NOVEMBER 25, 2023, 6:30 AM ET

    If there is one statistic that best captures the transformation of the American economy over the past half century, it may be this: Of Americans born in 1940, 92 percent went on to earn more than their parents; among those born in 1980, just 50 percent did. Over the course of a few decades, the chances of achieving the American dream went from a near-guarantee to a coin flip.

    What happened?

    One answer is that American voters abandoned the system that worked for their grandparents. From the 1940s through the ’70s, sometimes called the New Deal era, U.S. law and policy were engineered to ensure strong unions, high taxes on the rich, huge public investments, and an expanding social safety net. Inequality shrank as the economy boomed. But by the end of that period, the economy was faltering, and voters turned against the postwar consensus. Ronald Reagan took office promising to restore growth by paring back government, slashing taxes on the rich and corporations, and gutting business regulations and antitrust enforcement. The idea, famously, was that a rising tide would lift all boats. Instead, inequality soared while living standards stagnated and life expectancy fell behind that of peer countries. No other advanced economy pivoted quite as sharply to free-market economics as the United States, and none experienced as sharp a reversal in income, mobility, and public-health trends as America did. Today, a child born in Norway or the United Kingdom has a far better chance of outearning their parents than one born in the U.S.

    This story has been extensively documented. But a nagging puzzle remains. Why did America abandon the New Deal so decisively? And why did so many voters and politicians embrace the free-market consensus that replaced it?

    Since 2016, policy makers, scholars, and journalists have been scrambling to answer those questions as they seek to make sense of the rise of Donald Trump—who declared, in 2015, “The American dream is dead”—and the seething discontent in American life. Three main theories have emerged, each with its own account of how we got here and what it might take to change course. One theory holds that the story is fundamentally about the white backlash to civil-rights legislation. Another pins more blame on the Democratic Party’s cultural elitism. And the third focuses on the role of global crises beyond any political party’s control. Each theory is incomplete on its own. Taken together, they go a long way toward making sense of the political and economic uncertainty we’re living through.

    "The american landscape was once graced with resplendent public swimming pools, some big enough to hold thousands of swimmers at a time,” writes Heather McGee, the former president of the think tank Demos, in her 2021 book, The Sum of Us. In many places, however, the pools were also whites-only. Then came desegregation. Rather than open up the pools to their Black neighbors, white communities decided to simply close them for everyone. For McGhee, that is a microcosm of the changes to America’s political economy over the past half century: White Americans were willing to make their own lives materially worse rather than share public goods with Black Americans.

    From the 1930s until the late ’60s, Democrats dominated national politics. They used their power to pass sweeping progressive legislation that transformed the American economy. But their coalition, which included southern Dixiecrats as well as northern liberals, fractured after President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Richard Nixon’s “southern strategy” exploited that rift and changed the electoral map. Since then, no Democratic presidential candidate has won a majority of the white vote.

    Crucially, the civil-rights revolution also changed white Americans’ economic attitudes. In 1956, 65 percent of white people said they believed the government ought to guarantee a job to anyone who wanted one and to provide a minimum standard of living. By 1964, that number had sunk to 35 percent. Ronald Reagan eventually channeled that backlash into a free-market message by casting high taxes and generous social programs as funneling money from hardworking (white) Americans to undeserving (Black) “welfare queens.” In this telling, which has become popular on the left, Democrats are the tragic heroes. The mid-century economy was built on racial suppression and torn apart by racial progress. Economic inequality was the price liberals paid to do what was right on race.

    The New York Times writer David Leonhardt is less inclined to let liberals off the hook. His new book, Ours Was the Shining Future, contends that the fracturing of the New Deal coalition was about more than race. Through the ’50s, the left was rooted in a broad working-class movement focused on material interests. But at the turn of the ’60s, a New Left emerged that was dominated by well-off college students. These activists were less concerned with economic demands than issues like nuclear disarmament, women’s rights, and the war in Vietnam. Their methods were not those of institutional politics but civil disobedience and protest. The rise of the New Left, Leonhardt argues, accelerated the exodus of white working-class voters from the Democratic coalition.

    Robert F. Kennedy emerges as an unlikely hero in this telling. Although Kennedy was a committed supporter of civil rights, he recognized that Democrats were alienating their working-class base. As a primary candidate in 1968, he emphasized the need to restore “law and order” and took shots at the New Left, opposing draft exemptions for college students. As a result of these and other centrist stances, Kennedy was criticized by the liberal press—even as he won key primary victories on the strength of his support from both white and Black working-class voters.

    But Kennedy was assassinated in June that year, and the political path he represented died with him. That November, Nixon, a Republican, narrowly won the White House. In the process, he reached the same conclusion that Kennedy had: The Democrats had lost touch with the working class, leaving millions of voters up for grabs. In the 1972 election, Nixon portrayed his opponent, George McGovern, as the candidate of the “three A’s”—acid, abortion, and amnesty (the latter referring to draft dodgers). He went after Democrats for being soft on crime and unpatriotic. On Election Day, he won the largest landslide since Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1936. For Leonhardt, that was the moment when the New Deal coalition shattered. From then on, as the Democratic Party continued to reflect the views of college graduates and professionals, it would lose more and more working-class voters.

    McGhee’s and Leonhardt’s accounts might appear to be in tension, echoing the “race versus class” debate that followed Trump’s victory in 2016. In fact, they’re complementary. As the economist Thomas Piketty has shown, since the’60s, left-leaning parties in most Western countries, not just the U.S., have become dominated by college-educated voters and lost working-class support. But nowhere in Europe was the backlash quite as immediate and intense as it was in the U.S. A major difference, of course, is the country’s unique racial history.

    The 1972 election might have fractured the Democratic coalition, but that still doesn’t explain the rise of free-market conservatism. The new Republican majority did not arrive with a radical economic agenda. Nixon combined social conservatism with a version of New Deal economics. His administration increased funding for Social Security and food stamps, raised the capital-gains tax, and created the Environmental Protection Agency. Meanwhile, laissez-faire economics remained unpopular. Polls from the ’70s found that most Republicans believed that taxes and benefits should remain at present levels, and anti-tax ballot initiatives failed in several states by wide margins. Even Reagan largely avoided talking about tax cuts during his failed 1976 presidential campaign. The story of America’s economic pivot still has a missing piece.

    According to the economic historian Gary Gerstle’s 2022 book, The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order, that piece is the severe economic crisis of the mid-’70s. The 1973 Arab oil embargo sent inflation spiraling out of control. Not long afterward, the economy plunged into recession. Median family income was significantly lower in 1979 than it had been at the beginning of the decade, adjusting for inflation. “These changing economic circumstances, coming on the heels of the divisions over race and Vietnam, broke apart the New Deal order,” Gerstle writes. (Leonhardt also discusses the economic shocks of the ’70s, but they play a less central role in his analysis.)

    Free-market ideas had been circulating among a small cadre of academics and business leaders for decades—most notably the University of Chicago economist Milton Friedman. The ’70s crisis provided a perfect opening to translate them into public policy, and Reagan was the perfect messenger. “Government is not the solution to our problem,” he declared in his 1981 inaugural address. “Government is the problem.”

    Part of Reagan’s genius was that the message meant different things to different constituencies. For southern whites, government was forcing school desegregation. For the religious right, government was licensing abortion and preventing prayer in schools. And for working-class voters who bought Reagan’s pitch, a bloated federal government was behind their plummeting economic fortunes. At the same time, Reagan’s message tapped into genuine shortcomings with the economic status quo. The Johnson administration’s heavy spending had helped ignite inflation, and Nixon’s attempt at price controls had failed to quell it. The generous contracts won by auto unions made it hard for American manufacturers to compete with nonunionized Japanese ones. After a decade of pain, most Americans now favored cutting taxes. The public was ready for something different.

    They got it. The top marginal income-tax rate was 70 percent when Reagan took office and 28 percent when he left. Union membership shriveled. Deregulation led to an explosion of the financial sector, and Reagan’s Supreme Court appointments set the stage for decades of consequential pro-business rulings. None of this, Gerstle argues, was preordained. The political tumult of the ’60s helped crack the Democrats’ electoral coalition, but it took the unusual confluence of a major economic crisis and a talented political communicator to create a new consensus. By the ’90s, Democrats had accommodated themselves to the core tenets of the Reagan revolution. President Bill Clinton further deregulated the financial sector, pushed through the North American Free Trade Agreement, and signed a bill designed to “end welfare as we know it.” Echoing Reagan, in his 1996 State of the Union address, Clinton conceded: “The era of big government is over.”

    Today, we seem to be living through another inflection point in American politics—one that in some ways resembles the ’60s and ’70s. Then and now, previously durable coalitions collapsed, new issues surged to the fore, and policies once considered radical became mainstream. Political leaders in both parties no longer feel the same need to bow at the altar of free markets and small government. But, also like the ’70s, the current moment is defined by a sense of unresolved contestation. Although many old ideas have lost their hold, they have yet to be replaced by a new economic consensus. The old order is crumbling, but a new one has yet to be born.

    The Biden administration and its allies are trying to change that. Since taking office, President Joe Biden has pursued an ambitious policy agenda designed to transform the U.S. economy and taken overt shots at Reagan’s legacy. “Milton Friedman isn’t running the show anymore,” Biden quipped in 2020. Yet an economic paradigm is only as strong as the political coalition that backs it. Unlike Nixon, Biden has not figured out how to cleave apart his opponents’ coalition. And unlike Reagan, he hasn’t hit upon the kind of grand political narrative needed to forge a new one. Current polling suggests that he may struggle to win reelection.

    Meanwhile, the Republican Party struggles to muster any coherent economic agenda. A handful of Republican senators, including J. D. Vance, Marco Rubio, and Josh Hawley, have embraced economic populism to some degree, but they remain a minority within their party.

    The path out of our chaotic present to a new political-economic consensus is hard to imagine. But that has always been true of moments of transition. In the early ’70s, no one could have predicted that a combination of social upheaval, economic crisis, and political talent was about to usher in a brand-new economic era. Perhaps the same is true today. The Reagan revolution is never coming back. Neither is the New Deal order that came before it. Whatever comes next will be something new.

     

    URL
    https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/11/new-deal-us-economy-american-dream/676051/

    now08.png

    THE HARD TRUTH ABOUT IMMIGRATION

    If the United States wants to reduce inequality, it’s going to need to take an honest look at a contentious issue.

    By David Leonhardt

    OCTOBER 23, 2023

    his bill that we will sign today is not a revolutionary bill,” President Lyndon B. Johnson said as he put his signature on the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, at the base of the Statue of Liberty. “It does not affect the lives of millions.” All that the bill would do, he explained, was repair the flawed criteria for deciding who could enter the country. “This bill says simply that from this day forth those wishing to immigrate to America shall be admitted on the basis of their skills and their close relationship to those already here.”

    Edward Kennedy, the 33-year-old senator who had shepherded the bill through the Senate, went even further in promising that its effects would be modest. Some opponents argued that the bill would lead to a large increase in immigration, but those claims were false, Kennedy said. They were “highly emotional, irrational, and with little foundation in fact,” he announced in a Senate hearing, and “out of line with the obligations of responsible citizenship.” Emanuel Celler, the bill’s champion in the House, made the same promises. “Do we appreciably increase our population, as it were, by the passage of this bill?” Celler said. “The answer is emphatically no.”

    Johnson, Kennedy, Celler and the new law’s other advocates turned out to be entirely wrong about this. The 1965 bill sparked a decades-long immigration wave. As a percentage of the United States population, this modern wave has been similar in size to the immigration wave of the late 1800s and early 1900s. In terms of the sheer number of people moving to a single country, the modern American immigration wave may be the largest in history. The year Johnson signed the immigration bill, 297,000 immigrants legally entered the United States. Two years later, the number reached 362,000. It continued rising in subsequent decades, and by 1989 exceeded 1 million.

    ....

    URL
    https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/10/us-immigration-policy-1965-act/675724/

    now09.png

    Milton Friedman Was Wrong

    The famed economist’s “shareholder theory” provides corporations with too much room to violate consumers’ rights and trust.

    By Eric Posner

    On Monday, the Business Roundtable, a group that represents CEOs of big corporations, declared that it had changed its mind about the “purpose of a corporation.” That purpose is no longer to maximize profits for shareholders, but to benefit other “stakeholders” as well, including employees, customers, and citizens.

    While the statement is a welcome repudiation of a highly influential but spurious theory of corporate responsibility, this new philosophy will not likely change the way corporations behave. The only way to force corporations to act in the public interest is to subject them to legal regulation.

    The shareholder theory is usually credited to Milton Friedman, the University of Chicago economist and Nobel laureate. In a famous 1970 New York Times article, Friedman argued that because the CEO is an “employee” of the shareholders, he or she must act in their interest, which is to give them the highest return possible. Friedman pointed out that if a CEO acts otherwise—let’s say, donates corporate funds to an environmental cause or to an anti-poverty program—the CEO must get those funds from customers (through higher prices), workers (through lower wages), or shareholders (through lower returns). But then the CEO is just imposing a “tax” on other people, and using the funds for a social cause that he or she has no particular expertise in. It would be better to let customers, workers, or investors use that money to make their own charitable contributions if they wish to.

    ...

    URL
    https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/08/milton-friedman-shareholder-wrong/596545/

     

  14. When the secrets of the military combat suit known as WEAPON are exposed to the public, before long they flood the streets and it seems every civilian is using a power suit for crime, chaos or their own selfish ends. To avert the possibility of civil war, General Patricia James, amid dissent from both superiors and subordinates, sponsors a tournament to encourage the "WEAPON-wielders" to compete for fame and fortune, and to inspire the populace. But just as the world begins to embrace the WEAPON as the wave of the future, a dark secret about the origin of the technology emerges, threatening to destroy everything Patricia sought to build. WEAPON Combat League; an action-packed tale in a world of fantastic technology, with stories of action and conflict, of drama and heartbreak, of love and loss, of rivalry, of haves against have-nots, of the balance of power, of the ripple effects of past sins thought buried. Weapons Combat League Book1 https://www.am*zon.com/dp/B005LIMMWK Book2 https://www.am*zon.com/dp/B00HRZCGO4 This project is a prototype ‘battle’ game based on my WEAPON Combat League concept, initially planned as a multimedia project with comics and prose novels. (If you are interested in reading the stories of WEAPON Combat League, you can find links to them here: https://jonathanpriceart.net/products/ ) I do not consider it a ‘fighting’ game because it’s not strictly about martial arts or weapon-based duels (despite the name). This project was meant to mimic the versus modes in classic games such as X-Kaliber 2097, Guardian Heroes and Streets of Rage 2; allowing the core game’s playable characters to duke it out in a versus mode for fun. It’s not a game designed to be in the same genre as a Street Fighter or Mortal Kombat, as that was never my intent. The original design philosophy of the project is "King of Fighters meets Mega Man". More on the Mega Man side. Characters control in platformer style, rather than fighting game style. Some characters have melee attacks, others use projectiles. It has two functioning modes: Team Versus and Team Edit Versus. Both function similarly, but the difference is one focuses on the story’s default team lineups while the other lets players choose their own team members. There is also a database of information about the game and the characters within. However, the versus mode got the lion’s share of my development efforts as I became obsessed with making all the characters ‘feel’ the way I envisioned them. Time passed and I realized that the project’s large number of characters and underdeveloped single player concept made it far too ambitious for me to complete. I realized that I was never going to finish the game under the circumstances, and thus halted development. I’m uploading it here as-is for no required charge, to allow anyone who’s interested to play what I made. Some important notes: There are likely to be glitches as I haven’t balanced or bug-tested all that thoroughly. Much of the art assets are placeholders (such as the arena background and HUD). The game can ONLY be played in two player versus mode. There is no AI single player mode at all. The first player can control with either keyboard or gamepad. Player 2 can only use a second gamepad. However, if one player just wants to mess around, Player 2’s team or characters can be chosen and selected with the Numpad on the keyboard. Inputs can’t be changed, but the controls should be simple enough to understand. The middle segments on the Team Edit screen were for planned characters that were never finished. There is no way to unlock them. Same characters cannot be chosen by either the same player or the opponent. I intend to resurrect WEAPON Combat League with a different approach in the future as I learn new tools for game development. However, this project as it stands is at an end. That said, feedback is fine and welcome, as I'm always eager to learn how to improve my craft. Thanks! url https://dualmask.itch.io/weapon-combat-league-demo
  15. topics Cento series, 23rd round Rainforest pokemon Fright-ing poetry challenge part 1 Cursed costumes entries Dates IF YOU MADE IT THIS FAR: 5 minute yoga, Mary Lou Williams plus James P Johnson play, Statian wives, sustainability multilog, halloween visual game https://rmnewsletter.over-blog.com/2023/07/10/29/2023-rmnewsletter.html
  16. The Scientific Case for Two Spaces After a Period
    A new study proves that half of people are correct. The other is also correct.

    By James Hamblin

    now05.png

    photo by Tina Fineberg / AP

    MAY 11, 2018

    This is a time of much division. Families and communities are splintered by polarizing narratives. Outrage surrounds geopolitical discourse—so much so that anxiety often becomes a sort of white noise, making it increasingly difficult to trigger intense, acute anger. The effect can be desensitizing, like driving 60 miles per hour and losing hold of the reality that a minor error could result in instant death.

    One thing that apparently still has the power to infuriate people, though, is how many spaces should be used after a period at the end of an English sentence.

    The war is alive again of late because a study that came out this month from Skidmore College. The study is, somehow, the first to look specifically at this question. It is titled: “Are Two Spaces Better Than One? The Effect of Spacing Following Periods and Commas During Reading.”

    It appears in the current issue of the journal Attention, Perception, and Psychophysics. As best I can tell, psychophysics is a word; the Rochester Institute of Technology defines it as the “study of the relationship between stimuli (specified in physical terms) and the sensations and perceptions evoked by these stimuli.” The researchers are also real. Rebecca Johnson, an associate professor in Skidmore’s department of psychology, led the team. Her expertise is in the cognitive processes underlying reading. As Johnson told me, “Our data suggest that all readers benefit from having two spaces after periods.”

    “Increased spacing has been shown to help facilitate processing in a number of other reading studies,” Johnson explained to me by email, using two spaces after each period. “Removing the spaces between words altogether drastically hurts our ability to read fluently, and increasing the amount of space between words helps us process the text.”

    In the Skidmore study, among people who write with two spaces after periods—“two-spacers”—there was an increase in reading speed of 3 percent when reading text with two spaces following periods, as compared to one. This is, Johnson points out, an average of nine additional words per minute above their performance “under the one-space conditions.”

    This is a small difference, though if a change like this saved even a tiny amount of time, or prevented a tiny amount of miscommunication, the net benefit across billions of people could be enormous. Entire economies could be made or broken, wars won or lost.

    Or so it would seem. The conclusions she drew from that data pushed people into their corners on social media, where they dealt with it in variously intense ways.

    Justin Wolfers, a professor of economics and public policy at the University of Michigan, tweeted in reference to the study: “Science can blow your mind sometimes, and this time it has come down on the side of two spaces after a period.”

    Nicholas Christakis, a professor at Yale University, wrote: “Hurray! Science vindicates my longstanding practice, learned at age 12, of using TWO SPACES after periods in text. NOT ONE SPACE. Text is easier to read that way. Of course, on Twitter, I use one space, given 280 characters.”

    There’s a lot going on in that tweet, but you get the idea.

    Others were less ecstatic. Robert VerBruggen, the deputy managing editor at National Review, shared the study with the comment: “New facts forced me to change my mind about drug legalization but I just don’t think I can do this.”

    My colleague Ian Bogost tweeted simply, “This is terrorism.”

    Full disclosure: I also shared a screenshot of the study’s conclusion that “the eye-movement record suggested that initial processing of the text was facilitated when periods were followed by two spaces.” I said about this only, “Oh no.”

    I find two spaces after a period unsettling, like seeing a person who never blinks or still has their phone’s keyboard sound effects on. I plan to teach my kids never to reply to messages from people who put two spaces after a period. I want this study’s conclusion to be untrue—to uncover some error in the methodology, or some scandal that discredits the researchers or the university or the entire field of psychophysics.

    So let’s look for that. Because this really does matter: In a time of greater and greater screen time, and more and more consumption of media, how do we optimize the information-delivery process?

    In much the same way that we’re taught to write in straight lines from left to right, most of us have been taught that one way of spacing is simply right, and the other is wrong. Less often are we taught to question the standard—whether it makes sense, or whether it should change. But what is the value of education if not to teach children to question the status quo, and to act in deliberate ways that they can justify with sound, rational arguments?

    Such an argument is extremely difficult to make when it comes to sentence spacing, because the evidence is not there for either case. The fact that the scientifically optimal number of spaces hasn’t been well studied was odd to Johnson, given the strength of people’s feelings on the subject. The new American Psychological Association style guidelines came out recently, and they had changed from one space to two spaces following periods because they claimed it “increased the readability of the text.” This galled Johnson: “Here we had a manual written to teach us how to write scientifically that was making claims that were not backed with empirical evidence!”

    She was intrigued and designed the new study “to add some scientific data to the conversation.”

    Her rationale for two spaces gets complex—verging into the domain of rather high-level psychophysical theory (email me). As the researchers explain it, it’s all about mechanics of the eye, and what causes us to trip up or pause, even for a split second. In the current study, when text was presented with two spaces after periods, some readers’ eyes were more likely to jump over the “punctuation region” and spend less unnecessary time fixated on it. The extra space seemed to make it easier for readers to “extract the lines and curves from the text.” The space also comes into the periphery of one’s vision before it arrives, and that helps to signal that the sentence is wrapping up.

    The Skidmore study was small and less than definitive—essentially dipping a toe into a long-unquestioned practice. There were only 60 subjects, and they were all college students—meaning they were probably more interested in “hooking up” and “Snapchat” than actually reading. (Ed.: This is too much editorializing, apologies.)

    Most importantly, the effects appeared early in processing, and spacing did not affect overall comprehension. And that’s what reading is all about, no? The fact that our eyes may move a little faster is less important than whether the concepts make it into our brains.

    “It’s not like people COULDN’T understand the text when only one space was used after the periods,” Johnson said. “The [human] reading system is pretty flexible, and we can comprehend written material regardless of whether it is narrowly or widely spaced.”

    Angela Chen at The Verge also gave a pointed critique of the methodology:

    The two-space convention is left over from the days of typewriters. Typewriters allot the same amount of space for every character, so a narrow character like i gets as much as a wider character like w. (This is called a mono-spaced font.) With a typewriter, it makes sense to add an extra space to make it clear that the sentence has ended. Today’s word-processing software makes fonts proportional, though, which is why we only need one space. Also, it looks better. The Chicago Manual of Style and the Modern Language Association Style Manual also take this stance.

    “I’ve gotten a lot of flak for using a mono-spaced font (Courier New) in the study,” said Johnson. Her defense is that most eye-tracking studies use monospaced fonts, and that many word-processing systems still, in practice, act like typewriters (in that they don’t add additional space between sentences even when using proportional fonts; to increase the amount of space between sentences relative to the amount of space between any two words within the sentence, two physical spaces are still needed following the period). “Although I agree that future research should look at these effects using other types of fonts, research in this area suggests that font differences in general are small or nonexistent.”

    Even in the studies where researchers have removed interword spaces altogether, reading comprehension is still very high. For example, Thai and Chinese are typically written without spaces between words, even though studies have found that when space is added between words, reading speed increases. The standard comes down to aesthetics, tradition, conservation of paper and space—basically, the fact that reading is an act of much more than information delivery.

    I’ve written before about the effect of color gradients on reading, and how it goes against the findings of science that our words should be in a single color, usually black and usually on a near-white background, and usually presented in lines of a certain length. This is all a matter of tradition and style, not optimal information transfer. This standard does not work well for everyone. It’s why I thought, for a long time, that I didn’t like books. I wasn’t good at the mechanics of reading. When I found text-to-speech programs and actual audiobooks, it was like finally seeing the turtle in one of those Magic Eye posters that everyone else at the party saw hours ago.

    All of this is to say that if we really wanted to do evidence-based delivery of text for maximum comprehension, it wouldn’t be like debating one space or two. It would look totally different: words spewing into your face by some sort of torrent that syncs with feedback about your perception, and slows or pauses when you are distracted, and speeds up when you are bored.

    Still, this has been a good exercise in challenging beliefs, at least for me. What is important is that this question not be what breaks us—that Americans remember that we are united by the ideals of democracy, freedom, liberty, and justice that we still hold dear, and which demand our allegiance above any person or party or spacing issue.

    James Hamblin, M.D., is a former staff writer at The Atlantic. He is also a lecturer at Yale School of Public Health, a co-host of Social Distance, and the author of Clean: The New Science of Skin.

     

    URL
    https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2018/05/two-spaces-after-a-period/559304/


    MY RESPONSE

    As a writer I used and use grammatical techniques that are uncommon; I received and receive negative commentary in response to said use. But, what is the most potent issue? The most potent issue isn't who is right or wrong. The most potent issue is fear of no norm/standard. I find many people in various arenas are standardphiles or standard fanatics. 

    I give the following examples: a sports team succeeds in lifting a trophy using a strategy deemed outdated, a writer composes a story that buyers embrace that doesn't utilize common expectations for characters, a person lives comfortably while not acting to the life script all others have around them. 

    The problem isn't right or wrong, it is the fear of not being able to say who is right or wrong. This fear is huge. When a person whose forebears were enslaved in the usa to whites, says kill whites/kill the usa. The normal /standard response by most blacks or whites in the usa living at the time of this writing is something negative, around the terms: shame on you, you know better, judge individually, we are all family. But what if.... they are allowed? Notice I didn't say right or wrong. What if the condemnation is wrong ?  It isn't an issue of opinions but applied opinion. Applied opinion breeds consensus , creates the standards or norms. 

    All know this. But how big is africa? who is american? who are immigrants to the usa? who are white? Absent applied opinion, the peer pressure is gone, and people are freer to do as they want, even against a majority as individuals. 

    To writing, it doesn't spell the end of literature, but spells the end of critiques. Judgement requires laws which are attempts as an enforced standard or norm, which themselves are built on applied opinions. 

    The reaction in the article from others is the purest example. They fear someone not caring what they say, and being surrounded by others who don't care too. 

    Thus, the individualism, at least in the usa,  becomes true, not the mirror of white european descended, pan religious, empowerment that it is. 

  17. How a Pricing Change Led to a Revolt by Unity’s Video Game Developers In an industry where customers are slow to trust and quick to criticize, a new fee from Unity infuriated studios that use its platform. Mike IsaacKellen Browning By Mike Isaac and Kellen Browning Reporting from San Francisco Oct. 2, 2023 John Riccitiello probably should have seen the outrage coming. A video game industry veteran, Mr. Riccitiello is the chief executive of Unity Technologies, a company that isn’t a household name but is a fixture for more than two million game developers who use its software to power their games. For most of the company’s 19-year history, Unity’s software business was relatively straightforward: Every developer who used Unity’s professional tools to build software paid a fixed, annual licensing fee. The software acts like an engine. It is the underlying technology that developers use to build and run their apps. In mid-September, Mr. Riccitiello proposed an abrupt change. Instead of an annual fee, he wanted to charge developers a fee every time someone installed a copy of their games, meaning they would pay more as their titles grew in popularity. The about-face would make a significant difference for Unity, which has never turned a profit. But in an industry where gamers and small game development studios are reluctant to trust big corporations and quick to take umbrage at perceived attempts to nickel-and-dime them, the proposed fee change has snowballed into a crisis. Developers around the world who use Unity — including those behind hit games like Among Us and Slay the Spire — have threatened to leave the platform, saying the new pricing model could effectively kill their businesses if their games grow too popular. There was talk of a class-action lawsuit. Someone even called in a threat that required Unity to inform federal law enforcement officials and evacuate its San Francisco headquarters and its office in Austin, Texas, a person familiar with the decision said. Developers said they felt betrayed. Many spent years learning and coding in a particular programming language used by Unity called C# — pronounced “C-sharp” — making it hard for them to switch to a competitor. Executives at Unity were using that leverage, the developers complained, to engage in digital rent-seeking behavior. “They completely abandoned the creative, punk software developer community that was a big part of their ongoing success,” said Tomas Sala, an independent developer in Amsterdam whose game, The Falconeer, was built in Unity. The episode highlights the precarious position that companies can find themselves in when trying to keep a community happy at the same time that executives want to find ways to make more money. Trip Hawkins, the founder of the video game giant Electronic Arts and an adviser to some game developers who use Unity, said he understood the outrage. He likened it to a hardware store’s selling a carpenter a hammer and nails and then suddenly charging a fee for every nail the carpenter has ever pounded into a wall. “It gets at what feels right versus what feels wrong in people’s gut,” said Mr. Hawkins, who left EA in 1994. Now, Mr. Riccitiello and his executive team are scrambling to contain the fallout. Unity has rolled back some of the changes in a series of concessions aimed at placating developers. Among other changes, it raised the revenue threshold for games that will be charged the per-install fee — so larger developers, primarily, will be charged — and allowed developers to pay either the fee or 2.5 percent of their company’s monthly revenue, whichever is lower. But the company still plans to go ahead with the new fee model. In an interview with The New York Times, Mr. Riccitiello said he was “truly humbled” by the response, and had spent the past two weeks talking with partners and indie developers. “It reminded me just how foundational Unity is to the developer community,” Mr. Riccitiello said. Unity’s engine is one of a handful of software development tool sets in the video game industry. Developers can use the tools to create 3-D character models that can run, jump and shoot enemies in games. They can also use the software to design rich landscapes and textured environments. Every time a game is booted up, the software engine from Unity or another company is running underneath. Most of these engines have charged companies using the software a fixed annual amount for every one of their developers. Unity’s new fees turned this predictability on its head. Many developers felt that they were being punished if their game turned out to be a hit, and that Unity had the potential to take a much larger cut of revenues. “The new business model just doesn’t work for the rest of us,” Mr. Sala, the game developer, said. “A lot of people feel like we just got played.” Unity was founded in 2004 in Copenhagen as a project of three developers who collaborated on an internet forum dedicated to coding. The premise was to “democratize” game coding tools so that anyone — from high school hobbyists to professionals — could build games from scratch. “The key for me was the community and resources around it,” said Will Todd, a 28-year-old developer. “You can hop on a forum and quickly get an answer to any questions you might have.” He and his partner at the London indie studio Coal Supper, James Carbutt, used Unity to build their hit game, The Good Time Garden, in 2019. Under fire for poor financial results, Mr. Riccitiello left his job as chief executive at Electronic Arts in 2013. He joined Unity the next year, when the company was relatively small. He brought with him a reputation for squeezing cash out of games in ways that sometimes angered developers and players. Mr. Riccitiello led Unity to a successful initial public offering in 2020, and Unity’s shares hit a high of around $200 by the end of 2021. But they have since fallen to about $30. In its most recent quarterly financial results, Unity reported $533 million in revenue — up 80 percent from a year earlier — but $193 million in net losses. It also laid off about 8 percent of its employees in May. Unity has an advertising business that allows developers who use its platform to insert ads into their mobile games. It’s the part of the business responsible for about two-thirds of the company’s revenue. But it is under pressure from changes on Apple’s software for mobile devices that limit the data that Unity’s system can collect from the developers who use it to serve ads inside their mobile games. Mr. Riccitiello told The Times that Unity’s software pricing changes had “absolutely nothing to do with” challenges to its ads business, which he described as healthy. He said the new model was “designed to be a fair and appropriate exchange of value” between Unity and its customers. In other words, Unity thinks it can make a lot more money from its engine business than it does now. Behind the scenes, many employees were furious. Numerous Unity workers told management that it was a bad idea that would betray the small developers who used Unity’s tools, three current and former employees said. A handful of employees left or are in the process of leaving the company as a result, two people said. Mr. Riccitiello acknowledged in the interview that the new pricing model had been communicated poorly and needed some changes. And Marc Whitten, one of the company’s top executives, wrote an apologetic blog post. But the company is not rolling back the pricing change. It will be some time before Unity knows if there is permanent damage to its business. Mr. Sala, the developer of The Falconeer, said that his upcoming game was also built on Unity, and that he would still need to support it with software updates and expansions of more in-game content for at least two years. But after Unity made some concessions, Mr. Sala said they were welcome changes. He added that if he decided to switch to another engine, learning that software could take him months, if not years, to get to the comfort level he had with Unity. Mr. Carbutt, the Coal Supper studio developer, said sticking with Unity felt like “an operational risk.” “They broke trust with devs over all of this,” he said. “Irreparable damage has already been done.” A correction was made on Oct. 2, 2023: An earlier version of this article misstated how much Unity would charge video game developers. Unity will charge developers who qualify a percentage of their company’s monthly revenue, not annual revenue. When we learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error, please let us know at nytnews@nytimes.com.Learn more Mike Isaac is a technology correspondent for The Times based in San Francisco. He regularly covers Facebook and Silicon Valley. More about Mike Isaac Kellen Browning writes about technology, the gig economy and the video game industry. He has been reporting for The Times since 2020. More about Kellen Browning A version of this article appears in print on Oct. 4, 2023, Section B, Page 1 of the New York edition with the headline: ‘We Just Got Played’. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe READ 29 COMMENTS Share full article URL https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/02/technology/how-a-pricing-change-led-to-a-revolt-by-unitys-video-game-developers.html MY THOUGHTS The underlying problem here is engineering. Like many crafts, its most optimal form isn't financially fast. The reason firms need unity isn't because programmers can't develop all the tools they need on their own, it is because doing that will take longer than all the accountants or lawyers who own firms are willing to wait. Using tools to speed up business is a pillar of the usa led global fiscal capitalism and in engineering , that is the path to lower quality or financial management. Remember, building a program is like making a table.Artist can make the same table, but the process of making the table, makes each woodworker actually better. To the fiscal reality of unity, they are a firm that is usually unprofitable overall. It is that simple. This situation reflects Google/Facebook/NEtflix/Tesla motors/ and many others firms who spent years , sometimes over a decade not being able to cover their cost of existence, but stayed afloat by stocks and investments and various financial mechanism which in my view are all anti fiscal capitalistic.
  18. The Following Is An Article On Popular Fiction ... from the past...my thoughts are at the end

     

    ‘PENNY AWFULS’
    now03.jpg
    By James Greenwood
    St. Paul's Magazine XII 1873.


    It would be an excellent and profitable arrangement if the London School Board were empowered not only to insist that all boys and girls of tender years shall be instructed in the art of reading, but also to root up and for ever banish from the paths of its pupils those dangerous weeds of literature that crop up in such rank luxuriance on every side to tempt them. Until this is done, it must always be heavy and uphill work with those whose laudable aim it is to promote education and popular enlightenment. To teach a girl or boy how to read is not a very difficult task; the trouble is to guide them to a wholesome and profitable exercise of the acquirement. This, doubtless, would be hard enough, were our population of juveniles left to follow the dictates of their docile or rebellious natures; but this they are not suffered to do. At the very outset, as soon indeed as they have mastered words of two and three syllables, and by skipping the hard words are able somehow to stumble through a page in reading fashion, the enemy is at hand to enlist them in his service. And never was poor recruit so dazzled and bewildered by the wily sergeant whose business it is to angle for and hook men to serve as soldiers as is the foolish lad who is beset by the host of candidates of the Penny Awful tribe for his patronage. There is Dick Turpin bestriding his fleet steed, and with a brace of magnificently mounted pistols stuck in his belt, beckoning him to an expedition of midnight marauding on the Queen’s highway; there is gentlemanly Claude Duval, with his gold-laced coat and elegantly curled periwig, who raises his three-cornered hat politely to the highly-flattered schoolboy and begs the pleasure of his company through six months or so - at the ridiculously small cost of a penny a week, that, he, the gallant captain, may initiate our young friend in the ways of bloodshed and villainy; there is sleek-cropped, bullet-headed Jack Sheppard, who steps boldly forth with his crowbar, offering to instruct the amazed youth in the ways of crime as illustrated by his own brilliant career, and to supply him with a few useful hints as to the best way of escaping from Newgate. Besides these worthies there are the Robbers of the Heath, and the Knights of the Road, and the Skeleton Crew, and Wildfire Dick and Hell-fire Jack, and Dare-devil Tom, and Blueskin, and Cut-throat Ned, and twenty other choice spirits of an equally respectable type, one and all appealing to him, and wheedling and coaxing him to make himself acquainted with their delectable lives and adventures at the insignificant expense of one penny weekly.

    It is not difficult to trace back the evil in question to its origin. At least a quarter of a century ago it occurred to some enterprising individual to reprint and issue in “penny weekly numbers” the matter contained in the “Newgate Calendar,” and the publication was financially a great success. This excited the cupidity of other speculators, in whose eyes money loses none of its value though ever so begrimed with nastiness, and they set their wits to work to produce printed weekly “pen’orths” that should be as savoury to the morbid tastes of the young and the ignorant as was the renowned Old Bailey Chronicle itself. The task was by no means a difficult one when once was found the spirit to set about it. The Newgate Calendar was after all but a dry and legal record of the trials of rogues and murderers, for this or that particular offence, with at most, in addition, a brief sketch of the convicted one’s previous career, and a few observations on his most remarkable exploits. After all, there was really no romance in the thing ; and what persons of limited education and intellect love in a book is romance. Here then was a grand field ! What could be easier than to take the common-place Newgate raw material, and re-dip it in the most vivid scarlet, and weave into it the rainbow hues of fiction? What was there that “came out” at the trials of Jack Sheppard and Claude Duval and Mr. Richard Turpin and which the calendar readers so greedily devoured, compared with what might be made to “come out” concerning these same heroes when the professional romance-monger, with the victim’s skull for an inkstand, gore for ink, and the assassin's dagger for a pen, sat down to write their histories? The great thing was to show what the Newgate Calendar had failed to show. It was all very well to demonstrate that at times there existed honour among thieves; the thing to do was to make it clear that stealing was an honourable business, and that all thieves were persons to be respected on account at least of the risks they ran and the perils they so daringly faced in the pursuit of their ordinary calling. Again, in recording the achievements of robbers of a superior grade, the Calendar gave but the merest glimpse of the glories of a highway villain’s existence, whereas, as was well known to the romancist of the Penny Awful school, the life of a person like Mr. Turpin or any other Knight of the Road is just one endless round of daring, dashing adventure, and of rollicking and roystering, or tender, blissful enjoyments of the fruits thereof. Likewise, according to the same authority, it was a well-known fact, and one that could not be too generally known, that rogues and robbers are the only “brave” that deserve the “fair,” and that no sweethearts are so true to each other, and enjoy such unalloyed felicity, as gentlemen of the stamp of Captain Firebrand (who wears lace truffles and affects a horror for the low operation of cutting a throat, but regards it as quite the gentlemanly and “professional” thing to send a bullet whizzing into a human skull ) and buxom, fascinating Molly Cutpurse.

    But after all, if the unscrupulous hatchers of Penny Awfuls (this term is no invention of mine, but one conferred on the class of literature in question by the owners thereof ) had been content to stick to Newgate heroes and Knights of the Road, perhaps no very great harm would have been done. At all events, the nuisance must soon have died out. Popular interest in the British Highwayman has for many years been on the wane. There are no longer any mail coaches to rob, and the descendants of the rare old heroes of Bagshot and Hounslow have brought the profession into disgust and contempt by taking to the cowardly game of garroting. Every boy may read of the pitiful behaviour of these modern Knights of the Road when they are triced up, bare-backed, in the press-room at Newgate, and a stout prison warden makes a cat-o’-nine-tails whistle across their shoulders. How they squeal and wriggle and supplicate! “Oh! sir, kind sir! O-o-o-oh-h, pray spare me; I’ll never do it again!” There is not the least spark of dash or bravado about this kind of thing, and the cleverest penman of the Penny Awful tribe would fail to excite feelings of emulation in the minds of his most devoted readers.

    The Penny Awful trade, however, has not been brought to a standstill on this account. Cleverer men than those who paraded Dick Turpin and Claude Duval as model heroes have of late years come into the garbage market. Quick-witted, neat-handed fellows, who have studied the matter and made themselves acquainted with it at all points. It has been discovered by these sharp ones that the business has been unnecessarily restricted ; that even supposing that there are still a goodly number of simpletons who take delight in the romance that hangs on those magic words, “Your money or your life,” there are still a much larger number who take no interest at all in gallows heroes, but who might easily be tempted to take to another kind of bait, provided it were judiciously adjusted on the hook. As for instance, there were doubtless to be found in London and the large manufacturing towns of England, hundreds of boys out of whom constant drudgery and bad living had ground all that spirit of dare-devilism so essential to the enjoyment of the exploits of the heroes of the Turpin type, but who still possessed an appetite for vices of a sort that were milder and more easy of digestion. It was a task of no great difficulty when once the happy idea was conceived. All that was necessary was to show that the faculty for successfully defying law and order and the ordinations of virtue might be cultivated by boys as well as men, and that as rogues and rascals the same brilliant rewards attended the former as the latter. The result may be seen in the shop window of every cheap newsvendor in London - The Boy Thieves of London, The Life of a Fast Boy, The Boy Bandits, The Wild Boys of London, The Boy Detective, Charley Wag, The Lively Adventures of a Young Rascal, and I can’t say how many more. This much is true of each and everyone, however - that it is not nor does it pretend to be anything else than a vicious hotch-potch of the vilest slang, a mockery of all that is decent and virtuous, an incentive to all that is mean, base, and immoral, and a certain guide to a prison or a reformatory if sedulously followed. If these precious weekly pen’orths do not openly advocate crime and robbery, they at least go so far as to make it appear that although to obtain the means requisite to set up as a Fast Boy, or a Young Rascal, it is found necessary to make free with a master’s goods, or to force his till or run off with his cash-box, still the immense amount of frolic and awful jollity to be obtained at music halls, at dancing rooms, - where “young rascals” of the opposite sex may be met, - at theatres, and low gambling and drinking dens, if one has “only got the money,” fully compensates for any penalty a boy of the “fast” school may be called on to pay in the event of his petty larcenies being discovered. “What’s the good o’ being honest ?” is the moral sentiment that the Penny Awful author puts into the mouth of his hero, Joe the Ferret, in his delectable story “The Boy Thieves of the Slums.” “What’s the good of being honest ?” says Joe, who is presiding at a banquet consisting of the “richest meats,” and hot brandy and water; “where’s the pull? It is all canting and humbug. The honest cove is the one who slaves from morning till night for half a bellyfull of grub, and a ragged jacket and a pair of trotter cases (shoes), that don’t keep his toes out of the mud, and all that he may be called a good boy and have a “clear conscience” ’ (loud laughter and cries of “Hear, hear,” by the Weasel’s “pals”). “I ain’t got no conscience, and I don’t want one. If I felt one a-growing in me I’d pisen the blessed thing” (more laughter). “Ours is the game, my lads. Light come, light go. Plenty of tin, plenty of pleasure, plenty of sweethearts and that kind of fun, and all got by making a dip in a pocket, or sneaking a till. I’ll tell you what it is, my hearties,” continued the Weasel, raising his glass in his hand (on a finger of which there sparkled a valuable ring, part of the produce of the night’s work), “I’ll tell you what it is, it’s quite as well that them curs and milksops, the ‘honest boys’ of London, do not know what a jolly, easy, devil-may-care life we lead compared with theirs, or we should have so many of ‘em takin’ to our line that it would be bad for the trade.”

    It is not invariably, however, that the Penny Awful author indulges in such a barefaced enunciation of his principles. The old-fashioned method was to clap the representatives of all manner of vices before the reader, and boldly swear by them as jolly roystering blades whose manner of enjoying life was after all the best, despite the grim end. The modern way is to paint the picture not coarsely, but with skill and anatomical minuteness; to continue it page after page, and point out and linger over the most flagrant indecencies and immoral teachings of the pretty story, and then, in the brief interval of putting that picture aside and producing another, to “patter” ( if I may be excused using an expression so shockingly vulgar ) a few sentences concerning the unprofitableness of vice, and of honesty being the best policy. And having cut this irksome, though for obvious reasons necessary, part of the business as short as possible, the “author” again plunges the pen of nastiness into his inkpot, and proceeds with renewed vigour to execute the real work in hand.

    Writing on this subject it is impossible for me to forget a vivid instance of the pernicious influence of literature of the Penny Awful kind as revealed by the victim himself. It was at a meeting of a society the laudable aim of which is the rescue of juvenile criminals from the paths of vice, and there were present a considerable number of the lads themselves. In the course of the evening, as a test I suppose of the amount of confidence reposed by the lads in their well-wishers and teachers, it was suggested that any one among them who had courage enough might rise in his place and give a brief account of his first theft, and what tempted him to it. It was some time before their was any response, although from the many wistful faces changing rapidly from red to white, and the general uneasiness manifested by the youths appealed to, and who were seated on forms in the middle of the hall, it was evident that many were of a great good mind to accept the invitation. At last a lad of thirteen or so, whose good-conduct stripes told of how bravely he was raising himself out of the slough in which the Society had discovered him, rose, and burning red to his very ears, and speaking rapidly and with much stumbling and stammering - evidences one and all, in my opinion, of his speaking the truth - delivered himself as follows :-

    “It’s a goodish many years ago now, more’n six I dessay, and I used to go to the ragged-school down by Hatton-garden. It was Tyburn Dick that did it, leastways the story what they call Tyburn Dick. Well, my brother Bill was a bit older than me, and he used to have to stay at home and mind my young brother and sister, while father was out jobbing about at the docks and them places. We didn’t have no mother. Well, father he used to leave us as much grub as he could, and Bill used to have the sharin’ of it out. Bill couldn’t read a bit, but he knowed boys that could, and he used to hear ‘em reading about Knights of the Road, and Claude Duval, and Skeleton Crews, till I suppose his head got regler stuffed with it. He never had no money to buy a pen’orth when it came out, so he used to lay wait for me, carrying my young sister over his shoulder, when I came out of school at dinner time, and gammon me over to come along with him to a shop at the corner of Rosamond Street in Clerkenwell, where there used to be a whole lot of the penny numbers in the window. They was all of a row, Wildfire Jack, the Boy Highwayman, Dick Turpin, and ever so many others - just the first page, don’t you know, and the picture. Well, I liked it too, and I used to go along o’ Bill and read to him all the reading on the front pages, and look at the pictures until - ‘specially on Mondays when there was altogether a new lot - Bill would get so worked up with the aggravatin’ little bits, which always left off where you wanted to turn over and see what was on the next leaf, that he was very nigh off his head about it. He used to bribe me with his grub to go with him to Rosamond Street. He used to go there regler every mornin’ carryin’ my young sister, and if he found only one that was fresh, he’d be at the school coaxin’ and wigglin’ (qy. inveigling or wheedling), and sometimes bringin’ me half his bread and butter, or the lump of cold pudden what was his share of the dinner. He got the little bits of the tales and the pictures so jumbled up together that it used to prey on him awful. I was bad enough but Bill was forty times worse. He used to lay awake of nights talkin’ and wonderin’ and wonderin’ what was over leaf, and then he’d drop off and talk about it in his sleep. Well, one day he come to the school, and says he, “Charley, there’s somethin’ real stunnin’ at the corner shop this mornin’. It’s Tyburn Dick, and they’ve got him in a cart under the gallows, and there’s Jack Ketch smoking his pipe, and a whole lot of the mob a rushing to rescue him wot’s going to be hung, and the soldiers are there beatin’ of ‘em back, and I’m blowed,’ says Bill, ‘if I can tell how it will end. I should like to know,’ says he. ‘Perhaps it tells you in the little bit of print at bottom ; come along, Charley.’ Well, I wanted to know too, so we went, and there was the picture just as Bill said, but the print underneath didn’t throw no light on it - it was only just on the point of throwin’ a light on it, and of course we couldn’t turn over. I never saw Bill in such a way. He wasn’t a swearin’ boy, take him altogether, but this time he did let out, he was so savage at not being able to turn over. He was like a mad cove, and without any reason punched me about till I run away from him and went to school again. Well, although I didn’t expect it when I come out at half-past four, there was Bill again. His face looked so queer that I thought I was going to get some more punching, but it wasn’t that. He come up speakin’ quite kind, though there seemed something the matter with his voice, it was so shaky. ‘Come on, Charley,’ he said, ‘come on home quick. I’ve got it,’ and opening his jacket, he showed it me - the penny number where the picture of the gallows was, tucked in atwixt the buttonings of his shirt. ‘But how did you come by the penny?’ I asked him. ‘Come on home and read about Jack Ketch and that, and then I’ll tell you all about it,’ Bill replied. So we went home ; and I read out the penny number to him all through, and then he up and told me that he had nicked (stolen) a hammer off a second-hand tool stall in Leather Lane, and sold it for a penny at a rag-shop. That’s how the ice was broke. It seemed a mere nothing to nail a paltry pen’orth or so after reading of the wholesale robbery of jewels, and diamond necklaces, and that, that Tyburn Dick did every night of his life a’most. It was getting that whole pen’orth about him that showed us what a tremenjus chap he was. Next week it was my turn to get a penny to buy the number - we felt that we couldn’t do without it nohow ; and finding the chance, I stole one of the metal inkstands at the school. That was the commencement of it ; and so it went on and growed bigger; but it’s out and true, that for a good many weeks we only stole to buy the number just out of Tyburn Dick.”

    A question likely to occur to the reader of these pages is - what sort of persons are these who are so ignoble and utterly lost to all feelings of shame that they can consent to make money by a means that is more detestable than that resorted to by the common gutter-raker or the common pickpocket? How do such individuals comport themselves in society? Are they men well dressed and decently behaved, and have they any pretensions to respectability ? The bookselling and publishing trade is a worthy trade : do the members of it generally recognise these base corruptors of the morals of little boys and girls? or do they shun them and give them a wide berth when they are compelled to tread the same pavement with them? My dear reader, I assure you that whether they are shunned or recognised by those who know them is not of the least moment to the blackguardly crew who pull the strings that keep the delusive puppets going. Well dressed they are - they can well afford to be so, for they make a deal of money, and in many cases keep fine houses and servants and send their children to boarding-school. They dine well in the city, and bluster, and swagger, and swear, and wear diamonds on their unsullied hands, and chains of gold adorn their manly bosoms. As for any idea of moral responsibility as regards those whose young souls and bodies they grind to make their bread, they have no more than had Simon Legree on his Red River slave plantation. They are labouring under no delusion as to the quality of the stuff they circulate. In their own choice language, it is “rot,” “rubbish,” “hog-wash,” but “what odds so long as it sells?” They would laugh in your face were you so rash as to attempt to argue the matter with them. They would tell you that they “go in” for this kind of thing, not out of any respect or even liking they have for it, but simply because it is a good “dodge” for making money, and their only regret is that the law forbids them “spicing” their poison pages and serving them as hot and strong as they would like to. I speak from my own knowledge of these men, and am glad to make their real character known, in order to show how little injustice would be done if their nefarious trade were put a stop to with the utmost rigour of any law that might be brought to bear against them.

    Again, it may be asked, who are the “authors,” the talented gentlemen who find it a labour of love to discourse week after week to a juvenile audience of the doings of lewd women and “fast” men, and of the delights of debauchery, and the exercise of low cunning, and the victimising of the innocent and unsuspecting? Ay, who are they? Few things would afford me greater satisfaction than to gather together a hundred thousand or so of those who waste their time and money in the purchase and perusal of Penny Awfuls, and exhibit to them the sort of man it is to whose hands is entrusted the preparation of the precious hashes. Before such an exhibition could take place however, for decency’s sake, I should be compelled to induce him to wash his face and shave his neglected muzzle; likewise I should probably have to find him a coat to wear, and very possibly a pair of shoes. His master, the Penny Awful proprietor, does not treat him at all liberally. To be sure he is not worty of a great amount of consideration, being, as a rule, a dissipated, gin-soddened, poor wretch, who has been brought to his present degraded state by his own misdoings. As for talent, he has none at all; never had; nothing more than a mere accidental literary twist in his wrist - just as one frequently sees a dog that is nothing but a cur, except for some unaccountable gift it has for catching rats, or doing tricks of conjuring. He works to order, does this obliging writer. Either he has lodgings in some dirty court close at hand, or he is stowed away in a dim, upstairs back room of the Penny Awful office, and there the proprietor visits him, and they have a pot of ale and pipes together - the one in his splendid attire, and the other in his tattered old coat and dirty shirt - and talk over the “next” number of Selina the Seduced ; and very often there is heard violent language in that dim little den, the proprietor insisting on their being “more flavour” in the next batch of copy than the last, and the meek author beseeching a little respect for Lord Campbell and his Act. But the noble owner of Selina generally has his way. “Do as you like about it,” says he; “only bear this in mind. I know what goes down best with ‘em and what’s most relished, and if I don’t find that you warm up a bit in the next number, I’ll knock off half-a-crown, and make the tip for the week seventeen-and-six instead of a pound.”

    James Greenwood.

     

    URL

    http://john-adcock.blogspot.com/2009/03/penny-awfuls.html

     

    Referral
    https://www.deviantart.com/leothefox/journal/Penny-Awfuls-986255371

     

    MY THOUGHTS

     

    The first problem is Greenwood focuses on the Penny Dreadful works as the corruptors to an englightened path of reading but dysfunctionally, doesn't start with the fiscal capitalistic agents whose influence in the art world is the true source. The artists who create works is not the one who advertises who publishes who peddles. 

    Yes, the word noble means knowing. The ignoble, the peasant in the past did not know. In parallel, children by default yet to mature, as well as adults unguided , in modernity or to the future are the same. But Greenwood misses the point, the reason why the ignoble reach for the rare potentials of the criminal or illegal actor is because the ignoble also tend to be the fiscal poor. And the fiscal poor from the time before the first ruler of the Nile in the far past to the empire of Mars one day know that the system designed by the fiscal rich doesn't offer a positive probability to succeed outside criminality or illegality.  Greenwood's argument is one that has been reformatted whether known or not many times in modernity. I phrase it in one language: "Why they committing those crimes for?"
    Most crimes or illegalities in humanity were, are, and will be to make money. Sequentially, what is more appealing to the majority who were and are the fiscal poor that a criminal or illegal getting away with it.  Greenwood's true enemy first seemed to be fiscal capitalist, but now it is fiscal capitalism.

    As a writer I always try to explain to nonartists or artists that two assessments exist to all art. The creative side the financial. The creative is disconnected to the financial. All artists reach this reality eventually. There is work I have created for myself.  There is work I have created to be sold or advertised. The difference is real.  And in any artistic industry: fashion/music/writing/sculpture over time the craftspeople get better at it, teach others from their experience. Greenwood now is complaining that artists in a field improve and seek out new ways to express. 

    He then uses to support his position , his interpretation of a supposed account of a criminal youth. It reeks of something contrived between a mental manipulator in a prison using getting out as a carrot and an audience filled with people like greenwood to give approval.

    It's funny, the british empire was made by any means necessary wherever british ships saied and yet, greenwood chagrins individuals absent an army or a government and only trying to improve themselves for having an any means mentality. And he even used Simon LEgre the symbol of the Statian Empire to correctly say the financiers to the media he detest care not how they make money.

    In Conclusion, his enemy is not the writers of penny dreadful's or the readers whom he attacks first. His enemy isn't even the producers , the fiscal capitalist he unstraightly pardons.as men of money in a huamnity based on money. His enemy is fiscal capitalism which by its nature looks to find markets, places to sell. And each market as it gets older becomes cruder or simpler , reduced to a simple financial structure which exists as long as it can. Greenwood's problem is his arguments lead to a question he can not accept or emit. Fiscal Capitlaism generates activity to make profit that is unconcerned to any other factor /heritage/culture. Which he knows, we all know. But, how can you expect the masses not to love seeing fiscal capitalism at its purest, the financiers not to operate  in its definition, anycommunity that accepts fiscal capitalism to place secondarily everything else that is not making money?

     

    IN AMENDMENT

     

     People like Greenwood never seem willing to admit their problem. They want the community they live in to be based on some conduct code ,but are unwilling to call for it. While they know they live in a fiscal capitalistic community which by default breeds a primary profiteering culture.

    Greenwood wants no criminal or illegal activity plus the dismissal of penny dreadfuls by individuals. That is what his words suggest. The only way that can happen in the fiscal capitalistic england of his time is for fiscally poor people to embrace their poverty with a smile and become devout to the rules set by various christian denominations.


  19. Jazz and Classical Met in the 1940s, and We’re Still Catching Up
    A pair of new recordings bring holy grail artifacts by the composer-pianists James P. Johnson and Mary Lou Williams into the light.

    By Seth Colter Walls
    Sept. 8, 2023
    This September, audiences will at last possess a more dynamic, more elegant — and just plain improved — sense of how New York City’s jazz and classical scenes converged in the 1940s.

    Was eight decades a galling length of time to have waited? Naturally. But better late than never.

    The belated occasion is because of a pair of new recordings. Each one has located and dusted off a holy grail artifact, dating from an era when Black composers with sway in jazz circles dared to pursue hybrid musical styles, all while meeting various forms of resistance or disrespect. Their classical works were discussed as they premiered, yet were rarely programmed twice. Nor were they properly documented on recordings.

    That last bit of the story is what’s changing, starting this week. One CD, out Friday from the Naxos label, brings the world premiere recording of “De Organizer”: a one-act opera on labor politics jointly conceived by the composer-pianist James P. Johnson and the Harlem Renaissance poet Langston Hughes.

    now06.png
    James P. Johnson jointly conceived the one-act opera “De Organizer” with Langston Hughes 

    now07.jpg
    Mary Lou Williams’s “Zodiac Suite” has long been popular in its jazz-trio form, but its chamber orchestra version had never been properly documented on a studio recording.

    One week after that, the chamber orchestra version of Mary Lou Williams’s “Zodiac Suite” will enjoy its first-ever studio recording on the Mack Avenue label.

    When news releases for both albums hit my inbox nearly simultaneously, toward the end of the summer, my mouth hung open. Both Johnson and Williams were era-defining composers and improvising pianists: Johnson was an exemplar of Harlem stride and the author of the “Charleston”; Williams matured as a composer and player in the crucible of Kansas City’s boogie-woogie style, before arranging for Ellington and tutoring lions of bebop in New York. Why shouldn’t we have access to their ambitious classical works?

    Johnson and Hughes’s “De Organizer” had its lone stretch onstage in 1940, at a convention hosted by the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union. And then Johnson’s score promptly disappeared from public view until it was (mostly) recovered, and a restoration by the scholar-pianist James Dapogny premiered in 2002.

    After discovering a copy of every sung note in the opera, Dapogny was also given details on the original orchestration by Johnson’s foundation. The new Naxos CD documents the scholar’s edition, recorded by the conductor Kenneth Kiesler and the University of Michigan Opera Theater and Symphony Orchestra in a 2006 performance. (It also offers excerpts from another Johnson opera, “The Dreamy Kid,” based on the Eugene O’Neill play.)

    In “Organizer,” the result is a chameleonic work that melds the vibrato of operatic singing with select stylistic attributes of Black spirituals and the blues; its orchestral heft also has a place for touches of the Harlem stride style that Johnson pioneered. (Dapogny is the pianist in this performance.)

    The libretto — previously published in Susan Duffy’s book “The Political Plays of Langston Hughes” — can seem sleek to a point of slightness, on the page. But Hughes’s narrative and rhetorical designs hit in a new way when heard in tandem with Johnson’s ebullient, inventive music; his plot feeds Johnson’s capaciousness as a composer, making space for choral meditations and grand solo entrances, even as it presses forward with clear narrative drive and a sense of high spirits.

    When a local overseer crashes a meeting of Black sharecroppers to discourage their unionizing, Hughes’s text indicates that the rhythm involved should evoke the song “Mamma Don’t ’Low No Piano Playin’ Here” (a folk tune that has enjoyed a great number of variations over the decades) — signaling that one authority’s wishes will not present a major obstacle for the community that can sing out together.

    With an all-Black creative team pushing for a progressive vision of labor solidarity, perhaps it’s no great mystery as to why the classical industry of the time did not promote the opera (or invest in its preservation). However the erasure of “Organizer” came about, Dapogny’s devotion to his restoration of the score, right up until his death in 2019, amounts to its own kind of artistic activism.

    A similar interventionist spirit was required when producing a new take of Williams’s “Zodiac Suite.” With its 12 movements — one for each astrological sign — the composer created affectionate portraits of admired artists and friends. While that composition has long been popular in its jazz-trio form, Williams was eager to adapt it for both chamber orchestra and a full orchestra. A document exists of the chamber version, capturing a live 1945 performance at Town Hall in New York, though that take’s lack of proper rehearsal time is audible in the final, muddled result.

    So her chamber version was also in need of a contemporary champion. It has found one in Aaron Diehl — a pianist widely admired in both jazz and classical circles.

    During the lockdown portion of the pandemic, he was joined by the New York Philharmonic as he played excerpts from the chamber “Zodiac” for the orchestra’s streaming channel. Yet on the new Mack Avenue recording, he’s joined not by the Philharmonic, but by the adventurous chamber orchestra the Knights, which is staffed by some of the brightest younger players on the classical scene. And they’ve clearly invested time in all 12 parts of Williams’s suite.


    The Knights as a whole balance lightness of touch with a forward sense of swing in the opening “Aries,” and in the regal flourishes that Williams deployed in movements like “Taurus” and “Leo.” Strings in particular seem to revel in the bluesy sliding tones of “Cancer,” which also includes the guest tenor saxophonist Nicole Glover’s elegant soloing (in a spot originally conceived by Williams for Ben Webster).

    The Knights flutist Alex Sopp emerges as a key figure as the suite progresses — including when she soars dreamily atop the rhythmic patterns of “Scorpio” for significant, exposed stretches. Diehl, the bassist David Wong and the drummer Aaron Kimmel are a consistent delight — as when providing authoritative piano-trio swing during “Virgo.”

    In an interview, Diehl lavished praise on the chamber orchestra. “It’s hard enough — even in a small jazz ensemble, five or six people — to agree on the eighth-note triplet,” he said. “When you have multiples of that — 25 or 30 people — that always makes it more difficult. It’s always about negotiating how you’re going to play, how you’re going to phrase.”

    Diehl credited the Knights’ artistic director and conductor, Eric Jacobsen, for his ability to “translate” the jazz-ensemble aspects of the “Zodiac Suite” to his full chamber orchestra.

    In a separate interview, Kiesler, the conductor of “De Organizer,” described how the Michigan performance of Johnson’s operatic music required a similar sense of open investigation regarding orchestral swing. He said he learned from Dapogny that, when it comes to swing, “the style is not always about the rhythm, but the weight — it’s about emphasis in places that we might not have it in so-called ‘classical’ music.”

    The interpretive insights on both new recordings are so strong, they stand alongside other recent triumphs in the American repertoire. The just-right balance of orchestral weight and lithe swing is also in evidence in a recent recording of Wynton Marsalis’s Symphony No. 4. And the engaged political elements of Johnson and Hughes’s one-act opera have a connection with the contemporary operas of the saxophonist and composer Anthony Braxton, whose “Trillium X” premiered in Prague this summer.

    So: More evidence of the true breadth and nature of the American repertoire is steadily coming into view. What major orchestras and opera companies do with that information may be up to their donor bases. But in the meantime, both of these new recordings are capable of dishing out American art music ambrosia — and to a broad community of listeners.

    URL
    https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/08/arts/music/james-p-johnson-mary-lou-williams.html
     

    MY THOUGHTS

    I saved and shared  Mary Lou Williams Zodiac suite before, i am glad it is getting more praise. . The following is a youtube upload with time index in text. But I do find it odd how black musicians who have made millions never think to bring into the light of their fanbases old black music. It can be done, in one way or another. 

     

     

    TIME INDEX

    1. Aries 0:00
    2. Taurus 1:52
    3. Gemini 4:29
    4. Cancer 6:44
    5. Leo 9:21
    6. Virgo 11:08
    7. Libra 13:40
    8. Scorpio 15:53
    9. Sagittarius  18:59
    10. Capricorn 20:54
    11. Aquarius 23:37
    12. Pisces 27:20
    13. Aries  29:57
    14. Cancer 32:28
    15. Virgo 34:59
    16. Scorpio 37:48
    17. Aquarius 41:02

  20.  

    INFORMATION

    Audio Play - Aliens In The Mind - Peter Cushing - Vincent Price - William Eadle - James Thomason Island Genesis Robert Holmes -

    Aliens in the Mind Episode 1 of 6

    The curiosity of the inhabitants of the remote Scottish island of Luig is aroused when two strangers arrive for the funeral of the local doctor. The two men are no strangers to each other, nor were they to the late Dr Hugh Dexter. One is Professor Curtis Lark - a flamboyant American explorer, scientist and Nobel Prize winner whose research has been in the field of telepathy and telekinesis; the other is John Cornelius - the eminent British brain surgeon. What starts as a brief visit by two colleagues to honour an old friend quickly develops into a series of bizarre and frightening events uncovering the presence of forces unknown bent on world domination...

     

    Starring Peter Cushing and Vincent Price.

    John Cornelius ..... Peter Cushing

    Professor Curtis Lark ..... Vincent Price

    Minister Donald Schooler ..... Henry Stamper

    Mrs Kyle ..... Shirley Dixon

    Flora Kiery ..... Sandra Clarke

    Mary ..... Irene Sutcliffe

    Dr Hugh Dexter ..... Frazer Carr

    Written by Rene Basilico from an idea by Robert Holmes.

    Producer: John Dyas First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 1977.

     

    Hurried Exodus Robert Holmes -

    Aliens in the Mind Episode 2 of 6

    On the Isle of Luig, Lark and Cornelius are certain the death of Dr Hugh Dexter was no accident. From his research notes, they diagnose a mysterious island sickness. The key to the mystery seems to be an apparently simple-minded 18-year-old, Flora Kiery...

     

    Starring Peter Cushing and Vincent Price.

    John Cornelius ..... Peter Cushing

    Professor Curtis Lark ..... Vincent Price

    Minister Donald Schooler ..... Henry Stamper

    Mrs Kyle ..... Shirley Dixon

    Flora Kiery ..... Sandra Clarke

    Mary ..... Irene Sutcliffe

    Dr Hugh Dexter ..... Frazer Carr

    Police Sergeant ..... Frazer Carr

    Purser ..... Andrew Sear

    Written by Rene Basilico from an idea by Robert Holmes.

    Producer: John Dyas First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 1977.

     

     

    Unexpected Visitations

    Robert Holmes - Aliens in the Mind Episode 3 of 6 Believing the apparently simple-minded Flora Kiery may be the key to the strange genetic mutation they've discovered on the Isle of Luig, Professor Curtis Lark and John Cornelius persuade her to leave the island and come with them to London. They believe that only by exhaustive laboratory tests can they ever hope to solve the mystery of her extraordinary telepathic powers...

     

    Starring Peter Cushing and Vincent Price.

    John Cornelius ..... Peter Cushing

    Curtis Lark ..... Vincent Price

    Flora Kiery ..... Sandra Clarke

    Kalman Baromek ..... Steve Playtus

    Joan ..... Joan Mathieson

    Purser ..... Andrew Sear

    Written by Rene Basilico from an idea by Robert Holmes.

    Producer: John Dyas First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 1977.

     

     

    Official Intercessions

    Robert Holmes - Aliens in the Mind Episode 4 of 6 Having brought the apparently simple-minded Flora Keiry to London, Professor Lark and John Cornelius uncover the sinister nature of her true identity and realise the authorities must be alerted...

     

    Starring Peter Cushing and Vincent Price.

    John Cornelius ..... Peter Cushing

    Curtis Lark ..... Vincent Price

    Flora Kiery ..... Sandra Clarke

    Kalman Baromek ..... Steve Playtus

    Ian Sanderson ..... Frazer Carr

    Gulliver ..... William Eadle

    Brigadier Sherman ..... Clifford Norgates

    Gwynt ..... Michael Harbour

    Written by Rene Basilico from an idea by Robert Holmes.

    Producer: John Dyas First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 1977.

     

    Genetic Revelation

    Robert Holmes - Aliens in the Mind Episode 5 of 6 Professor Curtis Lark and John Cornelius have established the existence of another colony of mutants in the heart of London, but the only person who could fight them is dead...

     

    Starring Peter Cushing and Vincent Price.

     

    John Cornelius ..... Peter Cushing

    Curtis Lark ..... Vincent Price

    Flora Kiery ..... Sandra Clarke

    Ian Sanderson ..... Frazer Carr

    Gulliver ..... William Eadle

    Brigadier Sherman ..... Clifford Norgates

    Gwynt ..... Michael Harbour

    Manson ..... Andrew Sear

    Home Office Official ..... James Thomason

    Written by Rene Basilico from an idea by Robert Holmes.

    Producer: John Dyas First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 1977.

     

     

    Final Tribulations

    Robert Holmes - Aliens in the Mind Episode 6 of 6 Professor Lark and John Cornelius reveal to Flora's MP father, Ian Sanderson, that he himself is a mutant being - manipulated by some unidentified Controller. Shocked and horrified, Sanderson helps them trace the organisation...

     

    Starring Peter Cushing and Vincent Price.

    John Cornelius ..... Peter Cushing

    Curtis Lark ..... Vincent Price

    Sir Gordon MacLeodan ..... Richard Hurndall

    Lady MacLeodan ..... Joan Benham

    Ian Sanderson ..... Frazer Kerr

    Donald Scholar ..... Henry Stamper

    Manson ..... Andrew Sear

    Written by Rene Basilico from an idea by Robert Holmes.

    Producer: John Dyas First broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in 1977.

  21. @Pioneer1 First, Cynique's assertion is false as you never know until the critical moment. I can look back on history and tell you what white people have done, but assuming if the phenotypes are reversed will lead to a mirror history is just that, assumption and unwarranted. I concur that various groups in various races are different. Women are not men in the gender race. Blacks are not whites in the phenotypical race. Asians are not Europeans in the geographic race. But I don't say this based on genetics. I say this based on heritage, an underrated word or concept. People love to talk of culture, what is grown from today. The unknown of the future allows people to be positive. But people don't like to speak of the complexities, the communal complexities of heritage, what we carry from yesterday. Especially as in modern humanity, most yesterdays are near complete to negativity for most. In my view, the variance between whites or blacks in the usa, notice my geographic focus, comes from the variant relationships to the place. Why are white people in the usa? They are here for their betterment regardless of others. The white people of europe that freely came on those boats to the native american lands were not thinking of multiculturalism or multiracial or peace on earth or rule of the people or rule of the king, they were thinking, how can I make life better for me , no matter what I have to do. Why are black people in the usa? They haven't figured out how to leave. The Black people of africa that was forced to come in those boats to the native american lands were no thinking of multiulturalism or multiracial or peace on earth or rule of the people or rule of the obas, they were thinking, how can I go home, no matter what I have to do. These two heritages in my eyes is the true source of the variance between blacks side whites in their relationship to the usa. HEritage isn't weak, it isn't as solid as a genetic sequence but I argue heritage can survive for a long time. Because heritage at its core is related from parent to child. So, in my view, I don't think you or Cynique or correct, cause either of you assuming is just that, an assumption. You don't know and while assuming about an individual is at least challenging at most impossible, assuming about a community, a collection of human beings, is at least impossible, at most folly. I use James Baldwin for my point. He said his father hated whites, and yet, his father never attacked whites. His father prayed in church for white people's damnation in a heaven where only black people exist. DO you see? James Baldwin's father like most black people in the british colonies or the usa from it want one thing, to leave. Death is a form of leaving .White people's heritage is to thrive in the usa regardless of how. Black DOSers heritage is to desire to leave the usa, even if we can't. But, with modern immigration the usa has added many others who have muddled the racial situation even more. And that is why I asked, The point is to admit what you want, whatever it is. The problem is less about who will do what in power in the usa, but the damage so many of the powerless in lying about what they desire if in power, no matter what it is. This goes back to Frederick Douglass. He publicly said he opposed leaving the usa, having black states in the union, warring with whites. Frederick douglass at least publicly stated what he wanted. That is why the black masses booed his speech as most black people didn't want what he wanted. But, Black people today in the usa, tend to curl around what they want, whatever it is, and emit lies. @ProfD I don't know what black people in the usa will do if in power. I don't like to assume that. No one knows. I think the black populace in the usa today in itself has many various desires on how to relate to the usa and tend to undercut each other cause many of these paths don't mix. Most black people in the usa want betterment for black people, but most black people in the usa seem unable to handle how to be a community of people going different paths. Most Black individuals in the usa can accept the entire village doing what said person thinks the whole village should do or individualism en mass. But Few Black individuals in the usa can accept the truth, we are a community of tribes who want various things. Is it fair? no. Is it lucky? no. But it is the truth. And the heritage of christian preaching has made it difficult for many black people to accept that truth. @Troy good one, yes, historically, not currently:) Yes, the CBCU's need to be repurposed. I concur. I think the black community en masse has become disconnected to them for them to be considered so vital to the black community en masse. But of course, the problem is the black one percent who use the CBCU's for their communal efforts. Like black churches, the CBCU's in modernity are about a specific tribe in the village, not the whole village. I oppose one thing you say. That is a lie troy, what you call racism is bias, not racism. Racism at its heart has no bias. Comprehend, the use of genus/species is a form of racism. You really have to learn, and I am not preaching but I do think people in general need to learn to the use word bias properly. Racism is not bias. LAst names, family names, is racist. The whole point of clan names is to have a symbol of orientation to a group. it is meant to classify, to rank, to make one of a race. It isn't bias though. I am black/male/hetero/anglo/descended of enslaved/human... these terms have no bias. I am black based on my appearance. male based on being born with a penus hetero based on the desire to fornicate side the female gender. anglo based on the language i communicate in most descended of enslaved based on my ancestors condition in the american continent at a time. Human based on my genetic sequence. None of this is bias. No generalization exist in any of these definitions. These are simple facts, but not limiters. Just because I am black doesn't mean someone can't call me mulatto. Just because I am male doesn't mean I can't neuter myself to delete the ability to use my penis to its fullest. Just because I am hetero doesn't mean I can't be raped by a man Just because I am anglo doesn't mean I can't learn mandarin Just because I am descended of enslaved doesn't mean I can't associate to the land my forebears were enslaved to. Just because I am human doesn't mean I can't want to marry a tree. I am preaching sadfully, but the word is bias not racism. I really hope more people in humanity stop using the word race inappropriately. @Delano A black asian of indian descent who was in the courtroom when mandela was imprisoned said it best. He came in a warrior in traditional garb and left prison in a european suit. Mandela left prison peaceful, but he was also broken. The man he was before prison, like many who have been in prison, was broken into something else. Now that something else was satisfactory to whites in power, satisfactory to black leaders who preached nonviolence in south africa or usa, but that something else was unsatisfactory to the majority of black people in south africa, who represent most of the populous. Winnie Mandela was excommunicado from the leadership. It is that simple. Mandela/Tutu/Declerk/ the white + black one percents in south africa were united. They each had an element that when put together made a key point in south african history. The truth is, like in all countries ala the usa at the end of the war between the states, it will take time for south africa's truth to mold the choices made at the crucual moment into the future. Your wrong, no people's really die. Jews always lived in Germany even through all the nazi's killing. The druids , native people of what is called england, didn't die off even though the history books keep saying they did. The Black populace in the usa will always exist. Maybe one day a large exodus out the usa happens, that would actually be historical balance. Maybe one day a war happens involving the usa and black folk are on the losing side again. That happened in the past multiple times concerning the usa. But the black populace in the usa will survive in some numbers. Hell, the native american wasn't completely annihilated and white people of europe tried their best so... no people's die. Get small, perhaps. Get large, perhaps too. But never die out.
  22. now05.png

    In 1731, Benjamin Franklin won the contract to print £40,000 for the colony of Pennsylvania, producing a stream of baroque, often beautiful money.Credit...Department of Special Collections, Hesburgh Libraries of Notre Dame

     

    What Benjamin Franklin Learned While Fighting Counterfeiters

    Long before there were Benjamins in circulation, the founding father was all about experimenting with printing techniques as he worked on securing colonial printed currency.

     

    By Veronique Greenwood

    July 17, 2023

    When Benjamin Franklin moved to Philadelphia in 1723, he got to witness the beginning of a risky new experiment: Pennsylvania had just begun printing words on paper and calling it money.

    The first American paper money had hit the market in 1690. Metal coins never stayed in the 13 colonies long, flowing in a ceaseless stream to England and elsewhere, as payment for imported goods. Several colonies began printing bits of paper to stand in for coins, stating that within a certain time period, they could be used locally as currency. The system worked, but haltingly, the colonies soon discovered. Print too many bills, and the money became worthless. And counterfeiters often found the bills easy to copy, devaluing the real stuff with a flood of fakes.

    Franklin, who started his career as a printer, was an inveterate inventor who would also create the lightning rod and bifocals, found paper money fascinating. In 1731, he won the contract to print £40,000 for the colony of Pennsylvania, and he applied his penchant for innovation to currency.

    During his printing career, Franklin produced a stream of baroque, often beautiful money. He created a copper plate of a sage leaf to print on money to foil counterfeiters: The intricate pattern of veins could not easily be imitated. He influenced a number of other printers and experimented with producing new paper and concocting inks.

    Now, in a study published Monday in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, a team of physicists has revealed new details about the composition of the ink and paper that Franklin used, raising questions about which of his innovations were intended as defenses against counterfeiting and which were simply experiments with new printing techniques.

    The study draws on more than 600 artifacts held by the University of Notre Dame, said Khachatur Manukyan, a physicist at that institution and an author of the new paper. He and his colleagues looked at 18th-century American currency using Raman spectroscopy, which uses a laser beam to identify specific substances like silicon or lead based on their vibration. They also used a variety of microscopy techniques to examine the paper on which the money was printed.

    now06.png

    Franklin influenced a number of other printers and experimented with producing new paper and concocting inks.Credit...Department of Special Collections, Hesburgh Libraries of Notre Dame

     

    Some of what they observed confirms what historians have long known: Franklin’s paper money contains flecks of mica, also known as muscovite or isinglass. These shiny patches were most likely an attempt to combat counterfeiters, who would not have had access to this special paper, said Jessica Linker, a professor of American history at Northeastern University who studies paper money of this era and was not involved in the study. Of course, that didn’t stop them from trying.

    “They come up with very good counterfeits, with mica pasted to the surface,” Dr. Linker said.

    In the new study, the researchers found that the mica in bills for different colonies seems to have come from the same geological source, suggesting that a single mill produced the paper. The Philadelphia area is notable for its schist, a flaky mineral that contains mica; it’s possible that Franklin or printers and papermakers associated with him collected the substance used in their paper locally, Dr. Manukyan said.

     

    When they examined the black ink on some of the bills, however, the scientists were surprised to find that it appeared to contain graphite. For most printing jobs, Franklin tended to use black ink made from burned vegetable oils, known as lampblack, said James Green, librarian emeritus of the Library Company of Philadelphia. Graphite would have been hard to find, he suspects.

    “So Franklin’s use of graphite in money printing is very surprising, and his use on bills printed as early as 1734 is even more surprising,” Mr. Green said in an email.

    Could using graphite ink have been a way to differentiate real money from fakes? Differences in color between graphite and lampblack are likely to have been subtle enough to make that a difficult task, Mr. Green said. Instead, we may be looking at another example of Franklin’s creativity.

    “It suggests to me that almost from the start he was using his money printing contracts as an opportunity to experiment with an array of new printing techniques,” he said.

    To understand more clearly Franklin’s intent, more analyses of printed documents from the era would be helpful, said Joseph Adelman, a professor of history at Framingham State University in Massachusetts.

    “The comparison I would most like to see would be Franklin’s other publications,” Dr. Adelman said. “To really test this theory — does Franklin have this separate store of ink?”

    In future research, Dr. Manukyan hopes to collaborate with scholars who have access to larger collections of early American paper money. These techniques can be quite valuable in the study of history, Dr. Linker said, if scientists and historians can work together to identify the best questions to answer.

    “I have questions about a whole bunch of inks. There’s a really weird green on some of the New Jersey bills,” she said, referring to money printed by a Franklin contemporary. “I would love to know what that green ink was made of.”

     

    URL

    https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/17/science/benjamin-franklin-counterfeit-currency.html

     

    now07.png

    A prehistoric model at the Crystal Palace Park in London gets a sprucing up in 1930. Credit...Fox Photos/Getty Images

     

    A Victorian Dinosaur Park Finds Its Way in the 21st Century

    Statues of extinct animals peek out from the trees, delighting onlookers in this London park. But don’t expect them to be scientifically accurate.

     

    By Claire Moses

    Reporting among the dinosaurs in Crystal Palace Park in London

    July 14, 2023

    Imagine: It’s 1854. The concept of evolution won’t be introduced for another five years or so. The word dinosaur is only about a decade old. There are no David Attenborough documentaries teaching you about extinct animals.

    Now imagine yourself as a resident of Victorian London, walking into Crystal Palace Park in the southeastern part of the city. There you encounter dozens of three-dimensional dinosaurs and ancient mammals you could have never imagined, made of clay, brick and other available building materials. They are arranged in small groups, poking out from behind trees and bushes, some of them towering over their human visitors out for an afternoon stroll.

    Except you don’t have to imagine too hard, because those statues are still there, some 170 years later. They’re a little worse for wear and are no longer considered scientifically accurate. But they delight visitors all the same. And this month, thanks to conservators, scientists and a group called the Friends of Crystal Palace Dinosaurs, their Paleolithic picnic party grew a little, with the addition of a new statue — well, a recreation of an old statue — to replace one that disappeared in the 1960s.

    now08.png

    The park in 1911.Credit...Getty Images

    The statues, built by the 19th century artist Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins, are part of a reconstructed geological walk through time, starting 260 million years ago. They were the first of their kind, much to the admiration of the public at the time.

     

    “It was educational for the Victorians,” said Adrian Lister, a paleobiologist at the Natural History Museum in London. “It was revolutionary.”

    The sculptures by Mr. Hawkins, who was one of the best-known natural history sculptors at the time, were supposed to educate and entertain visitors near the Crystal Palace, an exhibition space that had been built for London’s Great Exhibition of 1851. After the exhibition, that palace moved to the area to which it gives its name today. (The statues have outlived the actual palace, which burned down in 1936.)

    now09.png

    An illustration of the “Extinct Animals” model room at Crystal Palace in 1853. It shows models of dinosaurs being prepared for a display organized by Benjamin Waterhouse Hawkins.Credit...Ann Ronan Pictures/Print Collector/Getty Images

     

    The statues popularized science, bringing the idea of extinction and changing environments to regular people, not just the upper classes, said Ellinor Michel, an evolutionary biologist and the chair of Friends of Crystal Palace Dinosaurs. “This was the birthplace of large-scale ‘edu-tainment,’” said Ms. Michel, who also lives nearby.

     

    The statues do not reflect the extinct animals based on what we know today. Within decades of their construction they were out of date, Ms. Michel said, because of new scientific discoveries.

     

    But accuracy isn’t the point, Ms. Michel said. “Science moves and science self improves,” she said.

    Of the 38 original statues, 30 remain, and they show every bit of their almost 170 years.

    The statues are made from whatever materials were available at the time, and as a result, are plagued by issues like rusting iron. While they’ve been maintained over the years, some look weathered, and at least one of them is missing a head.

    “They weren’t built to last that long,” said Simon Buteux of Historic England, an organization that advises the government on England’s heritage. “We’ve got a huge problem of conserving them.”

    What’s important to maintain, Mr. Buteux said, is the original feeling of how revolutionary these statues were in the 19th century.

     

    “It was fresh, it was new, it was cutting edge,” he added. “That’s what we want to capture.”

    now10.png

    One of the few known images of Palaeotherium magnum, from 1958.Credit...Crystal Palace Foundation

     

    No one knows quite what happened to the original Palaeotherium magnum, which disappeared from the park in the 1960s. An herbivore that was loosely related to horses, the statue looked something like a horse with stumpy snout.

    Seven other statues are also missing. The circumstances surrounding most of the disappearances are “giant mysteries,” Ms. Michel said.

    Bob Nicholls, an artist who focuses on prehistoric animals, proposed bringing back the Palaeotherium magnum to the park. The Friends of Crystal Palace Park Dinosaurs then secured funding that helped make his recreated Palaeotherium magnum a reality. The new statue was installed in the park in early July.

    To recreate what Mr. Hawkins imagined the herbivore might have looked like, Mr. Nicholls turned to the few available photographs of it from the 1950s and ’60s.

     

    It took him about six weeks to build the new statue, which is hollow inside and made of fiberglass, a durable material. He’s happy with how it turned out, he said: “It’s got a silly face.”

    “The new sculpture draws attention to the importance of the site in the history of science,” Mr. Lister, the paleobiologist, said.

     

    About half a million people visit the statues annually, according to the Friends of Crystal Palace Dinosaurs. And they continue to inspire awe, with parents taking pictures of their children in front of them and lingering by the large statues.

    On a recent sunny afternoon, Jenny Steel, a local resident who walks through the park multiple times a week, was on her way to admire the newest addition. “They are quite larger than life,” she said.

     

    Just a bit further along the walk, Ian Baxter, who has lived in the area for 50 years, was sitting on a rock near the statues with his poodle, Rory. Back when he was a teenager, he said, he used to climb into the hollow structures. Today, he looks at them from the other side. “I like the dinosaurs,” he said. “Of course I do.”

    Another local resident, Gabriel Birch, said he visits the park at least once a month.

    “We come here for the dinosaurs,” he said. “My three-year-old thinks they’re real.”

     

    Claire Moses is a reporter for the Express desk in London. 

     

    URL

    https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/14/world/europe/crystal-palace-dinosaurs-london.html

     

  23. Sammy Davis Interview

     

     

    TRANSCRIPT

    0:00
    4 scene 22 take 33 psalm 22.
    0:13
    damn
    0:16
    [Music]
    0:28
    went into the army
    0:31
    you know that that horrible
    0:34
    that was my first taste really of racism
    0:37
    you know ever because I never been
    0:40
    exposed to it being in Show Business you
    0:41
    know
    0:42
    you know you'd run into the average bit
    0:44
    of it but not them not enough to to
    0:45
    upset you or anything you know or not
    0:48
    even to be aware because I'm in show
    0:49
    business so I wasn't aware of it and as
    0:51
    a kid being in Show Business you I
    0:53
    didn't learn until later the about why
    0:55
    we slept in bus stations and why we had
    0:57
    to go to the police and say where's
    0:58
    there
    0:59
    a colored family that you can stay with
    1:01
    because you couldn't get in the hotels
    1:02
    and things like that you couldn't eat in
    1:04
    this restaurant
    1:05
    but there was a very close fraternity
    1:08
    between most of the black and white
    1:11
    performers at that time
    1:13
    uh that doesn't exist today what were
    1:17
    some specific examples when you started
    1:20
    first getting the message
    1:21
    well I think the the first real thing
    1:23
    that I got was in the Army when I you
    1:25
    know and I was in basic training and I
    1:28
    hadn't even gone to basic training I
    1:29
    went in San Francisco we went to the
    1:31
    Presidio Monterey and the third day I
    1:33
    was standing in line and this is before
    1:36
    um desegregation came in the Army you
    1:38
    know uh and I'm standing in line and at
    1:42
    the at this place where there was black
    1:43
    and white soldiers and the cat said you
    1:46
    know
    1:47
    where I come from [ __ ] you know
    1:48
    staring in the back or they they ain't
    1:50
    here I forget the exact line now and I
    1:53
    had my my duffel bag and I'm a duffel
    1:56
    bag but you know the thing like use the
    1:57
    carry of Shaving equipment in and I just
    1:59
    sundied him you know
    2:01
    and knocked him down and had cut his lip
    2:04
    and he's bleeding from the lid and he
    2:06
    said
    2:08
    okay you knock me down but you still a
    2:09
    [ __ ]
    2:12
    and that laid with me you know because
    2:14
    that that's that's so
    2:17
    so venomous it really is you know that
    2:20
    that's the kind of cat that you ain't
    2:22
    gonna never reach
    2:23
    were there some points at which you
    2:26
    during that time when you had a lot of
    2:29
    pressures on you almost lost confidence
    2:31
    in yourself
    2:33
    oh well I that happened to me but not
    2:35
    until I made it really because you know
    2:37
    when you when you're hungry and you're
    2:39
    trying to get there that's one thing
    2:41
    because you've got that ambition that
    2:43
    feeds on and you keep crawling on your
    2:46
    ambition to get there I got there until
    2:48
    I lost control of everything
    2:51
    sense of values uh
    2:53
    now I've got the doll so wound up
    2:56
    there was no relaxing there was there
    2:58
    was no being aware of anything first of
    3:00
    all there was not much to be aware of
    3:01
    anyway in those days
    3:04
    but I mean the nominal awareness that
    3:06
    wasn't there I was just wrapped up in me
    3:09
    then then I got scared because I started
    3:12
    to lose what I thought was the basic
    3:14
    human instinct that I had had
    3:17
    and I got too phony I did oh I did it
    3:19
    all man I invented some
    3:21
    the ones that in the book I invented
    3:23
    some other problems you know but
    3:26
    I you know again to relate to what you
    3:29
    are I said today and I look back 25
    3:32
    years ago and I say wow I don't think I
    3:35
    my head would be where it is now if I
    3:38
    had not gone through that
    3:40
    25 years ago all the mistakes being on
    3:43
    all the time
    3:45
    emulating in truth emulating the white
    3:48
    stars not trying to get my own identity
    3:52
    but because that that was the kick then
    3:54
    you know that's what you had to do so I
    3:58
    decided if you got to do it then I'd do
    3:59
    it better than anybody else had ever
    4:00
    done it
    4:01
    you know in other words when I started
    4:03
    to do Impressions and all of that kind
    4:04
    of stuff relating to a theatrical thing
    4:06
    being on Broadway and Mr Wonderful you
    4:09
    know I wanted to do all that because I
    4:11
    figured if Donald O'Connor can do it man
    4:13
    I'm gonna do it
    4:14
    so in other words I was becoming a black
    4:17
    Donald O'Connor a black Mickey Rooney
    4:19
    instead of becoming a black Sammy Davis
    4:21
    what about the Rat Pack era you and
    4:25
    Sinatra and let me light a cigarette and
    4:27
    I'll tell you okay
    4:32
    I keep thinking uh just a few days
    4:36
    [Music]
    4:38
    no longer will it be anything happening
    4:40
    like it should be the one traffic ticket
    4:42
    that's the first step to maybe in 20
    4:44
    years is not to legalize it right now
    4:46
    when they legalized marijuana
    4:50
    but I'm just comedically I'm thinking
    4:52
    when they legalize it they will be back
    4:55
    to commercials again
    4:59
    [Music]
    5:13
    [Music]
    5:18
    [Music]
    5:30
    and plus but the most important thing is
    5:32
    you'd never be able to run through the
    5:34
    forest
    5:41
    thank you
    5:43
    what about the Rat Pack era
    5:49
    was that a part of your mistakes
    5:51
    well let me tell you about let me tell
    5:53
    you about the Sinatra thing
    5:56
    uh
    5:57
    if it hadn't been for Frank Sinatra
    6:00
    I don't I would have never been in films
    6:02
    really
    6:03
    because he gave me uh
    6:07
    he gave me a an opportunity
    6:09
    in three pictures
    6:13
    based upon the fact that there was
    6:14
    nothing to do really except the fact
    6:16
    that it we got the job because we were
    6:17
    all friends and buddies and it was based
    6:19
    upon a camaraderie that we had as a
    6:22
    bunch of guys as performers that Frank
    6:24
    said why don't we do all do a picture
    6:26
    together
    6:27
    but he so he helped my career
    6:29
    tremendously again my own personal
    6:32
    involvement being such that I became so
    6:35
    involved with that lifestyle
    6:38
    that again I found myself submerging
    6:41
    into a lifestyle that I could not equate
    6:43
    with after you'd leave the party you
    6:45
    come home and you're going to
    6:47
    and you say wow man it sure was nice to
    6:49
    be in the company of all them big names
    6:50
    and the movie star
    6:52
    but there was no
    6:54
    on one hand I I loved being with my
    6:57
    friends
    6:58
    but it was submerging me as a human
    7:00
    being I think as I analyze it now
    7:03
    and there were Beautiful Moments during
    7:05
    that period of the 60s the early 60s and
    7:08
    there was some frightening moments I
    7:09
    remember walking on the stage at the
    7:11
    Democratic Convention and being booed by
    7:13
    the southern contingent you know
    7:16
    because they had no business the only
    7:17
    reason they booed me was because I was
    7:19
    married to a white woman you know to put
    7:21
    it right where it's at that's why they
    7:22
    boom boom hits how dare you be married
    7:25
    to a white woman you know
    7:27
    but it was
    7:28
    a part of conversation privately and
    7:31
    publicly is that uh you were married to
    7:33
    a white woman how do you feel about that
    7:36
    how would you advise a young black
    7:38
    person your son about marrying a white
    7:41
    woman
    7:42
    I think a person should marry who they
    7:43
    want to marry man
    7:45
    I think that you can be committed to
    7:47
    your people to the cause whatever you
    7:49
    whatever the terminology you want to use
    7:51
    doesn't matter matter who you're married
    7:53
    to if you fall in love you fall in love
    7:55
    if you're if you're getting I don't
    7:57
    think anyone gets married has children
    7:59
    and the rest
    8:00
    to do a three cheating job you know
    8:03
    and uh
    8:05
    to me
    8:07
    I feel no thing about it I really don't
    8:11
    I really don't feel anything about that
    8:13
    because I think that's so damn private
    8:16
    man
    8:16
    that has to do with what I want a cat to
    8:19
    do if it's a brother on the corner
    8:20
    whatever it is look at me and say what
    8:23
    did you do today to help
    8:24
    don't talk about my private life
    8:27
    that's mine that if you know if I want
    8:30
    to marry a dog that's my life
    8:33
    this is the point whatever I had I paid
    8:35
    my dues to get it
    8:38
    and I mean pay them
    8:40
    in every way you want to talk about but
    8:43
    what I'm but that's professionally
    8:45
    that's as a human being on a
    8:47
    professional level but as a human being
    8:48
    period I tell my kids Harry who you want
    8:52
    to marry
    8:53
    now I know this sure as I'm sitting on
    8:55
    this floor man whole bunch of brothers
    8:58
    and sisters don't like me there's a
    9:00
    whole bunch of white people that don't
    9:01
    like me why do you feel there's a group
    9:03
    of brothers and sisters who don't like
    9:05
    you because there was a whole bunch of
    9:07
    brothers and sisters that didn't like
    9:08
    Jesus Christ that's why
    9:11
    and ain't nobody ever been put on this
    9:12
    Earth that everybody liked
    9:14
    they don't kill Martin Luther King the
    9:16
    only thing he kept singing was we shall
    9:17
    overcome and love and peace killed him
    9:19
    wiped him out killed Malcolm
    9:23
    wiped out everybody man don't you
    9:25
    understand and some cat hired three
    9:29
    black cats to wipe out the man who was
    9:31
    the mother of our time and when they
    9:33
    killed him he had a half a church full
    9:35
    of people it wasn't like it was packed
    9:37
    and jammed because already he was losing
    9:42
    and he says it himself if you read his
    9:44
    works that there's a whole bunch of
    9:46
    [ __ ] that don't like me black folks
    9:48
    like me but not the [ __ ]
    9:51
    which is true and three black cat three
    9:55
    [ __ ] knocked him off
    9:57
    paid by white establishment that's my
    9:59
    feeling and I will feel this as long as
    10:01
    I live
    10:02
    and it was afterwards at the the
    10:04
    Resurgence of this man and suddenly we
    10:07
    became aware of all the things that he
    10:08
    was saying because as long as doesn't it
    10:12
    strike you funny that as long as
    10:16
    Malcolm was preaching separatism
    10:20
    as long as he was preaching such
    10:23
    vehemence he never got hurt at all it
    10:26
    was when he came back from Mecca and he
    10:28
    said we must all live together we must
    10:29
    we must ask black people do our thing
    10:31
    but we must all live on this Earth as
    10:34
    one blah blah that's when he started
    10:36
    getting his house bombed
    10:38
    he got wiped out months later
    10:40
    same thing with King as long as King was
    10:42
    hitting the March as they put him in
    10:44
    jail that was it as soon as he started
    10:45
    talking about Vietnam
    10:47
    and the workers and this that and the
    10:49
    other getting out of his field of
    10:52
    reference
    10:53
    really
    10:55
    heavy too heavy for somebody wipe him
    10:57
    out
    10:59
    you know and it's frightening to me so
    11:01
    that's why I say a lot of people will
    11:03
    not like any performer and you try to
    11:06
    relate
    11:07
    as far I'm not talking about relating in
    11:09
    terms of oh hi bra and do the Fist and
    11:12
    whatever it is and hey man right on I'm
    11:14
    not talking about the words I'm talking
    11:15
    about in your heart relating to what the
    11:17
    problems are
    11:18
    but the society in which we live in
    11:19
    today it has gotten to a point where you
    11:21
    cannot do that anymore based upon the
    11:24
    fact that I must do what I feel
    11:26
    if I feel that I I want to help in this
    11:29
    area I try to do it and I try to do it
    11:31
    Sans publicity not based upon the fear
    11:34
    that I have for my job
    11:36
    but I think that sometimes if I want to
    11:38
    help some brothers who are in trouble my
    11:40
    lending my name to it defeats the very
    11:44
    purpose that they're trying to achieve
    11:48
    but money is money
    11:50
    heart is heart you should lend your
    11:52
    heart and your money you ain't got the
    11:54
    money
    11:56
    then lend this lend your body man to it
    11:59
    you know but I'm talking about I think
    12:01
    that if the performer can be used
    12:05
    than he should be used
    12:08
    to put my obligation into black positive
    12:11
    things I'm not talking about National
    12:12
    organizations it can be something that's
    12:14
    happening on the corner a project that
    12:16
    because I found out and Walter Mason can
    12:19
    tell you we found out that you go into a
    12:22
    town
    12:23
    and sometimes it's as little as a
    12:25
    hundred dollars because you go to an
    12:28
    area where this where where some
    12:30
    projects are and they got a recreation
    12:31
    center ain't got no pool table ain't got
    12:33
    no records to play so the kids don't go
    12:35
    there they hang on the car right
    12:37
    Jesus you walk in and you look around
    12:40
    and you say hey well I know I get a pool
    12:42
    table and I know I can get the record
    12:44
    player and I'll get reprise at that time
    12:47
    or my own company to send records you're
    12:50
    in a privileged situation first of all
    12:52
    uh I can't help but make an analogy
    12:54
    between yourself and lean a horn
    12:55
    I mean the two of you are for lack of a
    12:58
    better phrase are superstars are using
    13:00
    to some extent your sense of commitment
    13:04
    you uh you're evolving a new sense of
    13:06
    self and most importantly like you're
    13:09
    going in front of the nation and you're
    13:11
    saying I'm Black and I'm Proud and I'm
    13:13
    relating to my people
    13:15
    I'm not going to use anybody's name but
    13:17
    I'm sure you won't but where are the
    13:19
    heads of a lot of the black Superstars
    13:21
    we don't see them like we see you in
    13:23
    Philadelphia with the street gangs we
    13:25
    don't see them saying what Lena said in
    13:28
    terms of what's happened to her well I I
    13:30
    think
    13:32
    I think the phonies
    13:34
    that's what I think and the bitter irony
    13:37
    of it all is
    13:39
    that
    13:40
    again I have to sit by man and watch
    13:44
    these people be lauded by our brothers
    13:46
    and sisters in the streets
    13:49
    and they and the brothers and sisters
    13:50
    must be aware
    13:52
    that they ain't doing nothing
    13:54
    but it took me a long time to get there
    13:55
    maybe they maybe my brother brothers and
    13:57
    sisters who are superstars need that
    13:58
    kind of time and there are many who say
    14:00
    I don't want to get involved in it
    14:02
    but I don't know how you cannot get
    14:04
    involved in it because they are first of
    14:06
    all black and they are committed
    14:08
    whether they want to be committed or not
    14:10
    the very nature of the skin commits you
    14:12
    I don't read a script that I don't weigh
    14:15
    and say I wonder what the brother and
    14:17
    the con is going to think about this
    14:20
    how can I change it if it's wrong
    14:23
    because the black performer again has
    14:25
    that obligation
    14:27
    that we are black performers
    14:30
    and so therefore I'm not talking about
    14:32
    you gonna come out every time man and do
    14:35
    a number because like on Laugh-In
    14:38
    you know I do jokes but somewhere along
    14:41
    the line I've got to relate to what's
    14:43
    really happening
    14:44
    somewhere so that the brother who's
    14:47
    watching me who may not necessarily buy
    14:49
    my records
    14:50
    may not go to my movies may not come to
    14:53
    the Copa the Sands Hotel lassimi will
    14:56
    say yeah
    14:58
    in a bar or in his house yeah
    15:01
    that's all that's my thanks but the
    15:04
    black audience
    15:06
    owes that black performer an obligation
    15:08
    of watching and supporting him unless he
    15:10
    turns out to be really the rat of all
    15:13
    time
    15:15
    but I mean when I say rap I mean he's
    15:17
    not doing anything he's doing things
    15:19
    that embarrass the the black population
    15:23
    now I know a lot of people don't like
    15:24
    flips doing the the Deacon I've heard a
    15:27
    lot of talk about it Geraldine Geraldine
    15:29
    they don't like uh I now my personal
    15:32
    things I think geraldine's funny I feel
    15:34
    a little funny about the deacon
    15:36
    because I think that's going back to
    15:37
    something that's so deeply rooted in
    15:39
    black people
    15:40
    religiously you know that I think that
    15:43
    that does this to me but I think it's
    15:45
    still funny because I'm looking at it
    15:46
    again through one eye that looks
    15:49
    in two directions first as a performer
    15:52
    is it funny is it clever secondly as a
    15:55
    man we're trying to relate to the cat on
    15:57
    the corner again you understand what I
    15:58
    mean because first and foremost I'm a
    16:01
    performer that's all I've ever done all
    16:02
    my life
    16:03
    so I know he's got to weigh it but what
    16:06
    do you do
    16:07
    you've got to have the support of your
    16:09
    people
    16:10
    but geez I just love saying that number
    16:13
    one variety show in the country now and
    16:16
    start in by a black man who is very very
    16:20
    funny but Amos and Andy was funny don't
    16:24
    do that to me don't do that
    16:27
    and Geraldine is funny and uh the Deacon
    16:31
    is funny but can you move forward you
    16:33
    know at at the level of the struggle we
    16:36
    are for Liberation yeah you know came
    16:38
    before to continually uh entertain white
    16:41
    people with shows produced by white men
    16:44
    with a frame of reference of what we are
    16:46
    I mean that's not defining ourselves and
    16:49
    the role of the Entertainer
    16:51
    to some extent has to accommodate that
    16:54
    relevant I think that the Amos Amanda
    16:56
    was funny I was embarrassed by it I
    16:58
    signed the letters too you know but I I
    17:00
    say that I think at this point now we've
    17:02
    got more stars than we've ever had
    17:04
    before that I can afford the luxury
    17:07
    because in place of Geraldine and then
    17:10
    place a Flip Wilson I have Don Knotts
    17:14
    since you both guess no baby I was out
    17:17
    of town you know I haven't had a chance
    17:19
    to live a boat here okay so what you
    17:21
    think of the terrible cat dead man
    17:27
    we are like
    17:29
    in one sense limited because we will
    17:33
    never have the audience of a commercial
    17:36
    Channel but do you want that audience
    17:38
    I'd like to have that audience on the
    17:40
    other hand if getting that audience
    17:43
    necessitated compromising our principles
    17:46
    I know they have ten Brothers
    17:48
    out of the 200 million people in this
    17:51
    country watch this show yeah then they
    17:53
    have the 200 million people in this
    17:55
    country watch the show even because I
    17:57
    think being irrelevant is
    17:58
    counterproductive you know and and that
    18:00
    brings me to the next point
    18:02
    uh you have a show
    18:05
    that
    18:06
    folded
    18:09
    and that's when I think like what you
    18:13
    said you were in another era
    18:15
    you're being very kind yeah
    18:18
    I was a stone rock and you could be for
    18:21
    free yeah what would you do I mean I
    18:24
    don't know but I would I tell you what I
    18:26
    wouldn't do or maybe by that you can get
    18:28
    a clue I certainly wouldn't do nothing
    18:29
    more than I'm doing as an entertainer
    18:31
    today in other words I ain't gonna let
    18:33
    them change me last time out I let him
    18:35
    put me in suits I couldn't smoke I
    18:37
    couldn't say what I wanted to say and
    18:39
    though I put a lot of people to work and
    18:40
    I did a lot of things and all of that
    18:42
    and I changed a lot of policies at NBC
    18:44
    you know when they catch and went yeah
    18:47
    because you know I walked into the
    18:48
    publicity office one day I didn't see no
    18:49
    black people I said I don't understand
    18:50
    this it looks like the Lilies of the
    18:52
    white Fields you know and that was it
    18:54
    and the guy went oh he's very bitter and
    18:56
    I went well the hell with it I am very
    18:58
    bitter if I got it I gotta surround
    18:59
    myself with people that I know of and
    19:01
    we've got capable brothers and sisters
    19:02
    to do it now you go up there and be
    19:04
    seeing it's packed and jammed and the
    19:05
    executives are there you know but the
    19:07
    only thing that they are
    19:11
    you know
    19:15
    the most relevant thing I think I was
    19:18
    able to do was near the end of the
    19:20
    series I did a sketch
    19:21
    with nipsy Russell
    19:24
    about how brothers treat Brothers
    19:27
    and I did a very Bourgeois cat going in
    19:29
    to apply for a job right
    19:31
    and very Bourgeois with the three button
    19:33
    code as soon as he found out it was a
    19:35
    brother
    19:36
    he took his head on each other
    19:39
    right and the cat's baggies to send him
    19:41
    in and the cat walked in he said damn
    19:43
    hey babe that ain't the way he walked in
    19:46
    the White Secretary was there seeing he
    19:47
    said I'm I'm here for the job and I like
    19:50
    to apply I've been okayed and I went
    19:51
    through the IBM machines blah blah blah
    19:54
    talked very problem as soon as he went
    19:55
    in there instead of identifying and
    19:57
    saying Hey I want a groove it is to see
    19:59
    you in this position he didn't do that
    20:00
    he just put his feet up on the desert
    20:02
    dead go ahead and sign that
    20:05
    you know I'm straight
    20:08
    you know and suddenly here's the brother
    20:10
    sitting there trying to do something and
    20:12
    he is not protected and it was a funny
    20:13
    sketch and we loved doing it I got such
    20:16
    complaints from NBC you would not
    20:18
    believe and we never were to do another
    20:19
    one because I think we went through a
    20:21
    period where we were just pleased to see
    20:23
    a black guy there
    20:25
    yeah
    20:26
    there we are
    20:28
    there we are we in there because we
    20:30
    needed that at that period now we've got
    20:32
    to go on
    20:33
    further
    20:35
    you know what I mean and it's not just
    20:37
    seeing the black cat there anymore
    20:39
    you know it's like the guys I will
    20:42
    believe till I die that when the
    20:44
    pressure came on the Madison Avenue and
    20:46
    they said you got to put black people
    20:47
    into commercials they said we'll show
    20:50
    them black people in a commercial so
    20:51
    they put them in the commercials where
    20:53
    black people look ludicrous in
    20:56
    you know because everybody has a white
    20:58
    neighbor
    20:59
    you very rarely see two black women
    21:02
    talking
    21:03
    and if they're black women talking
    21:05
    they're not the sisters
    21:08
    it's Bourgeois middle class you know
    21:11
    straight hair no dues never a dude ever
    21:14
    never do you know can't look like Gloria
    21:16
    Foster no chance you know you must look
    21:19
    like you know the old days of of tan
    21:22
    confessions you know and that's it
    21:24
    and I look and I say it on the stage
    21:26
    sometimes I say it's ridiculous because
    21:29
    it doesn't relate to anything
    21:35
    you wearing a free Angela button have
    21:37
    you had any reaction from other people
    21:39
    as a result of wearing that button well
    21:41
    that was a fan of mine
    21:43
    in the restaurant and uh
    21:46
    was at the risk around the airport and
    21:48
    the guy walked up and asked my autograph
    21:50
    and he was white and he said Jay the
    21:53
    wife gets a big kick out of here when is
    21:55
    he on the laughing and all that sign us
    21:59
    for the kitties you know and I signed it
    22:01
    and he said I was wondering if and he
    22:03
    started staring at the button and I was
    22:04
    wearing you know this but and he was
    22:06
    going like this and he kept saying I was
    22:08
    I was and he was trying to focus on it
    22:10
    because I I was blowing his bubble
    22:13
    because they have
    22:15
    an image of me I guess of another kind
    22:18
    my involvement with Angela is again the
    22:22
    Injustice of it all
    22:24
    uh her political beliefs you know are
    22:26
    her own
    22:28
    I don't share her political beliefs I
    22:30
    share her blackness
    22:32
    and I share the Injustice to any black
    22:35
    person and there's no way that she's
    22:36
    going to get the right kind of trial we
    22:38
    know that
    22:39
    it's stacked against it
    22:41
    uh they made her the Most Wanted woman
    22:44
    since uh Bonnie of Bonnie and Clyde and
    22:49
    I think that if a guy like myself wears
    22:51
    a button
    22:52
    that's letting somebody in that crowd
    22:54
    that I go around with know where my
    22:55
    head's at
    22:57
    you're now married to a sister
    22:59
    is she I didn't I didn't know that
    23:04
    [Music]
    23:09
    [Applause]
    23:13
    [Music]
    23:18
    and it's so groovy and so nice I've been
    23:21
    in the hospital five times
    23:22
    [Music]
    23:24
    [Applause]
    23:30
    I think he's trying to tell me so
    23:34
    I'm absolutely
    23:36
    you know flabbergasted by the by the
    23:39
    fact that we as a people almost without
    23:42
    the underground which they keep saying
    23:44
    we've got and everything else around the
    23:46
    ground as a soul underground you know
    23:48
    don't take no trains or nothing this
    23:51
    something happens it's it's the same
    23:53
    thing compared to
    23:54
    as soon as downtown gets the dance we've
    23:57
    gone on to another one and nobody ever
    24:00
    told us that they got it and we didn't
    24:03
    care about it but when they get funky
    24:04
    chicken we're into something else
    24:06
    uh there's something else you know it's
    24:08
    the thing that we have that ain't no
    24:09
    other people got in the world
    24:12
    it's that immediate eye to eye contact
    24:15
    that says
    24:17
    jamf
    24:19
    horse that says
    24:21
    yeah
    24:23
    that's that same thing again that one
    24:25
    word yeah
    24:27
    and you know and it's not followed by
    24:29
    he's down right on but really just yeah
    24:33
    you feel that we can solve our problem
    24:34
    by having some type of army or some type
    24:38
    of violent confrontation with whites
    24:41
    no
    24:43
    you know ain't no way you can put poor
    24:45
    Cadillacs against the tank
    24:48
    two Rusty raises
    24:50
    you know against an M1
    24:52
    and the flame throw against a bottle of
    24:55
    Coca-Cola with a rag in it ain't no way
    24:57
    you can do that
    25:01
    how is it that you're free enough uh to
    25:04
    talk the way you're talking and be an
    25:06
    Entertainer
    25:07
    because you know
    25:09
    the rationale is that if I'm black and
    25:11
    an Entertainer I can't be too involved
    25:13
    with black causes and survive in an
    25:16
    industry controlled basically by white
    25:18
    people how are you free enough let's say
    25:20
    to come on black journal and relate to
    25:22
    the brothers and sisters the Way You Are
    25:24
    but I I think
    25:27
    that it's called
    25:29
    a respect for one's opinion
    25:31
    because I've had too many white people
    25:33
    talk to me and say I
    25:35
    I don't like what you said on the David
    25:36
    Frost show about something such a thing
    25:39
    well you but you shared a lot of guts to
    25:41
    say it
    25:44
    and the other point is which is very
    25:46
    very good man
    25:48
    I really don't care I don't give it
    25:52
    when I say this is a racist society in
    25:55
    which we live in everybody knows it is
    25:58
    that ain't no that ain't no big big
    26:00
    statement to make it maybe it's shocking
    26:03
    to hear it from someone that you just
    26:04
    watched the night before on laughing uh
    26:07
    but it is man I can't say well how can
    26:10
    you say that white and black say this to
    26:11
    me how can you say that man you got it
    26:13
    made I said I Got It Made because I had
    26:15
    to fight all of that but I then owe an
    26:17
    obligation to my brothers and my sisters
    26:19
    to let them know
    26:21
    that it existed then it still exists now
    26:24
    and I've been here for 40 years you know
    26:27
    I've got the house I've got a wife I've
    26:29
    got children I've got success
    26:32
    and now it is time for me to try in
    26:36
    every way feasible
    26:38
    to help
    26:39
    the plight of my people
    26:41
    and to gain our freedom because I'm see
    26:45
    the fallacy is man and let's let me say
    26:47
    this and and I really mean it from the
    26:49
    bottom of my heart
    26:50
    money don't make you free
    26:52
    popularity don't make you free
    26:55
    don't you know that
    26:58
    you know sure I live in Beverly Hills
    27:00
    but I'm Shackled by the same things that
    27:01
    happen to the brother and Watts
    27:06
    I've had my bosses say to me
    27:09
    cats that I work for
    27:11
    who you know really basically give me a
    27:15
    Jack Entrada will say to me Sam geez
    27:17
    that was a little heavy statement you
    27:19
    said on that I said but it's true ain't
    27:20
    it Jack he said yeah I know it's true
    27:22
    but I said Butcher and that's the end of
    27:24
    that
    27:25
    I mean that man and my cousin did I say
    27:29
    it like it is man I've been the last
    27:31
    five years
    27:33
    go away
    27:39
    thank you
    27:40
    because he's got to respect me it's like
    27:42
    when a brother comes to me and says but
    27:43
    man you're a Jew
    27:45
    you know I look at him and say what's
    27:46
    your religion and he says I'm a Baptist
    27:49
    or I don't have one or I'm a Muslim I
    27:51
    said well our religion is blackness
    27:55
    because if we ever get to the point
    27:57
    where we started talking about he's a
    27:58
    black Jew he's a black Catholic he's a
    28:00
    black Baptist he's a black Muslim really
    28:03
    saved for the titles that the papers put
    28:04
    on people then we're in trouble our real
    28:07
    religion and the thing that connects us
    28:08
    all is our blackness
    28:10
    the religion of Blackness that's it
    28:13
    God
    28:15
    [Music]
    28:17
    [Applause]
    28:18
    [Music]
    28:19
    [Applause]
    28:22
    [Music]
    28:23
    [Applause]
     

  24. My thoughts to the article below

     

    I quote < “The other show is kind of mean and too grown up for me.”
     > 

    her son said a show is to grown up for him:)  How does a child know what  defines grown up when many grown up don't. Know if he would had said what his mother will not like,that shows honesty.

    I quote < what does it say that it is so much easier for my son to find wonderfully crafted television shows and films featuring talking animals than it is to find shows about kids who look like him? >
    It says that Black people with money aren't willing to spend their money to make cartoons for black people. It says that Black people had less money in the past and white people financed cartoons to be made for white people, which is perfectly acceptable. It says that Black parents need to focus on books with rearing their  kids as a ton of content has existed that has human black characters. It says white people around the world who may be asian or muslim or latino is a larger market and satisfactory. It says Black people need to tell their children they are willing to suck a white persons penis or lick a white persons vagina for opportunities but opportunities are not meant to be shared or made universal. It says that Black people from black countries like Uganda didn't use their control to make media in Uganda or other black countries that black people globally need. 

    I quote < “But where are the cartoons, Mom?” he asked. “And why does the story have to be so sad with people dying?” > 
    What the author of the article the black mom was unwilling to simply say is white people wrote most of the films, live action or television, that she cites and sequentially, their themes. But, again, a Black one percent exist, they are billionaires or millionaires. She needs to tell her son, rich black people aren't spending their money on financing black cartoons. That is why ? and asking non blacks to make media for black people is unwarranted, and non blacks don't have to care about blacks. 

    I quote < Where are the happy carefree storylines for young Black kids that white kids get? Where is the diversity of storyline and personality and genre representation that white kids get? > 
    Pick up a book, they are out there.  And again where are the black rich. Where is Oprah's money? where is Tyler Perry's studios? 

    I quote < I find it very telling that the first animated Disney movie featuring a Black woman main character and the first animated Disney movie to feature a Black man character as leads are written in such a way that both of these main characters spend a large part of their respective films in bodies that are neither Black nor even human. > 
    Yes, White people finance media for white people. As DW Griffith said, when the NAACP boycotted Birth of a nation, anyone can make whatever film they want. The NAACP wouldn't spend money on making a film as a rebuttal as if teh white jews who financed the organization would do that. But, Oscar Mischeux made films in reply. So where are the Oscar Micheaux Black directors. Comprehend, Spike Lee tells similar stories of Blac plight than disney so...

    I quote < What does it say to Black kids watching when the world’s biggest children’s entertainment company cannot give them even one animated film that features a Black person that stays a Black person throughout? What does this say about Blackness to kids who are not Black? About whose life is being portrayed as mattering? And whose does not? > 
    It says to Black kids their Black parents are stupid telling them white people will change by black merit. It says to Black kids  their Black parents don't have the power, money isn't always power, to provide them with what they need. It tells non Black kids how impotent the black community is wherever they live, which is the truth. It tells non black kids to make sure they emphasize their non black community so that it isn't like the impotent black community. It says to Black kids their black parents are lying when they talk about a human family. All humans are human but that does mean all humans are family and that is ok. 

    I quote  < When will Disney make a film with Black characters played by Black characters? Why is this so damn hard? > 
    Maybe never and that is ok. Disney was started by a white artists as an independent company. So when will Black artists who are fortunate enough to get financing for films do likewise. Black people did create BET which was a black owned media outlet but sold it to whites. So, why complain about Disney? when Oscar Micheaux proved independent movies can be made. B.E.T. proves Black people with money undercut their own community. Disney is not obliged to give concern to black people. Why are Black people with money financing what the Black community need so damn hard? It isn't like Black people with money only send people to traditional black colleges so...

    I quote < Or does Disney’s refusal to create an animated movie with Black characters who stay Black characters go beyond these three films that traffic in stereotypes and erasure and speak to larger institutional issues regarding perceptions of Blackness that behoove attention? > 
    Institutional issues? no. Disney is a white owned firm that is free to sell to all phenotypes. If non whites absorb or dream of disney , they are the fools. Don't blame disney for black people pushing disney on black children or not rearing black children better, better meaning to media that has black created content, which has always existed.

    I quote < It matters, where imagination begins in the mind. It matters whether that mind can imagine full Black personhood, or if that imagination is still constrained by unconscious bias and internalized stereotypes.> 
    Yes this is true, but film is a collective project which starts with the financier and white people have more money or power than blacks and are not beholden to satisfy black needs. Black people can take care of ourselves and if our leaders: black people with money or influence, are unwilling to lead positively or lead negatively, well such is life.

    I quote< There are a few future things in the works that I am hopeful about. Disney is set to premiere Ironheart on Disney+ in the near future, and is creating a TV show featuring Princess Tiana in 2023 with (hopefully) an eye to a less stereotypical portrayal than the earlier film. The Disney partnership with South African film company Kugali to produce Iwaju in 2022 looks promising as long as it doesn’t turn into a repeat of the single representation story, and diasporic wars where African, Afro European, and Black American creatives are pitted against each other.  > 
    Well to be fair to Black people. White tribes have wars with each other. Black tribes have wars with each other as well. And to be blunt, because Black communities the world over usually lack power, and have to beg from whites, we tend to have bitter fights cause all the communities are based on begging.

    I quote < In the meantime, my son has stopped asking to watch television. He told me the other day that he understands why I have always avoided TV and read to him instead. It is not just the wonder of imagination and language that books rather than TV provide. It is not just the vibrant storylines that inspire his own creations. As my Black son looks at his bookshelves he can see row after row of books whose covers shine with characters who look like him, whose pages are full of joyful stories about characters who look like him living their lives in full Black joy instead of the shapeshifting and death embedded into so much of mainstream American television entertainment engaging with Blackness for kids.

    My son knows now, like many Black kids in America do, that if you try to look for yourself onscreen all you will see is erasure, sometimes stereotype. He knows to look for himself on the page instead. You can find some beautiful things there, if you try. > 
    In my view, this passage should had been the whole article. All this about what white man isn't doing for Black people is for me worthless. Yes, Whites don't like Blacks. Blacks don't like Whites. And just because the financially wealthiest Black people are reared to cater to whites doesn't mean the financially poorest Black people want to. 
     

    now04.jpg

     

    Disney's Disembodied Black Characters

    March 23, 2021   •   By Hope Wabuke

     

    ONCE A YEAR, from the first year of middle school until I graduated from high school, my orchestra would board the yellow school district buses along with our instruments and drive the 45-minute winding route through the San Gabriel mountains from Arcadia to Anaheim, California, to perform at Disneyland. After 30 minutes of rehearsal and another 30-minute performance, we were given free rein to wander the park until closing, when the busses would drive us home.

    I knew even then that what we had was not usual; it was a privilege to experience what we experienced growing up in that tiny southern California town, miles and years away from the tiny black and white missionary TV screen in Uganda where my parents had first spied the Disney movies that had made them imagine America a wonderful, magical place. 

    What we had in Arcadia, home to one of the top public school districts in the state, were the perks that went along with that education. But what we also had to go along with it — being one of the first Black families to move to that city, and usually the only Black student in my class — was the racism: being followed in stores, ordered to pay before dining in restaurants, being told we were the color of “poop” by teachers, and never seeing anyone who looked like us in the books we read in school. This is the Black experience in America when your hardworking Black parents are determined to get you the best education they can. It’s an abundance of opportunity, but only if you learn to survive within the boundaries of acceptable racism.

    ¤


    My wealthy non-Black classmates loved wandering around the grounds of Disneyland, a place they were familiar with from regular family visits throughout the year. I was not. With the price tag at $100 per person, my family of eight people had been to Disneyland only once — with family friends from out of town when they came to visit. To prepare for the $1,000 excursion, my father had put our family on a budget for half a year, and we had packed backpacks full of lunch and dinner. We were warned there would be no souvenirs so we shouldn’t even try it.

    As someone unaccustomed to its scope, Disneyland was big and overwhelming for me. But as performers in the student orchestra — both guests and employees, to some extent — we were privy to the back lots and back entrances of the park that regular visitors didn’t see — the backstage bones of the glossy stages and rides, the stacked up piles of recycled parts of shuttered amusements and worn-out characters. We were forbidden to take pictures here — it was not public Disney; it did not hold the myth of Disney perfection and magic. But I liked thinking that we alone had this secret knowledge of a place that was familiar to so many. We were part of the select few who saw what was denied public view.

    Once, I was told this same story about the man himself, Walt Disney: the reason that most of  the candid photos of Walt Disney throughout the park showed his fingers shaped in a V was because he smoked cigarettes and didn’t want to be seen doing so. But this private truth did not align with his desired public image; the cigarettes had to be airbrushed out.

    ¤


    In the middle of last summer, trying to understand the new balance of homeschooling and remote working in the pandemic, I gave in to my seven-year-old’s requests and let him have half an hour of screen time in the evenings. But being a Black parent who was once a Black girl and well aware of the horrific absence and equally horrific stereotypical and token representations of Blackness on television that I have seen, I told him that he could only watch a TV show if it had a main character who looked like him. Within that guideline, he could choose whatever age-appropriate show he wanted. He wanted cartoons, and so he began his search with those constraints. But within five minutes, he came to me in tears. We had subscriptions to am*zon Prime and Netflix, and he had searched both for Black characters in kids shows. He had found nothing.

    I sat down, pulled him onto my lap and cuddled him until his tears eased. When he was soothed enough, I picked the remote up from the floor and typed in “Black kids cartoons” on Netflix. The only thing that came up was Motown Magic, which he had already seen. I tried “African American kids cartoons.” Nothing else. “Black kids shows,” “African American kids shows” had nothing else in his age range, but a couple of live action shows aimed at the tween and teenage crowd.  I tried am*zon Prime, which was even more of a desert. Searches there brought up Orphan Black and Black Mirror instead.

    My son was growing impatient. “Mommy, isn’t there anything?” he called, tears eased and now bouncing on his trampoline. “Not yet,” I called back, scrolling through endless titles of movies without any Black characters in them. And then I recalled a passing conversation about the launch of Disney Plus with a fellow mom friend.

    “Doc McStuffins!” I exclaimed loudly, remembering the patron saint of Black parents everywhere, as I ordered Disney Plus. Among the little Black girl doctor and her talking toys, my son was happy for most of the year. I thanked God for Chris Nee, McStuffins’s wonderful creator, every day of 2020. And then, just in time for winter break, he asked for something else.

    “Did you finish Doc McStuffins?” I asked.

    “No, I just want to watch something else for a while,” he said. But we couldn’t find any other cartoon show on Disney Plus that featured Black kids as main characters. So we watched an episode of Vampirina, another of Nee’s creations, this one about a vampire family living amongst human neighbors in contemporary Philadelphia. But I was uneasy at the danger made cute, uneasy with Nee’s portrayal of the mythical bloodsucking vampire-as-monster-as-outsider equated to the outsiderness of the Black girl as outsider.

    Networks are so proud of each of their few Black kids shows, it seems, that they forget two things:

     

    That kids will watch the show and then want to watch something else.

     

    That Black kids have a diversity of tastes, and, beyond that, they grow up. One show can’t appeal to all Black kids from age three to 16. And why should we expect it to, even if it could?

     


    Searching further on Disney, we found Moana, which my son watched because Moana was brownish like him he said, and Elena of Avalor because she was also kind of brownish and went to school with a brownish kid who looked kind of like him.  

    But nothing else.

    “What about these ones? I said, selecting the 2009 animated feature The Princess and The Frog and The Proud Family.

    “I already looked, Mom. The girl isn’t really there; she’s a green frog most of the time,” he sighed. “The other show is kind of mean and too grown up for me.”

    I searched and searched the network. Nothing. Finally, I had an idea.

    “Animals!” I exclaimed. “You can watch a show if there are animals.”

    My son’s face brightened. He returned to Netflix and selected Octonauts, a delightful show about animals from diverse regions of the world who work together to help other animals, teaching science along the way. Then there were Puffin Rock and Peppa Pig. And, of course, the entire Disney collection of talking animal content. The animal cartoons were fascinating and endless in their diversity and skillful edutainment. My son has yet to run out of new animal show options on the streaming services we have.

    But I wonder: what does it say that it is so much easier for my son to find wonderfully crafted television shows and films featuring talking animals than it is to find shows about kids who look like him?

    ¤


    Last fall, when the studios and networks rolled out their kids holiday fare, it was more of the same: the absence of Blackness. The most promising of the offerings was Netflix’s Jingle Jangle, which is quite lovely and which my son enjoyed. He appreciated the live action musical magic in the tradition of Disney’s own Mary Poppins.

    “But where are the cartoons, Mom?” he asked. “And why does the story have to be so sad with people dying?”

    I thought about my son’s questions. I had no answers, only the same questions about entertainment for Black adults, and the saturation of images of Black pain rather than Black joy. The heaviness I feel in my soul when yet another studio markets its slave film (or other narrative of historical Black oppression) as the “Black movie” release of the year is the same heaviness in my son’s soul at these kid’s movies that traffic in Black sadness and Black death.

    True, films like Netflix’s Jingle Jangle and Disney’s The Lion King and the Princess and the Frog are in line with the loss-of-parent narrative that’s part of the blueprint for this kind of children’s storytelling, harkening all the way back to Disney’s Golden Age. But the impact of that loss-of-parent narrative resonates much more loudly when looking at animated Disney films with Black content because of the very small number of animated films and television that feature Black protagonists at all.

    You see, all animated Disney films featuring Black protagonists have either a dead parent or the death of the protagonist as a plot point; however, there are many animated Disney films with non-Black characters where parents and protagonists escape this deathly trope simply because of the sheer numbers of Disney films made with non-Black protagonists. This lack of representation creates a single story of Blackness, predicated on death and sadness.

    And, because of history, because of the way race and power work in a society where we are already saturated with images of Black death and anti-Black violence — consider how many times the deaths of unarmed Black children like Tamir Rice and unarmed Black men like Eric Garner and George Floyd were replayed across media channels versus the genteel blurring out of the death of Ashli Babbitt, the white woman insurrectionist who died while storming the Capitol in January 2021 — the death of Black parents in Disney films operates in a much different way than the death of non-Black parents in Disney films. Simply put: for every death of non-Black parents depicted in Disney films like Frozen, there are many, many other Disney films with non-Black protagonists in which the parents do not die, in which death is not a major plot point; in which the non-Black characters are allowed happiness and joy. And when that death does occur, it is not amplified in the real world by the media’s disregard for the sanctity of Black life.

    Where are the happy carefree storylines for young Black kids that white kids get? Where is the diversity of storyline and personality and genre representation that white kids get? Whiteness gets multiplicity — of storyline, genre, medium, a multiplicity of films and television shows that speak to a multiplicity of age ranges and interests — all represented by white characters. Snow White. Cinderella. Beauty and the Beast. 101 Dalmatians. The Flight of the Navigator. E.T.. How to Tame Your Dragon. My Little Pony: Equestria Girls. The Incredibles. Kim Possible. WildKrats. Toy Story. Frozen. Frozen II. Inside Out. Tangled. Brave. Sarah and Duck. Cloudy with a Chance of Meatballs. Peter Pan. Pete’s Dragon. Alice in Wonderland. Sleeping Beauty. The Little Mermaid. The Sword in the Stone. Robin Hood. The Many Adventures of Winnie the Pooh. Pete’s Dragon. James and the Giant Peach. Hercules. Doug’s First Movie. Recess: School’s Out. Return to Neverland. Treasure Planet. Meet the Robinsons. Enchanted. Tinkerbell and the Great Fairy Rescue. The Cat in the Hat. Sofia the First. Boss Baby. Masha and the Bear. Johnny Test. The Lorax. Dennis the Menace. Ben and Charlie’s Little Kingdom. The Magic School Bus. And on and on.

    Blackness gets Doc McStuffins.

    ¤


    My freshman year of high school, our annual performance at Disneyland coincided with a live recording session of a Disney film soundtrack. Because we were members of one of the best high school orchestras in the state, the staff said, we were to be given a special treat: a walk-through of the recording soundstages. Quiet, in the audience, we stood and watched the musicians’ bows rising and falling across their strings in unison. Onscreen, the young lion I would come to know as Simba was roaring his pain at the death of his father. I would, of course, also come to know the film as The Lion King, Disney’s first modern foray — however anthropomorphized — into engaging with Black culture on the big screen. The Disney orchestra soared. So did I.

    The story, of course, since it engages with Blackness in some way, was about family disintegration and death. But still, I remember the crackling energy pervading my childhood home in the days preceding the film’s release, the excitement of going to see it in the theatre with my whole family, so starved for representations of Blackness, let alone Africa in film. I remember my African parents’ happiness and pride in seeing something like home shining across the screen.

    The hunger for representations of Blackness in Disney films was not just felt in my family, but in families across the world. To date, The Lion King is the highest grossing traditionally animated Disney movie of all time. But back in 1994, Disney couldn’t imagine that this success could be repeated by making more Black stories, perhaps even with people, rather than animals. Instead, the studio just made more Lion King. We have seen The Lion King as Broadway musical, as a touring production, as a television show, as a live action remake starring the voices — but never the Black bodies of course — of the nation’s most iconic and brilliant Black performers.

    Indeed, it would be another 15 years before Disney made another feature based on Black culture — and the first Disney film ostensibly to revolve around actual Black characters. But Tiana, Disney’s first Black animated protagonist, would be onscreen for just about 40 minutes. More shockingly, she would be drawn as a Black woman for just 17 of those minutes. Most of the time, as you probably know, Tiana is a frog.

    ¤


    Some of us, like I am, are old enough to remember the public call for a Black Disney princess throughout the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s that pushed a reluctant Disney into making The Princess and The Frog in the first place. However, the representations of Blackness in Princess Tiana’s world were problematic from the beginning. Set in the 1920s South — the height of the Jazz Age, but also Jim Crow — Princess Tiana, accounts of that time report, was originally conceived as a servant character with strong echoes of slavery in characterization and naming. Indeed, her original name “Maddy” sounded very close to the Mammy slave stereotype applied to Black women.

    Although Tiana’s character was rewritten as a waitress rather than a servant, this original vision is still evident in the opening scenes of the film, when Tiana’s mother pays little attention to her daughter and focuses all her attention and dialogue in caring for Tiana’s white girl friend. Here, too, in this opening, Tiana’s white girl friend is introduced before Tiana and dominates the first scenes of the film with verbosity and energy. Tiana is silent and ignored in the background.

    The dynamic is clear: here is the centering of the white character and the depiction of Tiana’s mother acting as a mammy character to the white child, while ignoring her own — a stereotype of Black motherhood that was set during Jim Crow but has roots embedded in American slavery.

    But it is not just the opening racial dynamics and cinematic choices of the film that sets Tiana’s portrayal differently than any of Disney’s other non-Black princesses, or even main characters. Nor, again, is it just the fact that the Black body of Princess Tiana appears so little in her film: 17 minutes out of the film’s 98 minute runtime.

    It is that so much of Tiana’s film is created through a white gaze that looks to diminish, rather than celebrate the beauty of Black womanhood, or even Blackness in general. Instead of the expected cute and cuddly Disney animal character that always accompanies a Disney hero, there is only the worst of the buck-toothed minstrel stereotypes in the firefly that adopts Tiana; instead of a magical and charming fairy godmother there is only the worst stereotypes of the bugaboo African witch doctor; and everywhere, everywhere is the ridiculing of the Black body with the obsessive attention to all the characters’ overexaggerated buttocks, a stereotype used to portray Blackness since Saartje Bartmaan was kidnapped from South Africa and exhibited onstage in European zoos in order for white audiences to gawk at her physiology. It’s not just a question, in other words, of Tiana’s relative visibility as a Black princess; it’s about the whole swamp she’s got to wade through in order to be seen at all.

    ¤


    Soul, Disney’s ethnic animated kid’s film for this winter season, is unique among animated Disney movies in that the central characters are adults rather than children, with children sprinkled sparingly throughout the film. Also of note is the much more adult subject matter of the film: the inciting incident of the narrative is that the main character dies. Soul follows what happens after that death. More typical is the message of the film: the classic cinematic stereotype of the Black male character desperately trying to save the life of a white woman, the character 22 played by Tina Fey, to the point that the Black man sacrifices his “life” doing so. And the other message of Soul? Accept that you are going to die and don’t try to fight your fate. Yet neither of these themes seem particularly uplifting to children in the style of the Disney brand that exists when dealing with non-Black characters.

    Like The Princess and The Frog, Soul begins as a promising premise showcasing some brilliant Black actors. However, like Princess Tiana, Soul’s Joe Gardner is immediately characterized by a burning desire to work. Even the character’s last name is a type of job. Tiana and Joe, unlike other non-Black Disney characters who are given other motivations — falling in love, self-discovery, or saving the world — are only represented by the labor their Black bodies can provide, another stereotype of Blackness.

    But the most damaging representation is this: like The Princess and The Frog’s Black protagonist, Soul’s Black lead spends a good deal of the movie not in a Black body, but represented as a blue ghost object without the Black ethnic facial features that characterize the him when in his physical form. And then, Joe Gardner’s Black body is inhabited by 22, the spirit of the character voiced by white actress Tina Fey. Joe, on the other hand, is put in the body of a cat. In other words, the Black body is colonized by whiteness while the Black character’s “soul” is put into the body of an animal — because it’s Disney and Black people are only equal to animals — before eventually choosing to sacrifice his life for 22, the white woman.

    I find it very telling that the first animated Disney movie featuring a Black woman main character and the first animated Disney movie to feature a Black man character as leads are written in such a way that both of these main characters spend a large part of their respective films in bodies that are neither Black nor even human.

    Green, blue — Disney has no problem with characters that are different colors, it seems, as long as that color is not brown.

    ¤


    What does it say to Black kids watching when the world’s biggest children’s entertainment company cannot give them even one animated film that features a Black person that stays a Black person throughout? What does this say about Blackness to kids who are not Black? About whose life is being portrayed as mattering? And whose does not?

    This is how bias and harmful stereotypes are created and perpetuated in society. This is how whiteness protects whiteness and thus a system of white supremacy through media representation: by normalizing itself as human and othering Blackness through erasure and dehumanization. Whether conscious or unconscious, this bias and adherence to white supremacy and Black erasure and dehumanization is real and damaging.

    And no matter how much I try, I still cannot understand why Disney — a groundbreaking company predicated on reveling in the imagination, a company whose creative products are so well-known for their tremendous ability to invest animals with human characteristics and deep wells of pathos in order to center intimate storytelling against epic themes — does nothing but relegate Black characters to animals and objects, mining stories of Black suffering and death when Black kids deal with enough violence, often based on race, in the real world.

    When will Disney make a film with Black characters played by Black characters? Why is this so damn hard?

    ¤


    In 1937, Walt Disney Animation Studios released its first full-length animated film: Snow White. As the film’s cost grew to $1.5 million over its three-year production period, Walt Disney mortgaged his house to put up the remaining financing. His financial gamble worked: Snow White was an artistic and commercial success. Disney’s groundbreaking form of storytelling captured the hearts and imagination of children and adults alike and grossed $8 million in revenue at the box office, the most money ever made by a film up to that time. Snow White was quickly followed by Pinocchio, Fantasia, Dumbo, and Bambi, the films now known as Disney’s Golden Age.

    One of the cornerstones of the Disney entertainment phenomenon is the understanding of how an irrepressible visual imagination and sonic landscape are vital in creating lush children’s entertainment that draws viewers in and has them humming songs from the films afterwards. By the mid 1940s, the Walt Disney team had perfected this structure, setting a bar that has led the industry for decades.

    Simply put, Disney stories and Disney songs are iconic in our culture.

    So as we think about questions of representation, this includes looking not just at how few films with Black characters are made by Disney, but also looking behind the camera at the creative team. Who are the creatives involved in these projects? The writers and composers trusted to create for the Disney brand?

    For Soul, the sonic landscape of the film was created by the wonderfully talented Trent Reznor, best known for his band Nine Inch Nails, who, along with Atticus Ross, composed the score. Black American musician Jon Batiste was brought on to provide the singing “voice” of Joe Gardner’s piano, the same way the luminous Anika Noni Rose was the “voice” of Princess Tiana. This was considered progress from The Lion King’s casting of white American actor Jonathan Taylor Thomas to play the young version of the Simba, the African hero, and white American actor Mathew Broderick to play the adult version. White American actress Moira Kelly was the voice of Nala, the female African lion who is Simba’s love interest.

    As with Soul, for The Princess and The Frog, Disney again tapped another white male composer to head the team in Randy Newman. And for The Lion King, we remember Elton John’s and Hans Zimmer’s glorious soundtrack, an art object in its own right.

    These artists are brilliant. That is unquestionable.

    The question is this: Despite the stunning reputations and work of these white composers, with all the Black jazz and soul musicians out there; with the invention of rock, country and jazz music by Black artists, the erasure of Blackness and co-option by whites of the first two art forms; with the financial imbalance in which white artists and labels took advantage of Black artists, whether predatory contracts in the 1960s and 1970s or Black soul musician Lady A getting her name stolen by the band formerly known as Lady Antebellum this past year; with this history of marginalization of Black creatives and in this political climate, doesn’t this sonic whitewashing just seem like there is so much potential for diverse representation, wasted?

    Or does Disney’s refusal to create an animated movie with Black characters who stay Black characters go beyond these three films that traffic in stereotypes and erasure and speak to larger institutional issues regarding perceptions of Blackness that behoove attention?

    One wonders: if the very accomplished white writing team of John Musker and Ron Clements, who after criticism about their treatment of race in the film, brought on the gifted Black writer Rob Edwards to help pen The Princess and The Frog, had also included a Black woman on the script about the first Black woman Disney protagonist, or an eye that valued Black woman the same way white women are valued in our society, would we perhaps have seen a less stereotypical representation of the first Black Disney princess that was more in line with the value and care shown to the other lighter-skinned Disney princesses in the Disney story canon, for example? Or, if the creators had thought as intentionally about Blackness before creating this story as they did with the creation of Moana’s Oceanic Story Trust, could there have been a different result as well? Or if a Black creator had been allowed to imagine Tiana and her world from the ground up, rather than slapping a Black perspective on the film as a hasty afterthought — a quick fix band-aid to solve the racist undertones of the film when the problems were not just skin deep?

    And if Soul, too, had also begun with a Black writer creating a storyline rather than white screenwriters Pete Doctor and Mike Jones again bringing on a Black American writer (this time Kemp Powers) two years into the project to add authenticity and perspective of character to a fundamentally problematic idea, could Soul have been a more positive representation of Blackness without unconscious bias and stereotypes?

    It matters, where imagination begins in the mind. It matters whether that mind can imagine full Black personhood, or if that imagination is still constrained by unconscious bias and internalized stereotypes.

    “We quickly came across this idea of a story about a soul who doesn’t want to die meeting a soul that doesn’t want to live,” said Mike Jones in an interview with Awards Daily from February 2021. “I think the very first version, he was an actor, and he had gotten his big break on Broadway. He was going to play Willy Loman in Death of a Salesman, and we thought that was just so clever but we just didn’t feel it. As soon as we came up with the idea that he should be a jazz musician, the idea of wrapping jazz and the improvisational nature of jazz was just so electric that we decided to make him a jazz musician. And let’s make him a middle school band teacher who aspires to something greater. That naturally led to the idea that he should be a middle-aged Black man, and that’s when we brought Kemp Powers in.”

    Because of the complexity of the Black experience in America, stories that may read as neutral with a white main character can become, like Soul, problematic when the race of that character is changed from white to Black and the narrative is not rethought accordingly. For example, take Soul’s idea of putting a white character into the body of a Black man. Or Soul’s idea of a Black man’s soul being put into an animal. Where whiteness in America does not have a tradition of being violently colonized and enslaved, Blackness does. Where whiteness in America doesn’t have a racially loaded history of being compared to animals in a dehumanizing way, Blackness does. And suddenly, a plot point that seemed innocuous when envisioning the character as white, becomes part of a larger tradition of whiteness violating and dehumanizing the Black body, begun with American slavery.

    It is not just enough to change a character’s race; when changing race, the narrative has to be re-envisioned accordingly in line with a character’s positioning in society. For Black folks in America, race informs so much of our experiences in life; to ignore this when creating a narrative of Black life is to practice a white-centered misconception of “colorblindness” that denies the full humanity of our personhood.

    And nothing makes this misrepresentation clearer than Soul’s animation, which erases Joe Gardner’s Black ethnic features in the afterlife, effectively saying that the default representation of human, of a soul, is whiteness.

    ¤ 


    There are a few future things in the works that I am hopeful about. Disney is set to premiere Ironheart on Disney+ in the near future, and is creating a TV show featuring Princess Tiana in 2023 with (hopefully) an eye to a less stereotypical portrayal than the earlier film. The Disney partnership with South African film company Kugali to produce Iwaju in 2022 looks promising as long as it doesn’t turn into a repeat of the single representation story, and diasporic wars where African, Afro European, and Black American creatives are pitted against each other. Mama K’s Team 4, a Zimbabwean cartoon, is set to premier on Netflix in 2022. And our most promising discovery: the Kweli TV app, which curates Black content from around the world with shows like Bino & Fino, a cartoon featuring two kids from Nigeria who, my son says, look exactly like him.

    In the meantime, my son has stopped asking to watch television. He told me the other day that he understands why I have always avoided TV and read to him instead. It is not just the wonder of imagination and language that books rather than TV provide. It is not just the vibrant storylines that inspire his own creations. As my Black son looks at his bookshelves he can see row after row of books whose covers shine with characters who look like him, whose pages are full of joyful stories about characters who look like him living their lives in full Black joy instead of the shapeshifting and death embedded into so much of mainstream American television entertainment engaging with Blackness for kids.

    My son knows now, like many Black kids in America do, that if you try to look for yourself onscreen all you will see is erasure, sometimes stereotype. He knows to look for himself on the page instead. You can find some beautiful things there, if you try.

    My son’s basket of to-read books contain his current four favorites: Dragons in a Bag, Hi-Lo, Obi & Titi, and The Adventures of Mia Mayhem. In these books, like the others on his bookshelf, Black joy and Black life are embraced. And any of these would make amazing television or cinematic content.

    Take Dragons in a Bag, the first book in a series about Black kids and dragons in Brooklyn written by the wonderful Zetta Elliot. Or Hi-Lo, Judd Winick’s alien robot who saves the world with his best friends — a Black girl with magical powers and an Asian boy who breaks gender stereotypes to spread love rather than violence. Or Obi & Titi, O.T. Begho’s tales of a Black boy and girl racing through magical adventures in Nigeria. Or the Mia Mayhem series, Kara West’s thrilling adventures of a Black girl superhero in a long lineage of superheroes. These books are amazing, well written stories with nuanced representations of character. And guess what?

    No one Black dies in these books. And no one Black turns into a frog, a ghostly blue object, or anything else that is not Black for some corporation’s bizarre mindset that still believes that seeing Black faces onscreen for 120 minutes is too much.

    They stay Black kids the whole time.

     

    URL

    https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/disneys-disembodied-black-characters/

  25. Juneteenth 2023 review

     


    This Juneteenth 2023 I asked the larger community to come up with a unique cultural tradition and none came forth. 

    White people say : 1949-1973 displacement programs removed over a million people and two thirds were black. 

    Name an idea for a unique Juneteenth celebration
    https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/10318-juneteenth-2023-name-an-idea-for-a-unique-celebration/

    Most Black Leaders didn't advocate for reparations even though most Black people wanted and that made the usa, but it came with a negative price for Black people
    https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/10327-most-black-leaders-didnt-advocate-for-reparations-even-though-most-black-people-wanted-and-that-made-the-usa-but-it-came-with-a-negative-price-for-black-people/

     

    Movement to return land taken from Black and Indigenous people in the U.S. gains momentum
    Jun 9, 2023 6:35 PM EDT
    As cities and states across the country consider various forms of reparations, California has led the way in returning land to the descendants of the dispossessed. This includes African Americans and Native Americans. But as Stephanie Sy reports, the wealth, the community and the opportunities lost are not easily recovered.

    Read the Full Transcript
    Amna Nawaz:

    As cities and states across the country consider various forms of reparations, California has led the way in returning land to the descendants of the dispossessed. That includes African Americans and Native Americans.

    But, as Stephanie Sy reports, the wealth, the community and the opportunities lost are not easily recovered.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The story of Bruce's Beach is a story about what could and should have been.

    Over 100 years ago, an industrious Black woman in Southern California dreamt of owning a beach resort, but was refused whenever she tried. Willa Bruce eventually acquired land in Manhattan Beach, telling The Los Angeles Times in 1912: "I own this land, and I'm going to keep it."

    She and her husband, Charles, built a lodge, a place where Black vacationers could enjoy a stay at the beach.

    Patricia Bruce-Carter, Relative of Bruce Family: They were having a beautiful time, and they built it to share, because whenever people came to California, they wanted them to have somewhere to go.

    Kavon Ward, Founder, Where Is My Land:

    When I think about Charles and Willa Bruce, I think about entrepreneurs, I think about Black excellence, I think about community.

    George Fatheree III, Attorney For Bruce Family:

    The reality is, the Bruces and their patrons were wealthy.

    Stephanie Sy:

    A stately photo of the Bruces on their wedding day, decked out in finery, foretold the makings of a power couple. The display of Black success outraged the white neighbors and powers that be, says attorney George Fatheree.

    George Fatheree III:

    In the light of harassment, intimidation, violence, their business just got more and more successful, and until the city of Manhattan Beach hatched a scheme to take the property via a racially motivated eminent domain.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The Bruces' dream was stolen, their property essentially seized for a pittance in compensation, and only after they sued.

    Kavon Ward:

    This is it, I would say from right here to maybe this building here.

    Stephanie Sy:

    Community activist Kavon Ward first learned of the Bruces a few years after she moved to Manhattan Beach in 2017.

    Kavon Ward:

    This country often tells us that — Black people, that we're lazy, or we don't work hard enough, or all we have to do is pull ourselves up by our bootstraps. And here we are in the 19-teens and the 1920s, and this Black couple did exactly that, only to have their land stolen and to die as cooks in someone else's kitchen, when they had this whole beachfront resort here.

    Stephanie Sy:

    Ward began campaigning for the land to be returned to the descendants of Willa and Charles Bruce during the summer of 2020.

    Less than two years later, she succeeded, with the help of Fatheree.

    George Fatheree III:

    For a century, our government at every level has enacted policies to dispossess Black people of the right to own property and create wealth. And what was so powerful about the return of the property of the Bruce family is, we see a path forward to finally counter some of those false narratives.

    Stephanie Sy:

    As unique and complex as the Bruce's Beach land back deal is, it does offer a path forward for other groups that might seek a return of land, not least of which are the original inhabitants of Los Angeles.

    Before Spanish missionaries arrived, the Tongva roamed a 4,000-square-mile swathe of Southern California called Tovaangar stretching from the coast to the mountains.

    Samantha Morales-Johnson, Tongva Taraxat Paxaavxa Land Conservancy:

    We have been very systematically erased. We were enslaved. We have gone through about three waves of genocide.

    Stephanie Sy:

    Twenty-seven-year-old Samantha Morales-Johnson recently became the land return coordinator for a Tongva conservancy, a job she could only have dreamed of as a child.

    Samantha Morales-Johnson:

    This land was returned, which I was not expecting in my lifetime, let alone my grandfather's.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The one-acre property in Altadena was transferred last year by a Jewish landowner whose own family faced displacement and oppression.

    Johnson said the protests that erupted after the police killing of George Floyd raised the nation's consciousness.

    Samantha Morales-Johnson:

    I think it made people more aware of all of the injustices that happen in America.

    Stephanie Sy:

    When Johnson was growing up, council meetings and holiday parties were held in a borrowed space.

    Samantha Morales-Johnson:

    I think it was a converted taco restaurant with, like, a little parking lot. There was no earth to even grow anything in that concrete building.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The Altadena property, which overlooks a scenic canyon, marks the first time in nearly 200 years the Tongva have legally owned land to use as they wish.

    So, this is the white sage.

    Samantha Morales-Johnson:

    This is the white sage. This is the only place where we can plant all Native trees with full sovereignty and Native plants with full sovereignty.

    Stephanie Sy:

    Work is under way to remove the overgrown invasive species that were planted here. The old resilient oaks will remain. Eventually, the site will host tribal gatherings and offer educational programs.

    Samantha Morales-Johnson:

    So, the beautiful thing about this land is that there is a lot of hope for restoration even underneath all of the mess that we have.

    Stephanie Sy:

    So-called land back agreements are still rare. Other recent examples include the purchase of nearly two square miles of land for $4.5 million by the Esselen Tribe in Central California.

    And the city of Oakland recently returned five acres of a local park to the East Bay Ohlone Tribe. In L.A., different Tongva groups are looking for more opportunities to reacquire land.

    Angie Behrns, Founder, Gabrielino/Tongva, Springs Foundation:

    It's not really just about the land. It's preserving what's left of our land.

    Stephanie Sy:

    Long before the land back movement had gained traction, Angie Behrns, now 86, fought to lease this two-acre property in West L.A. It was the early 1990s, and the Kuruvungna Springs, which had been the site of a Tongva village, had fallen into neglect.

    A small museum on the land shows the journey.

    Angie Behrns:

    When I stood at that gate and saw this area, I was so upset. I couldn't believe it. That's an archaeological and a historical society.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The Los Angeles Unified School District, which owns the land and built a high school next to the springs, agreed to lease the site for $1 a year.

    Bob Ramirez, President, Gabrielino/Tongva Springs Foundation:

    This is the medicine garden we have, which has many varieties of medicinal plants.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The president of the Gabrielino/Tongva Springs Foundation, Bob Ramirez, says the land is now abundant with Native plants and pristine drinking water.

    Bob Ramirez:

    Would you like to try some?

    Stephanie Sy:

    Yes, I would like to try some.

    Bob Ramirez:

    Yes.

    Stephanie Sy:

    Now is the time for the land to be returned, Behrns says.

    Angie Behrns:

    This is a sacred site. This is our place of worship. You have your temples. You have your churches. And what do we have?

    Stephanie Sy:

    But Ramirez says the "we" is debatable.

    Bob Ramirez:

    And there may be other people that say, well, wait a minute, if you're going to get that land, well, what about me? So it becomes contentious, I think.

    How do you compensate this group and neglect somebody else? Is that fair? Is that just?

    Stephanie Sy:

    What is fair and just is also in dispute at Bruce's Beach.

    Patricia Bruce-Carter, a distant relative of Charles Bruce, was at the ceremony in 2022 when county officials return the land to the Bruces' direct descendants. She thinks about what could have been if the land had remained in the family's hands all along.

    Patricia Bruce-Carter:

    I'm sure, at this time, there would have been multiple hotels and beachfront properties, and, I mean, just living the life.

    Stephanie Sy:

    A lifeguard administration center and parking lot stand where the Bruces' resort did. The descendants' lawyer, George Fatheree, says it would not be easy to develop.

    And so less, than a year after the land was returned, the four recipients of the land decided to sell it back to the county for nearly $20 million.

    George Fatheree III:

    As an attorney, my responsibility is to advocate in the interests of my clients. As a citizen, as an — and as an African American citizen,I think that's an important question.

    Who are the benefactors of restitution? Who should be the benefactors of reparations?

    Stephanie Sy:

    After her work getting the Bruces their land back, this is not the outcome community activist Kavon Ward wanted.

    Kavon Ward:

    I wanted to see strong, young Black entrepreneurs like Charles and Willa Bruce take up space here and be able to build and develop here, like the Bruces once we're able to do.

    Community is what got the land back. So, yes, the family won, but the community did not.

    Stephanie Sy:

    The work, Ward says, will continue, the reckoning far from over.

    For the "PBS NewsHour," I'm Stephanie Sy in Los Angeles.

    URL
    https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/movement-to-return-land-taken-from-black-and-indigenous-people-in-the-u-s-gains-momentum

    The War Between The States
    https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/10332-the-war-between-the-states/

    Cornell West and the problem with Third Parties
    https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/10336-cornell-west-the-peoples-party-and-the-problem-with-third-parties-in-the-usa/

    How a shipping error poisoned Michigan
    https://aalbc.com/tc/profile/6477-richardmurray/?status=2347&type=status

     

     

    Work from Lilac Phoenix

     

     

    I end with this paraphrase from Brenda stevenson < https://www.drbrendastevenson.com/ > from a PBS segment below, and a postparaphrase reply.  

    It's a strange dance that we have with race in the USA. We come forward with many steps,, twirl around, and we are going in the opposite direction. So, this continues to happen. But I think everyone had to own up to the fact that we live in a racialized society. The ways in which we find ourselves or define ourselves as being American, in part, is to have digested some of that racism. So, no group is- does not have it. No group does not act on it. And we have to understand that and we have to have some real hard discussions with ourselves, our families, our communities, and with other communities about how we fit into this dynamic of race within our society. Do we perptuate racism, stereotypes, et cetera, or are we actively trying to recognize that we hold some of that within ourselves and that we act on it and we need to eliminate it, or at least get it to a level where we can all act towards one another with respect, dignity and equality? But it's very very difficult. It is bound in the roots of American society. And once you eat of the tree of the USA , it becomes part of you. 

    For Juneteenth I have pondered freedom and the black community in the usa, and after various multilog side black people in various places I realize many, not necessarily most, but many black people are in denial about our village. The denial is through their preaching, and when I said preaching, I don't mean from a pulpit but in their desire for multilog that is inevitably dysfunctional. 
    I repeat, when the usa was started three tribes in the black village in the usa existed. Enslaved to whites/Free fighting side whites against the usa being created/Free fighting side whites supporting the usa being created. 
    Based on Sister Stevenson's quote, whenever a black person demands all black people in the usa are bettered for being in the usa, or nonviolence must occur in the black community, they are denying the internal reality all black people should know but don't because of the black tribes in the usa one common trait. NEarly all are filled with people afraid to admit the friction in the black community in the usa  based on the three original black tribes. 
    Most free black people fought against creating the usa, and again after the colonies freed themselves against the usa hoping britian take over. That means most free blacks didn't accept the usa's constitution of any aspect of the usa culturally that so many blacks in the usa today say all blacks do or need to. 
    And moreover, when the black community , as James Baldwin said of his father's religious community, has most who hate whites with a silent impotent passion. having black people who want to live with or comfort or find peace to whites or non blacks talk about why most blacks aren't engaged is a sign of their denial. 
    The black community in the usa, has never done the hard work of reaching in itself, even while the whites watch and accept what its majority wants doesn't suit the desire its minority, that is in most positions of leadership want. 
    Black people in the usa are individually freer in the usa than ever before. But, the Black Village communal desire isn't to be statian and most black leaders know it, and they don't know how to handle it, except to try and preach it away or hope some black person in the usa is born who can fit the usa's multiracial maze with their nonviolent, integrationist mantra while acquire or have the resources to guide the majority of black people with what black leadership in the usa usually doesn't have, opportunity, not talk.

     

     

    1. richardmurray

      richardmurray

      Supreme Court rules in favor of Black Alabama voters in unexpected defense of Voting Rights Act

      MARK SHERMAN
      Thu, June 8, 2023 at 10:26 AM EDT·5 min read

      WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court on Thursday issued a surprising 5-4 ruling < https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23837566-allen-v-milligan ; 112 pages > in favor of Black voters in a congressional redistricting case from Alabama, with two conservative justices joining liberals in rejecting a Republican-led effort to weaken a landmark voting rights law.

      Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh aligned with the court's liberals in affirming a lower-court ruling that found a likely violation of the Voting Rights Act in an Alabama congressional map with one majority Black seat out of seven districts in a state where more than one in four residents is Black. The state now will have to draw a new map for next year's elections.

      The decision was keenly anticipated for its potential effect on control of the closely divided U.S. House of Representatives. Because of the ruling, new maps are likely in Alabama and Louisiana that could allow Democratic-leaning Black voters to elect their preferred candidates in two more congressional districts.

      The outcome was unexpected in that the court had allowed the challenged Alabama map to be used for the 2022 elections, and in arguments last October the justices appeared willing to make it harder to challenge redistricting plans as racially discriminatory under the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

      The chief justice himself suggested last year that he was open to changes in the way courts weigh discrimination claims under the part of the law known as section 2. But on Thursday, Roberts wrote that the court was declining “to recast our section 2 case law as Alabama requests.”

      Roberts also was part of conservative high-court majorities in earlier cases that made it harder for racial minorities to use the Voting Rights Act in ideologically divided rulings in 2013 and 2021.

      The other four conservative justices dissented Thursday. Justice Clarence Thomas wrote that the decision forces “Alabama to intentionally redraw its longstanding congressional districts so that black voters can control a number of seats roughly proportional to the black share of the State’s population. Section 2 demands no such thing, and, if it did, the Constitution would not permit it.”

      The Biden administration sided with the Black voters in Alabama.

      Attorney General Merrick Garland applauded the ruling: “Today’s decision rejects efforts to further erode fundamental voting rights protections, and preserves the principle that in the United States, all eligible voters must be able to exercise their constitutional right to vote free from discrimination based on their race."

      Evan Milligan, a Black voter and the lead plaintiff in the case, said the ruling was a victory for democracy and people of color.

      "We are grateful that the Supreme Court upheld what we knew to be true: that everyone deserves to have their vote matter and their voice heard. Today is a win for democracy and freedom not just in Alabama but across the United States,” Milligan said.

      Alabama Republican Party Chairman John Wahl said in a statement that state lawmakers would comply with the ruling. “Regardless of our disagreement with the Court’s decision, we are confident the Alabama Legislature will redraw district lines that ensure the people of Alabama are represented by members who share their beliefs, while following the requirements of applicable law,” Wahl said.

      But Steve Marshall, the state's Republican attorney general, said he expects to continue defending the challenged map in federal court, including at a full trial. “Although the majority’s decision is disappointing, this case is not over,” Marshall said in a statement.

      Deuel Ross, a civil rights lawyer who argued the case at the Supreme Court, said the justices have validated the lower court's view in this case. A full trial "doesn’t seem a good use of Alabama’s time, resources or the money of the people to continue to litigate their case.”

      The case stems from challenges to Alabama’s seven-district congressional map, which included one district in which Black voters form a large enough majority that they have the power to elect their preferred candidate. The challengers said that one district is not enough, pointing out that overall, Alabama’s population is more than 25% Black.

      A three-judge court, with two appointees of former President Donald Trump, had little trouble concluding that the plan likely violated the Voting Rights Act by diluting the votes of Black Alabamians. That “likely” violation was the standard under which the preliminary injunction was issued by the three-judge panel, which ordered a new map drawn.

      But the state quickly appealed to the Supreme Court, where five conservative justices prevented the lower-court ruling from going forward. At the same time, the court decided to hear the Alabama case.

      Louisiana’s congressional map had separately been identified as probably discriminatory by a lower court. That map, too, remained in effect last year and now will have to be redrawn.

      The National Redistricting Foundation said in a statement that its pending lawsuits over congressional districts in Georgia and Texas also could be affected.

      Separately, the Supreme Court in the fall will hear South Carolina's appeal of a lower-court ruling that found Republican lawmakers stripped Black voters from a district to make it safer for a Republican candidate. That case also could lead to a redrawn map in South Carolina, where six U.S. House members are Republicans and one is a Democrat.

      Partisan politics also underlies the Alabama case. Republicans who dominate elective office in Alabama have been resistant to creating a second district with a Democratic-leaning Black majority, or close to one, that could send another Democrat to Congress.

      The judges found that Alabama concentrated Black voters in one district, while spreading them out among the others to make it much more difficult to elect more than one candidate of their choice.

      Alabama’s Black population is large enough and geographically compact enough to create a second district, the judges found.

      Denying discrimination, Alabama argued that the lower court ruling would have forced it to sort voters by race and insisted it was taking a “race neutral” approach to redistricting.

      At arguments in October, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson scoffed at the idea that race could not be part of the equation. Jackson, the court’s first Black woman, said that constitutional amendments passed after the Civil War and the Voting Rights Act a century later were intended to do the same thing, make Black Americans “equal to white citizens.”

      URL
      https://www.yahoo.com/news/supreme-court-rules-favor-black-142654715.html
       

       

    2. richardmurray

      richardmurray

      Well, for me, this article is best for those in the black community in the usa  who suggest black people shouldn't have reparations, which is not just one or two people. I can recall many , not most,  black people who said black people in the usa shouldn't want reparations. I wonder if those blacks know of this. 

       

       

      What Reparations Actually Bought
      Opinion by Morgan Ome • 

      In 1990, the U.S. government began mailing out envelopes, each containing a presidential letter of apology and a $20,000 check from the Treasury, to more than 82,000 Japanese Americans who, during World War II, were robbed of their homes, jobs, and rights, and incarcerated in camps. This effort, which took a decade to complete, remains a rare attempt to make reparations to a group of Americans harmed by force of law. We know how some recipients used their payment: The actor George Takei donated his redress check to the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles. A former incarceree named Mae Kanazawa Hara told an interviewer in 2004 that she bought an organ for her church in Madison, Wisconsin. Nikki Nojima Louis, a playwright, told me earlier this year that she used the money to pay for living expenses while pursuing her doctorate in creative writing at Florida State University. She was 65 when she decided to go back to school, and the money enabled her to move across the country from her Seattle home.

      But many stories could be lost to history. My family received reparations. My grandfather, Melvin, was 6 when he was imprisoned in Tule Lake, California. As long as I’ve known about the redress effort, I’ve wondered how he felt about getting a check in the mail decades after the war. No one in my family knows how he used the money. Because he died shortly after I was born, I never had a chance to ask.

      To my knowledge, no one has rigorously studied how families spent individual payments, each worth $45,000 in current dollars. Densho, a nonprofit specializing in archival history of Japanese American incarceration, and the Japanese American National Museum confirmed my suspicions. When I first started researching what the redress effort did for former incarcerees, the question seemed almost impudent, because whose business was it but theirs what they did with the money?

      Still, I thought, following that money could help answer a basic question: What did reparations mean for the recipients? When I began my reporting, I expected former incarcerees and their descendants to speak positively about the redress movement. What surprised me was how intimate the experience turned out to be for so many. They didn’t just get a check in the mail; they got some of their dignity and agency back. Also striking was how interviewee after interviewee portrayed the monetary payments as only one part—though an important one—of a broader effort at healing.

      The significance of reparations becomes all the more important as cities, states, and some federal lawmakers grapple with whether and how to make amends to other victims of official discrimination—most notably Black Americans. Although discussions of compensation have existed since the end of the Civil War, they have only grown in intensity and urgency in recent years, especially after this magazine published Ta-Nehisi Coates’s “The Case for Reparations” in 2014. In my home state, California, a task force has spent the past three years studying what restitution for Black residents would look like. The task force will deliver its final recommendations—which reportedly include direct monetary payments and a formal apology to descendants of enslaved people—to the state legislature by July 1.

      In 1998, as redress for Japanese American incarcerees was winding to a close, the University of Hawaii law professor Eric Yamamoto wrote, “In every African American reparations publication, in every legal argument, in almost every discussion, the topic of Japanese American redress surfaces. Sometimes as legal precedent. Sometimes as moral compass. Sometimes as political guide.” Long after it ended, the Japanese American–redress program illustrates how honest attempts at atonement for unjust losses cascade across the decades.

      In February 1942, following the attacks on Pearl Harbor, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, authorizing the incarceration of more than 125,000 Japanese Americans mostly on the West Coast. In the most famous challenge to the legality of Roosevelt’s order, Fred Korematsu, an Oakland man who had refused to report for incarceration, appealed his conviction for defying military orders. The Supreme Court upheld Korematsu’s conviction in its now notorious decision Korematsu v. United States. Families like mine were forced to abandon everything, taking only what they could carry.

      After the war, many former incarcerees, weighed down with guilt and shame, refused to speak about their experience. But as their children—many of them third-generation Japanese Americans—came of age during the civil-rights movement, calls for restitution and apology grew within the community. In 1980, Congress passed legislation establishing a commission to study the issue and recommend appropriate remedies. After hearing testimony from more than 500 Japanese Americans—many of whom were speaking of their incarceration for the first time—the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians concluded that “race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership” had been the primary motivators for the incarceration. The CWRIC also recommended that $20,000 be paid to each survivor of the camps.

      At the same time, new evidence emerged showing that the government had suppressed information and lied about Japanese Americans being security threats. In the 1980s, lawyers reopened the Korematsu case and two similar challenges to E.O. 9066. All three convictions were vacated. By 1988, when reparations legislation was making its way through Congress, the legal proceedings and the CWRIC’s findings provided the momentum and public evidence for Japanese Americans to make the case for reparations. The 1988 Civil Liberties Act authorized reparations checks to all Japanese American incarcerees who were alive the day the act was signed into law. (If a recipient was deceased at the time of payment, the money went to their immediate family). The Department of Justice established a special body, the Office of Redress Administration, to contact and verify eligible recipients. The CLA also provided for a formal government apology and a fund to educate the public about the incarceration: safeguards against such history repeating itself.

      Ever since, reparations advocates have invoked Japanese American redress as a precedent that can be replicated for other groups. Dreisen Heath, a reparations advocate and former researcher at Human Rights Watch, told me Japanese American redress proves that “it is possible for the U.S. government to not only acknowledge and formally apologize and state its culpability for a crime, but also provide some type of compensation.” In 1989, then-Representative John Conyers introduced H.R. 40, a bill to establish a commission to study reparations for Black Americans. Proponents have reintroduced the bill again and again.

      In 2021, as the House Judiciary Committee prepared to vote for the first time on H.R. 40, the Japanese American social-justice organization Tsuru for Solidarity submitted to the panel more than 300 letters written by former incarcerees and their descendants. The letters described how the reparations process helped Japanese Americans, psychologically and materially, in ways that stretched across generations. (In addition to drawing on that rich source of information for this story, I also interviewed family friends, members of the Japanese American church that I grew up in, and other former incarcerees and their children.)

      In one of the letters, the daughter of an incarceree tells how the $20,000, invested in her family’s home equity and compounded over time, ultimately enabled her to attend Yale. “The redress money my family received has always been a tailwind at my back, making each step of the way a tiny bit easier,” she wrote. Just as her family was able to build generational equity, she hoped that Black Americans, too, would have “the choice to invest in education, homeownership, or whatever else they know will benefit their families, and, through the additional choices that wealth provides, to be a little more free.”

      The redress effort for World War II incarcerees has shaped California’s task force in highly personal  ways. Lisa Holder, an attorney who sits on the task force, first saw the idea of reparations become concrete through her best friend in high school, whose Japanese American father received a payment. The only non-Black member of the task force is the civil-rights lawyer Don Tamaki, whose parents were both incarcerated. Tamaki, like many other people I interviewed, acknowledges that incarcerees have different histories and experiences from the victims of slavery and Jim Crow—“there’s no equivalence between what Japanese Americans suffered and what Black people have gone through,” he told me—but he also sees some parallels that might inform the reparations debate.

      Tamaki’s life, like that of many Japanese Americans, has been shaped by his family’s incarceration. As a young lawyer, he worked on the legal team that reopened Korematsu. Tamaki is now 72. In January, he and I met at the Shops at Tanforan, a mall built atop the land where his parents, Minoru and Iyo, were incarcerated. Next to the mall, a newly opened memorial plaza honors the nearly 8,000 people of Japanese descent who lived there in 1942. Neither Don nor I had previously visited the memorial, which happens to be near my hometown. In middle school, I bought a dress for a dance party at the mall’s JCPenney.

      In 1942, Tanforan was an equestrian racetrack. After Roosevelt issued his internment order, horse stalls were hastily converted into living quarters. Minoru, who was in his last year of pharmacy school, couldn’t attend his commencement ceremony, because he was incarcerated. The university instead rolled up the diploma in a tube addressed to Barrack 80, Apt. 5, Tanforan Assembly Centre, San Bruno, California. “The diploma represents the promise of America,” he told me. “And the mailing tube which wraps around this promise—the diploma—constrains and restricts it.” Don still has both.

      When the checks arrived in the mail in the ’90s, the Tamakis gathered at Don’s house. His parents spent one check on a brown Mazda MPV, which they would use while babysitting their grandkids. They put the other check into savings. “They didn’t do anything extravagant,” Don told me.

      To talk about reparations is to talk about loss: of property and of personhood. In 1983, the CWRIC estimated Japanese American incarcerees’ economic losses at $6 billion, approximately $18 billion today. But those figures don’t capture the dreams, opportunities, and dignity that were taken from people during the war. Surviving incarcerees still feel those losses deeply.

      Mary Tamura, 99, was a resident of Terminal Island off the coast of Los Angeles. “It was like living in Japan,” she told me. Along with the island’s 3,000 other Japanese American residents, she celebrated Japanese holidays; learned the art of flower arranging, ikebana; and wore kimonos. Then, on December 7, 1941, shortly after Pearl Harbor was attacked, the FBI rounded up men and community leaders, including Tamura’s father. Two months later, Terminal Island residents were ordered to leave within 48 hours. Tamura, who once dreamed of teaching, instead joined the U.S. Cadet Nurse Corps. On Terminal Island, Japanese homes and businesses were razed.  

      Lily Shibuya was born in 1938 in San Juan Bautista, California. After the war, her family moved to Mountain View, where they grew carnations. Shibuya’s older siblings couldn’t afford to go to college and instead started working immediately after they were released from one of the camps. Her husband’s family members, also flower growers, were able to preserve their farmland but lost the chrysanthemum varieties they had cultivated.

      Shibuya told me that with her reparations check, she bought a funerary niche for herself, paid for her daughter’s wedding, and covered travel expenses to attend her son’s medical-school graduation. Tamura used part of her redress money for a vacation to Europe with her husband. The other funds went toward cosmetic eyelid surgery. “It was just for beauty’s sake—vanity,” Tamura told me.

      Many recipients felt moved to use the $20,000 payments altruistically. In a 2004 interview with Densho, the then-91-year-old Mae Kanazawa Hara—who’d given an organ to her church—recalled her reaction to receiving reparations: “I was kind of stunned. I said, ‘By golly, I've never had a check that amount.’ I thought, Oh, this money is very special.” Some recipients gave their check to their children or grandchildren, feeling that it should go toward future generations.

      The notion that recipients should use their money for noble purposes runs deep in the discussion about reparations. It helps explain why some reparations proposals end up looking more like public-policy initiatives than the unrestricted monetary payments that Japanese Americans received. For example, a 2021 initiative in Evanston, Illinois, began providing $25,000 in home repairs or down-payment assistance to Black residents and their descendants who experienced housing discrimination in the city from 1919 to1969. Florida provides free tuition to state universities for the descendants of Black families in the town of Rosewood who were victimized during a 1923 massacre. But if the goal of reparations is to help restore dignity and opportunity, then the recipients need autonomy. Only they can decide how best to spend those funds. (Perhaps recognizing this, Evanston’s city council voted earlier this year to provide direct cash payments of $25,000.)

      Not every Japanese American whom I interviewed deemed the reparations effort helpful or sincere. When I arrived at Mary Murakami’s home in Bethesda, Maryland, the 96-year-old invited me to sit at her dining-room table, where she had laid out several documents in preparation for my visit: her yearbook from the high school she graduated from while incarcerated; a map of the barracks where she lived in Topaz, Utah; a movie poster–size copy of Executive Order 9066, found by her son-in-law at an antique shop.

      She first saw the order nailed to a telephone pole in San Francisco’s Japantown as a high schooler, more than 80 years ago. A rumor had been circulating in Japantown that children might be separated from their parents. Her mother and father gave each child a photo of themselves, so the children would remember who their parents were. They also revealed a family secret: Atop the highest shelf in one of their closets sat an iron box. The children had never asked about it, and it was too heavy for any of them to remove, Murakami recalled. Inside the box was an urn containing the ashes of her father’s first wife, the mother of Murakami’s oldest sister, Lily.

      The government had told them to take only what they could carry. The ashes of a dead woman would have to be left behind. Murakami and her father buried the box in a cemetery outside the city. With no time to or money to prepare a proper tombstone, they stuck a homemade wooden marker in the ground. Then they returned home to resume packing. They sold all their furniture—enough to fill seven rooms—for $50.

      Murakami’s family, like the Tamakis, went to Tanforan, and then to Topaz. “The most upsetting thing about camp was the family unity breaking down,” Murakami told me. “As camp life went on, we didn’t eat with our parents most of the time.” Not that she did much eating—she recalls the food as inedible, save for the plain peanut-and-apple-butter sandwiches. Today, Murakami will not eat apple butter or allow it in her house.

      After the war, she did her best to move forward. She graduated from UC Berkeley, where she met her husband, Raymond. They moved to Washington, D.C., so that he could attend dental school at Howard University—a historically Black school that she and her husband knew would admit Japanese Americans.

      Absent from the documents that Murakami saved is the presidential letter of apology. “Both Ray and I threw it away,” she told me. “We thought it came too late.” After the war ended, each incarceree was given $25 and a one-way ticket to leave the camps. For Murakami, money and an apology would have meant something when her family was struggling to resume the life that they had been forced to abruptly put on pause—not more than 40 years later. She and her husband gave some of their reparations to their children. Raymond donated his remaining funds to building the Japanese American Memorial to Patriotism in Washington, D.C., and Mary deposited hers in a retirement fund.

      A $20,000 check could not reestablish lost flower fields, nor could it resurrect a formerly proud and vibrant community. Still, the money, coupled with an official apology, helped alleviate the psychological anguish that many incarcerees endured. Lorraine Bannai, who worked on Fred Korematsu’s legal team alongside Don Tamaki, almost never talked with her parents about the incarceration. Yet, after receiving reparations, her mother confided that she had lived under a cloud of guilt for decades, and it had finally been lifted. “My reaction was, ‘You weren’t guilty of anything. How could you think that?’” Bannai told me. “But on reflection, of course she would think that. She was put behind barbed wire and imprisoned.”

      Yamamoto, the law professor in Hawaii, stresses that the aims of reparations are not simply to compensate victims but to repair and heal their relationship with society at large. Kenniss Henry, a national co-chair of the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America, told me that her own view of reparations has evolved over time. She sees value in processes such as community hearings and reports documenting a state’s history of harm. “It is necessary to have some form of direct payment, but reparations represent more than just a check,” she said.

      The Los Angeles community organizer Miya Iwataki, who worked toward Japanese American redress as a congressional staffer in the 1980s and now advocates for reparations for Black Californians, sees the checks and apology to World War II incarcerees as essential parts of a larger reconciliation. In 2011, Iwataki accompanied her father, Kuwashi, to Washington, D.C., to receive a Congressional Gold Medal for his World War II military service. Throughout their trip, he was greeted by strangers who knew of Kuwashi’s unit: the all-Japanese 100th Battalion of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, known for being the most decorated unit of its size and length of service. As the Iwatakis settled into their seats on the return flight, Kuwashi told Miya, “This is the first time I really felt like an American.”

      For decades, former incarcerees have kept memories alive, and now that task falls to their descendants. Pilgrimages to former incarceration sites have resumed since the height of the pandemic, and new memorials, like the one at the Tanforan mall, continue to crop up. “The legacy of Japanese American incarceration and redress has yet to be written,” Yamamoto told me.

      In January, my mom and I drove to Los Angeles for an appointment at the Japanese American National Museum. We were there to see the Ireichō, or the sacred book of names. The memorial arose out of another previously unanswered question: How many Japanese Americans in total were incarcerated during the war? For three years, the Ireichō’s creator, Duncan Ryūken Williams, worked with volunteers and researchers to compile the first comprehensive list, with 125,284 names printed on 1,000 pages.

      I was stunned at the book’s size, and even more moved by the memorial’s design. On the walls hung wood panels with the names of each incarceration camp written in Japanese and English, along with a glass vial of soil from each site. My mom and I were invited to stamp a blue dot next to the names of our family members, as a physical marker of remembrance. When the museum docent flipped to my grandfather, Melvin, I was reminded that I’ll never be able to ask him what he experienced as a child. I’ll never learn what he thought when, in his 50s, he opened his apology letter. The only additional detail that I learned about him while reporting this article was that, according to my grandmother, he mistakenly listed the $20,000 as income on his tax return.

      But through my conversations with surviving incarcerees, many of whose names also appear in the Ireichō, I could see how a combination of symbolic and material reparations—money, an apology, and public-education efforts—was essential to a multigenerational healing process. For Melvin, a third-generation Japanese American, this might have looked like receiving the check. For me, in the fifth generation, placing a stamp next to his name helped me honor him and see his life as part of a much larger story. The project of making amends for Japanese American incarceration didn’t end with the distribution of redress checks and an apology. It might not even finish within one lifetime, but each generation still strives to move closer.

      URL
      https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/us/what-reparations-actually-bought/ar-AA1cnfwn?ocid=msedgntp&cvid=4f866a88792f42a098b7e44dd2837e59&ei=52
       

       

    3. richardmurray

      richardmurray

       

      Hair Journey for Black reporter

       

      TV reporter takes off wig, reveals locs on Juneteenth, her 'natural hair liberation day''

      RALEIGH -- For Juneteenth 2023, a local television reporter celebrated the hair freedom she's always wanted.

      Akilah Davis, a race and culture reporter from our sister station WTVD in North Carolina, said growing up, her hair texture was misunderstood.

      Her mother used a variety of hair-straightening techniques to make her hair "more manageable."

      "I didn't think she had bad hair. She just didn't have the texture I had," Akilah's mom, Debra Davis, told her during an interview. "The only way I could fix it was to either hot comb it or perm it."

      Unknowingly, Akilah internalized the idea that straight hair was good hair and natural hair was not. Marketing campaigns on TV and in magazines reinforced that belief.

      "The message really stayed with a generation of Black women in particular who really had to work to overcome the idea that something about their hair was inherently inadequate," said Dr. Jasmine Cobb, a professor of African American studies at Duke University.

      It's a topic Cobb explores in her book, "New Growth, The Art and Texture of Black Hair."

      The professor said eurocentric beauty standards created a perception that only straight hair was beautiful.

      While George Floyd's 2020 murder sparked a global racial reckoning, a quiet movement among Black women was also growing.

      "One way we're redefining and reclaiming our identity is through our hair," said Maya Anderson, a loctician at Locs, Naturals, & More.

      Anderson said she's seeing more Black women starting locs in their hair, a choice she views as an expression of freedom and self.

      "Just get up, shake your hair, move on with the day and not have to worry about rain or humidity," she said.

      In December 2021, Anderson established micro locs in Akilah's hair. For more than a year, Akilah covered them with a wig. She wanted to reveal the big transition on TV on Juneteenth.

      Good Morning America Anchor Janai Norman made the natural hair transition on the national stage in 2018.

      "The way that we as Black women think about showing up as our authentic self -- it's rooted in fear. The fear of will I be looked at as professional," Norman said.

      "It takes courage. It takes strength. It takes resilience," she added.

      Davis chose Juneteenth to share her journey to hair freedom because she wants to be true to herself on the job. She hopes to inspire women and little girls struggling to embrace their roots. It's hair freedom she's always wanted.

      "I'm just proud of you doing what you're doing and being brave by presenting yourself how you want to present yourself," her mom said.

      URL
      https://abc7ny.com/black-hair-natural-liberation-journey-juneteenth-akilah-davis/13406297/
       

       

       

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