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What If We Focused On Local Development?
KENNETH replied to KENNETH's topic in Culture, Race & Economy
Thanks so much for your response. There's so much to unpack from many sides. But I'm going to make an effort. 1. We have to approach this from enlightened self interest. A lot of wealthy blacks in business still depend on black customers and government contracts. Advancing human and community development among other blacks translates into more employees and customers which is capital and market share. This is business not altruism. None of this is strictly governmental or philanthropic. It's market based. Changing how we think about business and growth is essential because most black businesses are very small. But it's necessary to think and do things on a bigger scale for your own sake. And it makes sense to partner with other blacks where possible. Think about a black barber and hairdresser coming together to build a distribution company with perhaps a black rental property owner. Groups like the National Black Chamber of Commerce can and should be forums to facilitate this kind of action. Despite all the persistent problems and challenges blacks continue to face as entrepreneurs success is possible. The opportunities to grow a company are real both at home and abroad. Think David Steward of World Wide Technologies and Robert Smith of Vista Equity Partners who are bllionaires. 2. Local government and Civil Society play unique and vital roles in business and community development. Think about taxes, zoning, incentives, funding, and contracting decisions by City Officials matter. If and when blacks in these positions make decisions to help black businesses and communities grow that's progress. And white politicians do it every day. We as black people wrongly say among ourselves - Niggas don't help each other. That's not completely true. Think about United Negro College Fund. Black Greek organizations and even black churches with scholarship funds. Name a major black non-profit or group that has went out of business because blacks don't give? We have to scale up and raise awareness among our own about what's available. The same thing is true about all kinds of black individuals and groups working in our communities all the time making a difference. Black people today despite our difficulties have more money, education, expertise, political power, and opportunities than ever. We need a mindset and initiative to leverage the resources we have to benefit ourselves individually and collectively. Sometimes we are too focused on racism and economic injustice worrying about what's lacking or denied us. I'm firmly committed to fighting for our rights. But there are things we can do beyond advocacy and action at the Federal government level to help ourselves immediately on the ground. Black people in the Jim Crow Era did this very thing with far less than we have today. 3. We have to put people, places, and things in perspective to see how progress is possible. Cities where blacks are a majority and dominate local politics like Atlanta, Detroit, or even Jackson Mississippi are centers of opportunity to experiment with all kinds of ideas. Places like Los Angeles, New York City, and Chicago are different. But even in the latter possibilities exist. Geoffrey Canada built the Harlem Children's Zone in New York City with mainly private money from wealthy whites like Bill Gates and corporations. That's an important factor. Black thinkers, activists, politicians, and business people need to study his successes and failures and the possibilities and limits of what Geoffrey Canada did. Think about what happens when black voters want change. It's possible to kick out leaders who are too focused on themselves rather than the people. Two examples come to mind. Charles Rangel defeated Adam Clayton Powell in New York in the 1970 Democratic Party primary for Congress. Corey Booker lost the Newark New Jersey Mayoral race to Sharpe James the sixteen year incumbent in 2002. But Booker returned in 2006 to beat the candidate backed by the retiring James- Deputy Mayor Ronald Rice. Ultimately there are no guarantees or easy answers. But blacks must be persistent and think differently about the challenges we face. We might try and fail doing different things. However failure is guaranteed if we do nothing at all. Now is the time a kind of black pragmatism that includes advocacy, protest, national, state, local government, entrepreneurial, human, and community development. -
https://aalbc.com/tc/blogs/entry/261-mothers-day-art-or-text-craft-parade-good-news-blog/?do=findComment&comment=901 STORY May 18th 2020 For today's blog, after Saturday's poll result honoring Joan of Arc's canonization, I will present fastidiously, the interview from yesterday, the positively incomparable senior rapper Simon Wheeler the third as my guest, and query him concerning a man over ten thousand voters do not know, Leo Smiley, advocate to the homeless Leo Smiley, and display it after I explain some reservations. I have wondered the purpose behind my fanbase, even if they are free or real as the random write in winning a poll is the definition to modern falsehood, hoping it is not to convey information about JSmiles1, who Leo Smiley knows too well as episode 69 concerning banned internet words attest, and convey information about Leo Smiley will help a thesis for an online class I am taking, while JSMiles1 is not worth telling children about. Simon Wheeler the third was at a replica of Angel's Hotel in his house, kept a mask on even though he lived alone, eyes showed a love of life, a pizza stain on his captain planet shirt showed a love of food, he never looked at me during the interview, he looked to the left when sad, to the right when happy , to the ceiling when quiet, to the floor when bellowing, he seemed to be preaching to the world about a prophet, though I did not ask about one. So, I asked him one question, if he knew about Leo Smiley, and he gave his reply, which concluded our interview. He replied: Ohhhh, you know there was a playa, name JSmiles1 I tell ya, he live two blocks down the road. I think his ancestor, a simple harvester, came as a pilgrim , not the one's in films then, while eight others came from the east. But when he received, and after he was Extremely pleased, his first phone , a ring tone to moan, came after every messaging. For no one wanted, he was not stunted, to message him first you see. A simple moan, not like a loud one from ol' Joan, was all he wanted to hear. If he saw anything, whether or not a plaything, he wanted to text message it , announce or boast it, right then and there. If he saw a couple, even if their life seem supple, arguing in their home, he made a texting tome. If he saw a squirrel, whether still or in a twirl, busying about a tree, he will text how later it flee. If kids were playing ball in the street, he will text it; if a pigeon took bread and flew away, he will text it. If he saw two kids flying paper airplanes he will text it. If he saw some fellas, all of them brothas, on his favorite corner, not the one with music by werner, singing or drinking about,... he will wait, cause it's never too late, for Hakim Johnson , graduate of the Harlem boys choir, and invitational caroler to the Vatican twice the pride of his sire, to etch out a tune, with magic like a rune, and do it with a smile, like all the good unpaid acts of the Hollywood miles. If he saw a kid, not one that hid, on a bike being chased, he will follow his trail, longer than the route for mail, and message every step of the way. That is why whenever JSmiles1 was about, every kid, lady, playa, knew his route. He message anything he could, if messages was water he'd fill up the woods. One time a woman named Janine, fell from the city heat, and her fall made a loud scene. I can not say who picked her up, or her apartment or who put medicine in her cup, but JSMiles1 came in her place, and looked all interested at her face, and was told she will be all well, three high fathers and two hail mary’s, yes. JSMiles1 merely texted, "She ain't recovered yet" JSMiles1 had a video game system, officially it was called a Listem, but folk called her Susan, with eyes near the control port and all. To start took five minutes to load, the sound of popcorn waiting was always to explode, cause she would never turn on, with her insides all done, cause of rain, or some pain, after a lifelong injury with a fall. Her game was simple, shoot through a space like a fipple, all the players always let her go first. If cable was on she will pause, or maybe it was the telephone that was the cause, but the user always gained huge points, but before the winning tally, in each and I mean each and every rally, she will come out with a glitch, and literally say one word on the screen, ditch , hitch or witch, and then she win. And, he had a brown basketball, more like a handball, seemed to let out gas, with each and every pass, but whenever he was shot, turned into a perfect pi-rock, and clear out rivals from the lot. Some tried to use a different ball, but a calamity will always predate its fall, truck/knife/bullet or something where Ronald Reagan which is the name of the ball, passed around dead and dying, JSMiles1 telling all the angry they lying, until he get the ball whop, a shot go in and mouths drop, while JSMiles1 message what he saw. That ball was always good for a story, various literal glory, till the day the kids played with brown ball, bigger than a common handball, Reagan tried to replace him, but he wasn't able to trick him, and disheartened the old ball puffed all his air out. Ronald was a good ball, and could had made it onto Ringling brothers, but no call came before his fall, and he was unlike any of his others. Shed a tear, let the drink drop, the last great basketball I was once near, sad he went out a flop. The great JSMiles1, the only one, had a jump rope, dice, a rooster, a genie's collection of everything, so he could message about anything. He one time caught a frog, hopped into his hand from a fog, in the local park, texted "I have a green son to teach", for months he spoke like a lark, teaching under a year the hopper. Hop over a toy car, hop over the plastic star, catch a fly over an orange juice glass, catch a fly under the chair for his wee lass. The frog has no limit, he said, over and over again, each day teach a lil bit, he said, believe in him, believe in him. I saw Steph in my home, right behind me, begin a tome, "in the beginning flies " for no fee, and faster than superman, a hop over a stan' , then more stoic than a Tibetan monk as if all his ambition sunk. No frog was ever like him, before or afterward. JSMiles1 love to boast about the little green beastie, kept him safe when he traveled in a pocket made side his hoodie. One day, a loner, a stranger on the block, asked: "what is that thing on your neck, a sock". JSMiles1 say:"yoyoyo don't talk about my son, he may bite you like a snake or leap at you like a rat, but he is just my pet, frog" Surprised, the guy wonder what's it talent and why. JSMiles1 smile and smile: "he is the Frog that I always message everyone about, the frog that can outleap any other frog you can find or see" The distant neighbor shake his head, no and no and no. "I am willing to put my money where my mouth is": JSMiles1 preach. "You have not studied the fine art of frog training, clearly, you only seen things on tv... He can out jump any frog in Calaveras county, cause he always did, and since your shirt show you a trader, I am willing to bet forty dollars, my fellow playa" The stranger hummin: "To bad, but I will never know and neither will you. I have no frog, but if I did... I will bet you" And JSMiles1 brighten: "wait a minute, stay right there, here is my hoodie I will be right back" The fella took out his wallet and sat down on the fire hydrant; he ponder to himself, about the possible new wealth, and took the frog out his blanket, and remembering his lunch, pushed in a bit from chopped rotisserie chicken, as a late frog brunch. On the concrete the frog sat, still like a wrestler out for the count on the mat. JSMiles1 returned all muddy, clothes colored around a ruddy, with a common wild frog in his hands and say: "ok, we are now ready. Here... and place him next to Steph Hawkin, that is my frog' name, and you best remember it after this. On three we will let them go" Both men held their racers, each hopping a hop is no different than phasers. The stranger give a gentle tap, and the wild frog hop elsewhere on the concrete map. But, Steph just sat there, wonderin like the hippies did over there. No matter what his frog just sat and JSmiles1 had to admit, in his message, where his frog was at. The guy took the money and went on down the sidewalk, but before he crossed the street, he look to Steph and balk: "us another simple frog I see" JSmiles1 was upset, and stared at his son now set: "What is wrong with you Steph, tell me" After a lift he noticed his weight, and all comprehension concerned his former fate. He saw the stranger turn a distant corner and raced after him getting warmer, and warmer, but he never caught him. And Suddenly a yell, the rapper leaped from his seat and placed his face close to the screen: "Stay right there , brother man" But, I think I learned enough about the infamous JSMiles1 and doubted much will come about Leo Smiley so I cut off the video conference with a polite message. Immediately after, I got a reply from Wheeler, about JSmiles1 Volkswagen beetle his grandfather gave him. But, I had no further inclination and took my leave. Happy Belated Canonization of Joan of Arc Happy Belated Jumping Frog Jubilee based on the first story published by Mark Twain, the Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County …If you enjoyed this tale check out the others utilizing the links below Bookbub https://www.bookbub.com/profile/richard-murray-16885e64-6c28-459e-bf5f-45c7d458ce49 Poetry or More Audiobook https://www.kobo.com/us/en/search?query=Poetry%20or%20More&fcsearchfield=Series&seriesId=06baba96-5af5-5d24-9b8a-f06360287dc9 Visasiki Audiobook https://www.kobo.com/us/en/search?query=Visasiki%20Series&fcsearchfield=Series&seriesId=965aea81-4e13-53fe-8bc8-22fcb6d28a39 Short Story Collection https://www.kobo.com/us/en/search?query=Richard%20Murray%20Short%20Story%20Collection&fcsearchfield=Series&seriesId=014c67c4-d29d-584e-ada0-62c0fa015714
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James Brown born 1933 Please please please from the album please please please by james brown and the furious flames The first album cover for please please please, look at it, you wouldn't think this has anything to do with james brown. Lyrics Please, please, please, please (Please, please don't go) Please, please, please (Please, please don't go) Honey, please don't (Go) Yeah, oh yeah, love, I love you so (Please, please don't go) Baby, you did me wrong (So you got me woman) Well, well you done me wrong (So you got me woman) So you done, done me wrong (Go) Well, oh yeah, took my love, now you're gone (Please, please don't go) Please, please, please, please, please (Please, please don't go) Please, please, please, please, please (Please, please don't go) Honey, please don't (Go) Well, oh yeah, love, I love you so (Please, please don't go) I just wanna hear you say I, I, I, I, I (Please, please don't go) I, I, I, I (Please, please don't go) Honey, please don't (Go) Oh, oh yeah, love, I love you so (Please, please don't go) Baby, take my hand (Please, please don't go) I wanna be your lover man (Please, please don't go) Oh yeah, slipped out of my head Honey, please don't (Go) Well, oh yeah, love, I love you so (Please, please don't go) Please don't go (Please, please don't go) Please don't go (Please, please don't go) Honey, please don't go Ha, I love you so, please, please (Please, please don't go) Songwriters: James Brown, Johnny Terry Try Me from the Album Try Me by James Brown and the Furious Flames look at the album cover, again, really disconnected to james brown, white ownership Lyrics Try me (try me) Try me (try me) Darlin', tell me I need you Try me (try me) Try me (try me) And your love will always be true Oh, I need you (I need you, I need you) Hold me (hold me) Hold me (hold me) I want you right here By my side Hold me (hold me) Hold me (hold me) And your love we won't hide Oh, I need you (I need you, I need you) Oh, I need (I need you) Oh, oh walk with me (walk with me) Talk with me (talk with me) I want you stop my heart from crying Walk with me (walk with me) Talk with me (talk with me) And your love will stop my heart from dying Oh, I need you (I need you, uh) Songwriters: James Brown. Live at the Apollo with the Furious Flames Full Album- first track FULL ALBUM https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=OLAK5uy_ncWqay8kj4z85sSpuMzIQSLCgOjkpoeEc Cover art- yeah! actually black Papas Got a brand new bag part 1 part 1+2+3 Lyrics Come Here Sister... Papa's In The Swing He Ain't Too Hip... About That New Breed Thing He Ain't No Drag Papa's Got A Brand New Bag Come Here Mama... And Dig This Crazy Scene He's Not Too Fancy... But His Mind Is Might Clean He Ain't No Drag. Papa's Got A Brand New Bag He's Doing The Jerk... He's Doing The Fly Don't Play Him Cheap 'Cause You Know He Ain't Shy He's Doing The Monkey, The Mashed Potatoes, Jump Back Jack, See You Later Alligator. Come Here Sister Papa's In The Swing He Ain't Too Hip Now But I Can Dig That New Breed Babe; He Ain't No Drag He's Got A Brand New Bag Oh Papa! He's Doing The Jerk Papa... He's Doing The Jerk He's Doing The Twist ... Just Like This, He's Doing The Fly Ev'ry Day And Ev'ry Night The Thing's... Like The Boomerang. Hey... Come On Hey! Hey... Come On Hey! Hey... He's Pu Tight... Out Of Sight... Come On. Hey! Hey! Songwriters: James Brown I got you ( I feel good) lyrics Whoa! I feel good I knew that I would, now I feel good I knew that I would, now So good, so good, I got you Whoa! I feel nice, like sugar and spice I feel nice, like sugar and spice So nice, so nice, I got you When I hold you in my arms I know that I can do no wrong And when I hold you in my arms My love won't do you no harm And I feel nice, like sugar and spice I feel nice, like sugar and spice So nice, so nice, I got you When I hold you in my arms I know that I can't do no wrong And when I hold you in my arms My love can't do me no harm And I feel nice, like sugar and spice I feel nice, like sugar and spice So nice, so nice, well I got you Whoa! I feel good I knew that I would, now I feel good I knew that I would So good, so good, 'cause I got you So good, so good, 'cause I got you So good, so good, 'cause I got you Hey! Oh Songwriters: Timothy Jamahli Thomas, Theron Makiel Thomas, Jevon Lendrick Hill. It's a man's mans' mans' world Lyrics This is a man's world This is a man's world But it wouldn't be nothing, nothing Without a woman or a girl You see, man made the cars To take us over the road Man made the train To carry the heavy load Man made the electric light To take us out of the dark Man made the boat for the water Like Noah made the ark This is a man's, man's, man's world But it wouldn't be nothing, nothing Without a woman or a girl Man thinks about a little bit of baby girls And a baby boys Man makes them happy 'Cause man makes them toys And after man's made everything Everything he can You know that man makes money To buy from other man This is a man's world But it wouldn't be nothing, nothing Not one little thing Without a woman or a girl He's lost in the wilderness He's lost in the bitterness He's lost in love, oh Songwriters: James Brown, Betty Jean Newsome Get Up ( I fele like being) a sex machine lyrics Fellas, I'm ready to get up and do my thing (yeah go ahead!) I wanta get into it, man, you know (go ahead!) Like a, like a sex machine, man, (yeah go ahead!) Movin' and doin' it, you know Can I count it off? (Go ahead) One, two, three, four! Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Stay on the scene, (get on up), like a sex machine, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Stay on the scene, (get on up), like a sex machine, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Stay on the scene, (get on up), like a sex machine, (get on up) Wait a minute! Shake your arm, then use your form Stay on the scene like a sex machine You got to have the feeling sure as you're born Get it together, right on, right on. Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Hah! Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) You said, you said you got the, You said the feeling, You said the feeling you got to get You give me the fever 'n' a cold sweat. The way i like, it is the way it is, I got mine 'n' don't worry 'bout his Get up, (get on up) Stay on the scene, (get on up), like a sex machine, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Bobby! Should I take 'em to the bridge? (Go Ahead!) Take 'em on to the bridge! (Take em to the bridge!) Should I take 'em to the bridge? (Yeah!) Take 'em to the bridge? (Go Ahead!) Hit me now! Come on! Stay on the scene, like a sex machine! The way I like it is, is the way it is I got mine, (dig it!), he got his Stay on the scene, like a lovin' machine Stay on the scene, like a lovin' machine Stay on the scene I wanna count it off one more time now (Go ahead!) You wanna hear it like it did on the top fellas? (Yeah!) Hear it like it did on the top? (Yeah!) Hit it now! Get on up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get on up, (get on up) Stay on the scene, (get on up), like a lovin' machine, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Taste, (get on up) Bein', (get on up) Taste, (get on up) Bein', (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Stay on the scene, (get on up), like a sex machine, (get on up) You gotta have the feelin, (get on up) Sure as you're born, (get on up) Get it together, right on, right on right on, right on, (right on, right on) right on, right on, (right on, right on) right on, right on, (right on, right on) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) And then, shake your money maker, Shake your money maker, Shake your money maker, Shake your money maker, Shake your money maker, Shake your money maker, Shake your money maker Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Huh! Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Get up, (get on up) Can we hit it like we did one more time, from the top Can we hit like that one more time (One more time!) One more time! Let's hit it and quit! (Go ahead!) Can we hit it and quit? (Yeah!) Can we hit it and quit? (Yeah!) Can we hit it and quit? (Yeah!) Hit it! Songwriters: James Brown, Bobby Byrd, Ronald R. Lenhoff, Jo Bogaert, Moaso Djogi Manuela Bar Kamosi. The Payback single cover Lyrics Hey! Gotta, gotta payback! (The big payback) Revenge! I'm mad! (The big payback) Got to get back! I need some get-back! Payback! Payback!(The big payback) That's it! Payback! Revenge! I'm mad! You get down with my girlfriend, that ain't right Wow! Smokin'! Hollerin' n' cussin', you wanna fight Payback is a thing you gotta see Hell! Brother do any damn thing to me You sold me out for chicken change (Yes you did) You told me that they, they had it all arranged You had me down, and that's a fact And now you punk, you gotta get ready For the big payback (The big payback) That's where I land, on the big payback (The big payback) I can do wheelin', I can do dealin' (Yes we can) But I don't do no damn squealin' I can dig rappin', I'm ready! I can dig scrapping But I can't dig that backstabbin' (Oh no) The brother get ready, that's a fact Get ready you mother for the big payback (The big payback) Let me hit them, hit them, Fred hit them Lord! You took my money, you got my honey Don't want me to see what you doin' to me I can get back! I got to deal with you! Gotta deal with ya, gotta deal with ya! I... gotta deal with...! Hey, let me tell you! Get down with my woman, that ain't right You hollerin' and cussing, you wanna fight Lookie here! Don't do me no darn favor I don't know karate, but I know ka-razor (Yes we do) Hey! Get ready, that's a fact Get ready you mother for the big payback (The big payback) Hey, I'm a man, I'm a man... I'm a son of a man, but don't they tell you that pappa can Get ready for the big payback (The big payback) Hit me again! No, don't... Get ready, I need it, I need a hit again The same one, the same one, the same one Hit me back Lord! (The big payback) Sold me out for chicken change You said my woman had it all arranged Tried to make a deal, she wanted to squeal But I had my boys on her heels Saw what she had comin', told a lie she broke down and she wanted to cry I don't care what she does She'll be doing just like she was Take those kids and raise them up Somebody drink out the righteous cup Take her, take that woman, it's one place she found Just run that mother out of town Make her get up, make her get up, get out Make her get up, make her get up, get out I'm mad! I want revenge, I want revenge, my... (The big payback) My patience ends, I want revenge My patience ends, I want revenge I want revenge, I want revenge (The big payback) Gonna get some hits, I need those hits I need those hits, hit me! Lord, I need those hits Carry on, carry on, payback melody (The big payback) (The big payback) Alright! Da-dee-ra-da, da-dee-ra-da, da-dee-ra-da! (The big payback) Songwriters: Fred Wesley, James Brown, John Starks Say It Loud I'm Black and I'm proud cover art Lyrics Uh! With your bad self Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Look a'here Some people say we got a lot of malice Some say it's a lotta nerve But I say we won't quit moving Until we get what we deserve We've been buked and we've been scourned We've been treated bad, talked about As sure as you're born But just as sure as it take two eyes to make a pair, huh Brother, we can't quit until we get our share Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) One more time Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) I've worked on jobs with my feet and my hands But all the work I did was for the other man And now we demands a chance To do things for ourselves We tired of beating our heads against the wall And working for someone else Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Oowee! You're killing me Alright! Uh! You're out of sight Alright! So tough, you're tough enough Oowee! Uh! You're killing me, ow! Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Now, we demands a chance to do things for ourselves We tired of beating our heads against the wall And working for someone else Look a'here, there's one more thing I got to say right here Now, we're people We're like the birds and the bees But we'd rather die on our feet Than keep living on our knees Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Lord'a, Lord'a, Lord'a Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Uh! Alright now! Lord! You know we can do the Boogaloo Now we can say we do the Funky Broadway Now we do Sometimes we dance, we sing, and we talk You know I do like to do the Camel Walk Alright now, alright Alright now, ha Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Let me hear ya Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Now we's demands a chance to do things for ourselves We're tired of beating our heads against the wall And working for someone else You know, we are our people, too We're like the birds and the bees But we'd rather die on our feet Than keep livin' on our knees Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Let me hear ya Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it louder (I'm black and I'm proud) Eh! Oowee, you're killing me Alright!, Uh! You outta sight! Alright! You're outta sight! Ooowee! Oh Lord! Ooowee! You're killing me Ooowee, ooowee! Ooowee, ooh, ow! Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Good God, I feel it! Say it loud, uh! (I'm black and I'm proud) Say it loud (I'm black and I'm proud) Songwriters: James Brown, Mohandas Dewese
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Love McQueen, the stunts, the love of cars, that he put in each contract , resources for an orphanage home. The Blob The Magnificent Seven a great interview with Eli Wallach about the magnificent seven https://www.americanlegends.com/actors/eili wallach/index.html The Magnificent Seven was produced by Walter Mirish and directed by John Sturges. An independent production, the film was released in 1961. Neither Sturges (1911-1992), nor his movie was the favorite of film school scholars or tribute directors who worship at the camera of Howard Hawks or Preston Sturges. Andrew Sarris wrote in The American Cinema: "Long before The Magnificent Seven, John Sturges seemed to be striving, albeit unconsciously, to become the American Kurosawa..."--the Japanese director whose movie, The Seven Samurai, inspired The Magnificent Seven. Sarris added: "Unfortunately, it is hard to remember why Sturges's career was ever considered meaningful." Sturges's movie, however, was an immediate hit with filmgoers who were stirred by the tale of the seven gunslingers and misfits who come to the aid of a poor Mexican village threatened by local bandits. Sturges chose two Broadway actors to play opposite leads: Yul Brynner was cast as Chris, the philosophical leader of the seven who at one point in the movie says, "Once you begin killing, you can't stop," and at another comments: "The graveyards are full of young boys who were very young and very proud." Eli Wallach, an Actors Studio veteran, played the brutal bandit Calvera. For the rest of the cast, Sturges assembled a group of then unknowns, some of whom had knocked about Hollywood for years playing off-beat parts: James Coburn, Brad Dexter, Charles Bronson. The director also recruited a young actor named Steve McQueen, whom he had spotted on television, and chose to play Vin, the boyish Tombstone gunman. The film's musical score was composed by Elmer Bernstein whose Coplandesque theme captured the bravery and idealism of the seven American samurai who set aside their own self-interest in a noble cause. This telephone interview appeared on American Legends in January 2005. Eli Wallach died in 2014 at 98. Known for his versatility and serious attention to his craft, Wallach appeared on Broadway in 1951 in Tennessee Williams's The Rose Tattoo and later patented his own version of a hard, rough "bad guy" in Westerns, including Sergio Leone's A Fistful of Dollars, and The Magnificent Seven which, with its great ensemble cast, has come to be regarded as a classic. Q: How did you get involved in the movie? A: I wish I knew. One day I was called in by John Sturges. He said, "We thought about you, and we want to cast you." I had seen The Seven Samurai and would have loved to play the crazy samurai, the role Mifume played in the Kurosawa film. It was brilliant. Q: Sturges chose Yul Brynner who was known for his Broadway roles as the lead. A: I knew Yul from New York when he was working in television as a director. Sturges told me, "We're thinking of you as the head bandit." I told Sturges that I had seen the Japanese film--and all I recalled was that the bandit wore an eyepatch and that all you saw was his horse's hoofs: he rides in, he rides out. Q: But you were cast as Calvera. A: I almost turned it down. Then I read the script carefully and I thought, Well, I'll play the part cause it's a terrific role. I went to Sturges and said, "In movie Westerns, you never see what the bandits do with the money. They hold up the trains, they steal the cattle, but you never see what they do with the money. I want to show how they spend it. I want to have silk shirts. I'm going to put in two gold teeth. I want a good horse, a wonderful saddle." Sturges said, "Okay. You got it." So I went to Mexico. We shot it on location there. I had no idea what the movie would turn out to be, but I got to see some wonderful young actors who were going to blossom into stars: Coburn, Bronson, McQueen. Q: Did the Mexican government cooperate? A: The Mexicans were furious with the Americans. There had been a movie called Vera Cruz with Burt Lancaster and Gary Cooper that had angered the Mexicans with the way they were depicted. They tore the seats out of the theater and threw them at the screen. So the government had a censor on the set. When he read the script, the censor asked Sturges, "Why do you have to send to America to bring back gunmen We have plenty of our own." Sturges said, "Fortunately, or unfortunately, the money is coming from Hollywood studios, so we have to use Americans." There was also a man on the set named Emilio Fernandez. He was a Mexican movie director who had done a number of movies in the 1940s with Delores Del Rio, including Maria Candelaria which celebrated Mexican folklore. He acted as a kind of adviser to Sturges to see that nothing "non-Mexican" happened. I got along very well with him. Q: John Sturges is dismissed by auteur critics as an action-adventure director, someone who did Escape from Fort Bravo and The Great Escape. What was it like to work with him? A: There was a lot of respect for Sturges on the set. He had a wonderful eye. I had about thirty or so bandits in my outfit. Sturges told me, "I want you and your gang to go riding in the morning before you come on the set." So we'd mount up early in the morning, at sunup, and ride for an hour and then come in all wet and dirty and ready to shoot. Q: Was there improvisation in shooting the film? A: No, except Steve McQueen, who was a very skillful movie actor, said, "Listen, I want to cut some of my dialogue. I don't want to talk too much. Acting in movies is really reacting, so I want to react to things." Sturges let him do it. Q: Did the actors compete with each other on camera? A: I once stood alongside the camera and watched the seven ride across the river. Each one did another little piece of business which they thought would cause you to remember them more. McQueen reached out and scooped up some water in his hat and put it on. Another turned and looked around at the next man--at the one behind him. All of them had odd little pieces of business. I thought it very interesting--wait till they meet me. Q: Did you have much interaction with the rest of the cast? A: Bronson was a loner. He kept to himself. I liked Robert Vaughn and James Coburn very much. Vaughn is a very intelligent guy. He wrote a book on blacklisting. Coburn was one of those quiet types which fit his character very well: silent but a knife thrower of great skill. The one I became quite friendly with was Brad Dexter. Of the seven no one can remember his name. I was also adopted by my Mexican gang, one of whom, Guillermo Kramer, was an architect and wonderful horseman. Q: Brad Dexter later acted with Sinatra and co-produced his movies. Both he and Horst Buchholz died in 2004. A: Buchholz played the romantic lead. That was a part I was interested in when I read the script. But Sturges told me, "We're bringing over a young German actor. He's going to play that." Buchholz was good. He rode beautifully. He brought to the role his German training and background. Q: Was there any sense that The Magnificent Seven was going to be a great movie? A: You can never predict the outcome of a movie. I did The Misfits with a great cast: Marilyn Monroe, Monty Clift, and Clark Gable. You'd think it was going to be a great show. The critics were not that happy because Monroe, Clift, and Gable were trying to destroy the mold the studio had put them in over the years. As for The Magnificent Seven, it has become a cult classic. I think it is one of the ten best Westerns ever made. (Background information for the interview was found in the following: Andrew Sarris, The American Cinema, New York, Da Capo Press ed., 1996; Neile McQueen Toffel, My Husband, My Friend, New York, Signet ed., 1986) a book on blacklisting by Robert Vaughn https://www.am*zon.com/Only-Victims-Study-Business-Blacklisting/dp/0879100818 The Great Escape Article on the great escape- Bud Ekins did the motorcycle stunt but off camera, steve mcqueen and tim gibbes did it for fun https://web.archive.org/web/20210309184609/https://www.hagerty.com/media/motorcycles/the-great-escape-was-steve-mcqueen-having-fun/ The Great Escape is how Steve McQueen outfoxed studio lawyers and kept having fun Priscilla Page 02 May 2019 At the threshold of Steve McQueen’s stardom, a studio attorney gave him just a day to make a life-altering decision: racing or acting. If McQueen were to become a true leading man, he’d have to play it safe and sacrifice the race track. “They gave me twenty-four hours to make up my mind,” McQueen recalled. “I took most of those twenty-four hours thinking about whether I wanted to go on racing, earning my money on the track, or whether I wanted to continue being an actor on the studio’s terms. It was a very tough decision for me to reach. Still, I had Neile and our two young children to consider, and that made the difference. I signed their paper.” With 1963’s The Great Escape, Steve McQueen established a career built on outfoxing his contract. He may have been unable to race for real, but he could still race in the movies. And The Great Escape was the first of such ruses — director John Sturges and McQueen “worked a hairy motorcycle chase” into the film for McQueen’s character Virgil Hilts, nicknamed the Cooler King due to the time he spent in solitary confinement. McQueen described it himself, “The idea was this Cooler King character makes good his escape by stealing a cycle, gets chased cross-country by German cyclists and loses them by jumping this big barbed-wire fence with this bike.” The bike jump in The Great Escape is legendary, but Sturges’ film is a masterpiece in its own right, based on the true story of Allied airmen’s daring escape via tunnels from Stalag Luft III during World War II. Though McQueen is ostensibly the star, the film belongs to its ensemble cast, a dream team of 1960s masculine icons and legendary actors that included James Garner, Charles Bronson, James Coburn, James Donald, Donald Pleasence, David McCallum, and Richard Attenborough. On its surface, The Great Escape seems to be a war film, but at its heart, it’s a heist movie flipped on its head: a group of specialists team up to make a plan with nothing but their ingenuity – though instead of breaking in, they’re breaking out of a German POW camp. It’s also the ultimate underdog story, a film about camaraderie, courage, self-sacrifice, and giving the enemy hell. The Great Escape brought together some of the most prominent gearheads of the 1960s, and by all accounts, the testosterone on the set was out of control. Charles Bronson started an affair with David McCallum’s wife Jill Ireland. Steve McQueen frequently fought for changes to the script, and even took issue with his rival James Garner wearing a more handsome outfit. Even Donald Pleasence brought his Jaguar with him to Germany. According to David McCallum, “Everyone drove like a maniac, including Donald Pleasence. [ . . . ] But Steve was the guy – mirroring the film, almost – who took the most risks and had the traffic police in awe of him. When he was pulled over they’d say, ‘Herr McQueen, good morning, we’re delighted that once again you’ve won the special prize,’ and cart him off to the jail. Once I asked him what he did in a crash. He told me you should aim for the smallest trees.” Tom Adams, who played RAF officer Dai Nimmo, put it plainly: “Steve McQueen was as mad as a hatter. He wrote off six or seven cars out there.” Though it may have made him difficult behind the scenes, McQueen channeled his reckless thrill-seeking, his penchant for getting locked up, and his love for bikes into his performance and character. Stuntman Bud Ekins was as essential to The Great Escape as Steve McQueen himself. McQueen met Ekins when he bought a Triumph motorcycle from him, started hanging out at Ekins’ shop, and as a result discovered desert racing. It was McQueen’s idea to fly Ekins out to Bavaria where they were shooting The Great Escape. “He said, ‘I’m going to Germany and I’m going to make a movie. Do you want to come over and double me? There’s some motorcycle work in it.’ I said, ‘Sure,’ and that was about it.” It would be the first of many films Ekins and McQueen made together. Bud Ekins prepared and choreographed the bulk of the chase, and McQueen did most of his own riding. McQueen was a better driver than many of the stuntmen playing Germans, so he put on an SS uniform for some of these scenes and chased himself. As Hilts, he rode a 1962 650cc Triumph TR6R. Production used four bikes total, modified to look like a WWII-era side-valve BMW with an olive paint job, old seat, and luggage rack. The studio’s insurers took issue with McQueen doing anything too dangerous, so Ekins doubled him for stunts where McQueen could have been hurt. Ekins also brought along Australian motocross champion Tim Gibbes, who played the Nazi officer who crashes after Hilts sets a wire trap in the road. Hilts steals Gibbes’ SS uniform and motorcycle and heads for Switzerland. On his way toward the border, he draws the unwanted attention of German officers who try asking questions that he can’t answer. Hilts kicks one of these officers off his bike and speeds away, with countless Nazis in pursuit. Though McQueen is famous for The Great Escape’s most famous stunt, it was Bud Ekins who performed it. McQueen explained, “I always felt a little guilty about that. A lot of people thought it was me making that jump, but I’ve never tried to hide the truth about it. I could handle the jump now, I’m sure. Back in ’62, I just didn’t have the savvy.” According to a few of his castmates, McQueen did have the savvy. John Leyton, aka Willie “The Tunnel King,” had his own story about palling around with McQueen, Coburn, and Bronson after the cameras stopped rolling. The men rode motorcycles together and they all managed to make the jump, aided by a ramp dug in the hill that Ekins had used as a launch pad. McQueen performed the stunt at least one other time, on camera, just to prove that he could, and Tim Gibbes did it for fun. According to second unit director Robert E. Relyea, McQueen, Ekins, and Gibbes were all filmed performing the stunt. Relyea wrote in his book Not So Quiet on the Set that he believes it could be any of these three men doing the stunt featured in the final cut, but most believe that it’s Bud Ekins on film. Ekins sped his way up and over the barbed-wire fence, jumped 12 feet high, and descended 65 feet at 60 mph. It only took one take for Bud Ekins to pull it off. Ekins said, “When I took off, I throttled right back and it was silent. You know, everything was just silent – the whole crew and everything was just silent. And then when I landed they cheered like crazy.” With Hilts surrounded on all sides by Nazis, this moment has the highest stakes imaginable, and though Hilts is ultimately captured, it is euphoric when he first makes it to the other side. The motorcycle jump is essential to The Great Escape’s legacy, a historic moment in moviemaking. It became an image seared into our collective memory, emblematic of liberation and the brief exultation of those who made it out of the prison camp. But their escape came at a cost, as the Gestapo executed the majority of the escapees. At the end of the film, Hendley asks Senior British Officer Ramsey (James Donald), “Do you think it was worth the price?” Ramsey responds, “It depends on your point of view.” Jack Lyon, a real RAF officer who’d been imprisoned at Stalag Luft III, believed the mission boosted morale at the camp, as the men felt they had a purpose, that they contributed something. Ramsey argues they succeeded in their mission: to mess up the works, and to get back at the enemy the hardest way they could. The Cincinnati Kid check out city college of new york alumni, edward g robinson in the ending of the film The Thomas Crown Affair song is Michel Legrand, windmills of your mind the split screen effect was mastered in this film Bullitt a still, of McQueen riding, the head stuntman played the rival rider. McQueen tried to buy the car in the film but it is in a private collector's space The Reivers based on william faulkner's last book Le Mans the introduction, it is calm, really an advert for driving a car on a road in the woodlands Papillon made by https://alliedartists.com/ look at the other films they helped produce The Solitary Confinement scenes in Papillon are stark + The Towering Inferno The tower was designed by Doug Roberts in the film. The tower was designed by Doug Roberts, https://www.vaultofculture.com/vault/towering/glasstower Tower-ing Fiction #9: Glass Tower, The Towering Inferno (1974) June 12, 2019 by Shawn Gilmore The Towering Inferno (dir. John Guillerman, 1974) is one of the Irwin Allen-produced disaster epics helped establish the modern blockbuster in terms of scale, stakes, and narrative setup. Without it, we wouldn’t have later films like Die Hard (dir. John McTiernan, 1988) or even Skyscraper (dir. Rawson Marshall Thurber, 2018), as previously covered in the Tower-ing Fiction series. And at its heart is the Glass Tower, a modern skyscraper, billed as “the tallest building in the world,” which of course will become the titular towering inferno, which will erupt over “a night of blazing suspense,” as promotional materials don’t attempt to hide. The plot of the film is fairly thin—architect Doug Roberts (Paul Newman) has returned to San Francisco for the dedication of the building he designed the builder, James Duncan (William Holden); an electrical fire breaks out on the 81st floor, likely because Duncan’s son-in-law cut corners; during the dedication ceremony itself, a full fire erupts, and fire chief Michael O’Hallorhan (Steve McQueen) is called in to try to rescue those trapped inside, many from the 135th floor Promenade Room, roof, offices, elevators, etc. The star-studded cast is populated by actors playing types (as named on the poster): Faye Dunaway as the Girlfriend, Fred Astaire as the Con-Man, Susan Blakely as the Wife, Richard Chamberlain as the Son-in-Law, Jennifer Jones as the Widow, OJ Simpson as the Security Man, Robert Vaughn as the Senator, and Robert Wagner as the Publicity Man. There is much fire, and yelling, and a few tests of wills, but the film focuses on moment-by-moment solutions to immediate danger—how will a cluster of our characters make it through the peril in front of them, and can they trust one another to do so? In the end, much of the fire is doused by blowing up roof-top water tanks, with O’Hallorhan’s ingenuity saving nearly all of those involved. ... From Prose to Screen The Towering Inferno was adapted from two fairly similar thrillers, The Tower (1973) by Richard Martin Stern and The Glass Inferno (1974) by Thomas N. Scortia and Frank M. Robinson. The Tower focuses on the grand opening of the World Tower Building in Lower Manhattan, built near the World Trade Center Towers (which had been completed in 1970 and 1971), and is billed as even taller, at 125 stories and 1,527’; the plot hinges on shortcuts in the electrical systems, a disgruntled sheet-metal worker with a bomb, which coupled sets off a fire that traps the important guests in the 125th floor Tower Room, some of whom are saved by a breeches buoy line secured to the nearby (and lower) North Tower of the World Trade Center. The Glass Inferno concerns itself with the “Glass House,” or more properly the National Curtainwall Building, which is some 66 stories tall an located in an unnamed American city; again, corners were cut in the construction of the tower, there are disgruntled employees, and a fire breaks out, and in this iteration, those remaining are saved from the penthouse Promenade Room by a combination of helicopter rescue and exploding water tanks to put out most of the fire. Warner Brothers bought the rights to The Tower and 20th Century Fox snagged The Glass Inferno, putting two similar films in to production. Allen convinced the two studios to jointly produce his film, splitting revenues, with domestic proceeds going to Fox and international to Warner Brothers. These parallel novels were then merged by Stirling Silliphant (who also wrote scripts for In the Heat of the Night (dir. Norman Jewison, 1967) and The Poseidon Adventure) in to one synthetic story, and copies of both novels were rolled out with film-specific branding. The two novels make their respective towers central characters. The Tower opens with a set of diegetic descriptions of the World Tower: It is the world’s tallest structure, and the most modern, an enduring tribute to man’s ingenuity, skill, and vision. It is a triumph of imagination. —GROVER FRAZEE at the World Tower dedication ceremonies. A monument to Mammon, product of man’s insatiable ego, an affront to the gods. That so much treasure should have been poured into the construction of this — this monstrosity while poverty, yes, and even hunger still stalk the land, is an abomination! There will be inevitable Divine retribution! —THE REVEREND JOE WILLIE THOMAS in a press interview. Which is then followed by an extended prologue, moving from the construction to the tower as a living thing: For one hundred and twenty-five floors, from street level to Tower Room, the building rose tall and clean and shining. […] By comparison with the twin masses of the nearby Trade Center, the building appeared slim, almost delicate, a thing of fragile-seeming grace and beauty. But eight subbasements beneath the street level its roots were anchored deep in the bedrock of the island; and its core and external skeleton, cunningly contrived, had the strength of laminated spring steel. […] Through its telephone, radio, and television systems operating at ground level, broadcasting through the atmosphere or via satellite, its sphere of communication was, quite simply, the earth. It could even communicate with itself, floor to floor, subbasement to gleaming tower. […] As the structure grew, its arteries, veins, nerves, and muscles were woven into the whole: miles of wiring, piping, utility ducting; cables and conduits; heating, ventilating, and air-conditioning ducts, intakes, and outlets—and always, always the monitoring systems and devices to oversee and control the building’s internal environment, its health, its life. Sensors to relay information on temperature, humidity, air flow and content; computers to assimilate the data, evaluate them, issue essential instructions for continuation or change. […] The building breathed, manipulated its internal systems, slept only as the human body sleeps: heart, lungs, cleansing organs functioning on automatic control, encephalic waves pulsing ceaselessly. […] Men had envisioned it, conceived it, and constructed it, sometimes almost lovingly, sometimes with near hatred, because, like all great projects, the building had early on developed a character of its own, and no man intimately associated with it could escape involvement. There is, it seems, a feedback. What man creates with his hands or his mind becomes a part of himself. And there, on this morning, the building stood, its uppermost tip catching the first rays of sunrise while the rest of the city still slept in shadow; and the thousands of men who had had a part in the building’s design and construction were going to remember this day forever. Later, in chapter 12, as the inferno rages, a character reflects that “the great shining World Tower she had visited so often during the years of its construction […] was crippled now, a helpless giant” and the people on the street gazing upon the tower, “like ghouls, spectators at a public execution lusting for more blood, more terror.” In the next chapter, an omniscient narrator characterizes the building a cursed: For some from the start it was one of those jobs you writhed in dreams about and awakened sweating. The sheer magnitude of the World Tower was frightening, but it was more, far more than that. The building taking shape seemed to develop a personality of its own, and that personality was malign. On a cold fall day a freak wind whipped through the huge empty space where the plaza would be, picked up a loose piece of corrugation, and scaled it as a boy might scale a flattened tin can. A workman named Bowers saw it coming, tried too late to duck, and was almost but not quite decapitated. The front tire of a partially off-loaded truck standing perfectly still suddenly blew out with sufficient force to shift the untied load of pipe, burying three men in a tangle of assorted fractures. On another cold fall day a fire started in a subbasement, spread through piled lumber, and trapped two men in a tunnel. They were rescued alive—just. Paul Simmons was standing outside the building, talking with one of his foremen, when Pete Janowski walked off the steel at floor 65. The Doppler effect accentuated the man’s screams until they ended abruptly with a sickening thunk that Paul, not ten feet away, would never forget. And finally, near the end of the novel, in chapter 30, when speculating on motivations of Connor, the bomber, we learn that: “[…] the World Tower building was the last real job he had. He was fired. There’s a connection, but maybe you have to be loony to see it. I don’t know. All I know are the facts.” In a vague kind of way it made sense. All three men felt it. The Establishment had killed Connors’s wife, hadn’t it? The World Tower building was the brand-new shining symbol of the Establishment, wasn’t it? Well? So, the World Tower, man’s creation (and mirror of himself) is both malign and the Man, the inferno of the novel a kind of public execution, spurred on by one man’s rage at its symbolic stakes. The Glass Inferno (1974) opens with teasing advertising copy: The snow that began falling on Thanksgiving Eve added an extra magic to the spectacular new sixty-six-story high rise known as the Glass House. It dominated the city skyline: the latest triumph of modern architecture and engineering. But unnoticed, deep within it, a tiny spark grew until it became an inferno that changed the lives of the hundreds who worked or lived in the building—as well as the architect who designed it, the contractors who built it, the newsman who first warned of its dangers, and the firemen compelled to risk their lives because of another’s man’s greed and misjudgment. A gripping story of fire in a modem high rise, The Glass Inferno is an unforgettable novel of men and women caught in crisis, their heroism and cowardice, their unforgivable weaknesses and surprising strengths. As much fact as fiction, this is the revealing account of a holocaust that no fire department anywhere is equipped to fight. A novel, as uncomfortably close to the city cliff dweller as tomorrow’s headlines, gives us a frightening insight into the new skyscrapers that march across the urban and suburban skyline—the towering apartment houses and business complexes that experts have dubbed “fire traps in the sky.” Lacking the more overt symbolism of The Tower, the Glass House is described in the first chapter as a “tower etched against the dark clouds”: Sixty-six stories of gold-tinted glass panels and gold-anodized aluminum. The location on the north side of the financial district had been selected so there would be no buildings for several blocks around that could challenge it. There had been no compromise on the size of the site itself—the plazas on each side of the building were spacious and inviting, you didn’t feel crowded as you strolled across them to the building’s entrance. Sixty-six stories—thirty commercial and office floors and thirty-six of apartment floors—straight up with no setbacks. On the southern exposure, a sheer wall marked the utility core and served as a golden backdrop for the scenic elevator to the Promenade Room at the top. […] the most popular postcards in the local drugstores were those of the Glass House at night. It had become a symbol of the city. The Glass House is a less audacious structure, described in chapter 31 as just “one of the tallest” high rises in the city, with similar construction problems as possible dangers, such as the “chimney effect” that would exacerbate a mid-building raging fire. Building the Glass Tower The Towering Inferno, along with its Allen-produced precursor The Poseidon Adventure (dir. Ronald Neame, 1972) and later films like Jaws (dir. Steven Spielberg, 1975) and Star Wars (dir. George Lucas, 1977) helped establish the modern conception of the blockbuster film, specifically in their publicity, merchandising, and the narrative of production used to pitch the films themselves. So, The Towering Inferno was not only the top-grossing film of 1974 (and was nominated for a Best Picture Oscar), but was also promoted by highlighting the story of its production, specifically how its special effects were achieved, including extensive documentation of the model-making for the film’s two main towers. Below are some of the variety of production materials that came out in relation to the film, sourced from a variety of fan sites, including The Towering Inferno Archive and The Towering Inferno Memorabilia Archive. ... Here are some storyboards Here are some parodies Parodies And, as with other major blockbusters, The Towering Inferno received some light ribbing from parody magazines. Prominent among these was the six-page “The Towering Infernal,” in Cracked #126 (August 1975), with original art by John Severin: And the eight-page “The Towering Sterno” in Mad #177 (September 1975), written by Dick De Bartolo, with art by Mort Drucker: An Enemy of the People Steve McQueen plays a man from a town who finds out a local business enterprise is sickening and makes it public against the towns desires Trailer Original Five Act Play bu Henrik Ibsen https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/2446/pg2446-images.html Steve McQueen stunts Thomas Crown Affair/ The Great Escape/Bullitt/Papillon/Thomas Crown Affair Below is missed roles, very interesting the movies he passed up, he would have been even bigger. but the movies he passed on made others careers. MISSED ROLES uniform resource locator https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steve_McQueen#Missed_roles content McQueen was offered the lead male role in Breakfast at Tiffany's, but was unable to accept due to his Wanted: Dead or Alive contract (the role went to George Peppard). He turned down parts in Ocean's 11, Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid (his attorneys and agents could not agree with Paul Newman's attorneys and agents on top billing),The Driver,Apocalypse Now, California Split, Dirty Harry, A Bridge Too Far, The French Connection (he did not want to do another cop film), Close Encounters of the Third Kind and Sorcerer. According to director John Frankenheimer and actor James Garner in bonus interviews for the DVD of the film Grand Prix, McQueen was Frankenheimer's first choice for the lead role of American Formula One race car driver Pete Aron. Frankenheimer was unable to meet with McQueen to offer him the role, so he sent Edward Lewis, his business partner and the producer of Grand Prix. McQueen and Lewis instantly clashed, the meeting was a disaster, and the role went to Garner. Later, in an interview, Garner said: Oh, McQueen. Crazy McQueen. McQueen and I got along pretty good. McQueen looked at me kind of like an older brother, and he didn't want to have much to do with me, till he got in trouble, then he'd call. He knew he could trust me to tell him just what I thought. A lot of people wouldn't do that. And then we had... it wasn't a falling out... as I did Grand Prix, Steve was originally slated to do that movie, but he couldn't get along with Frankenheimer. So that lasted about thirty minutes, and Steve was out, and I was in. And Steve went over to do Sand Pebbles, which went about a year longer than they wanted to go. Big production, spent a lot of money and stayed over in [Taiwan] too long. So, when I got the part in Grand Prix, I called him, in Taiwan. and I said, "Steve, I want to tell you, before you hear it from somebody else, that I'm going to do Grand Prix." Well, there was about a twenty dollar silence there, on the telephone. He didn't know what to say, and finally said "Oh, that's great, great, I'm glad to hear it." Because, he planned to do Le Mans, which was another title at the time, but we were going to be out, and Grand Prix released before he ever even got to that film. But he said, "Great, great, well, I'm glad to hear it; that's good. You know, if anybody's gonna do it, I'm glad, you're doin' it." He didn't talk to me for about a year and half, and we were next-door neighbors, so it did get to him a little bit. Finally, his son, Chad, made him take him to go see Grand Prix. And from that time on, we were talking again. But Steve was a wild kid. He didn't know where he wanted to be or what he wanted to do. Director Steven Spielberg said McQueen was his first choice for the character of Roy Neary in Close Encounters of the Third Kind. According to Spielberg in a documentary on the film's DVD release, Spielberg met him at a bar, where McQueen drank beer after beer. Before leaving, McQueen told Spielberg that he could not accept the role because he was unable to cry on cue. Spielberg offered to take the crying scene out of the story, but McQueen demurred, saying that it was the best scene in the script. The role eventually went to Richard Dreyfuss. William Friedkin wanted to cast McQueen as the lead in the action thriller film Sorcerer (1977). Sorcerer was to be filmed primarily on location in the Dominican Republic, but McQueen did not want to be separated from Ali MacGraw for the duration of the shoot. McQueen then asked Friedkin to let MacGraw act as a producer, so she could be present during principal photography. Friedkin would not agree to this condition, and cast Roy Scheider instead of McQueen. Friedkin later remarked that not casting McQueen hurt the film's performance at the box-office. Spy novelist Jeremy Duns revealed that McQueen was considered for the lead role in a film adaptation of The Diamond Smugglers, written by James Bond creator Ian Fleming. McQueen would play John Blaize, a secret agent gone undercover to infiltrate a diamond-smuggling ring in South Africa. There were complications with the project, which was eventually shelved, although a 1964 screenplay does exist. McQueen and Barbra Streisand were tentatively cast in The Gauntlet (1977), but the pair could not get along and both withdrew from the project—though according to one biographer, they had briefly dated in 1971. The lead roles were filled by Clint Eastwood and Sondra Locke. McQueen expressed interest in the Rambo character in First Blood when David Morrell's novel appeared in 1972, but the producers rejected him because of his age. He was offered the title role in The Bodyguard (to star Diana Ross) when it was proposed in 1976, but the film did not reach production until years after McQueen's death; the film eventually starred Kevin Costner and Whitney Houston in 1992. Quigley Down Under was in development as early as 1974, with McQueen in consideration for the lead, but by the time production began in 1980, McQueen was ill. The project was scrapped until a decade later, when Tom Selleck starred. McQueen was offered the lead in Raise the Titanic, but felt the script was flat. He was under contract to Irwin Allen after appearing in The Towering Inferno and offered a part in a sequel in 1980, which he turned down. The film was scrapped and Newman was brought in by Allen to make When Time Ran Out, which was a box-office bomb. McQueen died shortly after passing on The Towering Inferno 2.
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Nina Simone music, if bold it is a cover to a white written song. if underscore it is a cover of a black song. Comprehend, covers are unique things, it matters who sings and provides instrumentals to any music. Don't anyone tell you otherwise. I Loves You Porgy I Put A Spell On You - complete album My Baby Just Cares For Me Little Girl Blue NOTE: Because she had sold her rights outright for $3,000, Simone lost more than $1 million in royalties (notably for the 1980s re-release of her version of the jazz standard "My Baby Just Cares for Me") and never benefited financially from the album's sales Brown Baby Brown Baby Oscar brown jr Brown baby brown baby As you grow up I want you to drink from the plenty cup I want you to stand up tall and proud And I want you to speak up clear and loud Brown baby brown baby brown baby As years go by I want you to go with your head up high I want you to live by the justice code And I want you to walk down freedom's road You little brown baby So lie away lie away spleeping lie away singing Lie away sleeping lie away safe in my arms Till your daddy and you mama protect you? nd keep you safe from harm Brown baby It makes me glad you gonna have things that I never had When out of men's heart all hate is hurled Sweetie you gonna live in a better world Brown baby brown baby brown baby Lyrics by OScar Brown Sin and Soul full album of OScar Brown Zungo Someone please find them, he is speaking a nigerian tongue by Michael Olatunji Afro PErcussion full album by Michael Olatunji Mississippi Goddam Mississippi Goddam Alabama's gotten me so upset Tennessee made me lose my rest And everybody knows about Mississippi Goddam Alabama's gotten me so upset Tennessee made me lose my rest And everybody knows about Mississippi Goddam Can't you see it, can't you feel it It's all in the air I can't stand the pressure much longer Somebody say a prayer Alabama's gotten me so upset Tennessee made me lose my rest And everybody knows about Mississippi Goddam If you know this song You can join in with us Hound dogs on my trail School children sitting in jail Black cat cross my path I think every day's gonna be my last Lord have mercy on this land of mine We all gonna get it in due time I don't belong here, I don't belong there I've even stopped believing in prayer Don't tell me, I tell you Me and my people just about due I've been there so I know They keep on saying "Go slow!" Well, that's just the trouble "Too slow" Washing the windows "Too slow" Picking the cotton "Too slow" You're just plain rotten "Too slow" Too damn lazy "Too slow" Thinking's crazy "Too slow" Where am I going What am I doing I don't know I don't know Just tryin' to do my very best Stand up be counted with all the rest Cause everybody knows about Mississippi Goddam You afraid of that word? Picket lines, school boy cots They try to say it's a communist plot All I want is equality For my sisters, my brothers, my people and me You lied to me all these years You told me to wash and clean my ears And talk real fine just like a lady You'd stop calling me Sister Sadie Oh but my country is full of lies You're all gonna die and die like flies Cause I don't trust you any more You keep on saying "Go slow!" That's just the trouble Too slow Desegregation Too slow Mass participation Too slow Reunification Too slow Do things gradually Too slow But bring more tragedy Too slow Why don't you feel it Why don't you see it I don't know I don't know You don't have to live next to me Just give me my equality Cause everybody knows about Mississippi Everybody knows about Alabama Everybody knows about Ronald Reagan Everybody knows about Margareth Tatcher Everybody knows about Ronald Reagan Everybody knows about Jesse Jackson Everybody knows about Michael Jackson Everybody knows about Everybody knows about Mississippi Goddam Goddam Lyrics by Nina Simone Nina Simone In Concert Full Album Four Women My skin is black My arms are long My hair is woolly My back is strong Strong enough to take the pain Inflicted again and again What do they call me? My name is Aunt Sarah My name is Aunt Sarah, Aunt Sarah My skin is yellow My hair is long Between two worlds I do belong My father was rich and white He forced my mother late one night What do they call me? My name is Saffronia My name is Saffronia My skin is tan My hair is fine My hips invite you My mouth like wine Whose little girl am I? Anyone who has money to buy What do they call me? My name is Sweet Thing My name is Sweet Thing My skin is brown My manner is tough I'll kill the first mother I see My life has been rough I'm awfully bitter these days 'Cause my parents were slaves What do they call me? My name is Peaches Lyrics by Nina Simone Ain't Got No, I Got Life NOTE: A medley of two songs "Aint Got No" + " I Got Life" To be Young Gifted and Black Young, gifted and black Oh what a lovely precious dream To be young, gifted and black Open your heart to what I mean In the whole world you know There's a million boys and girls Who are young, gifted and black And that's a fact! You are young, gifted and black We must begin to tell our young There's a world waiting for you Yours is the quest that's just begun When you feel really low Yeah, there's a great truth that you should know When you're young, gifted and black Your soul's intact To be young, gifted and black Oh, how I've longed to know the truth There are times when I look back And I am haunted by my youth Oh but my joy of today Is that we can all be proud to say To be young, gifted and black Is where it's at Is where it's at Is where it's at Lyrics by Nina Simone + Weldone Irvine LIVE 1969 - She introduced the song on August 17, 1969, to a crowd of 50,000 at the Harlem Cultural Festival, captured on broadcast video tape and released in 2021 as the documentary film Summer of Soul. I admit I like this song, lets have another live recording, Nina Simone was done with the recording industry anyway Audio Recording Yes, I can't listen to be young gifted and black and not shed a tear thinking on black people the world over against the various whites, and one more tear for my own tribe in the village in their naturally dangerous peccadillium/place of sin/U.S.A. Nina Simone on Malcolm X Malcolm X to me, was the most important , the most important spokesman we have ever had, in this country for black people, bar none, and everything he said i agreed with, everything he said, i agreed with, and I was absolutely... I am still not over the fact that he is gone, and I really would like to say that I think it is black people's fault that he is dead, just as it is black peoples fault that martin luther king is dead, they didn't give them any protection, they ran them away, they followed them, but they didn't protect them, they willing to die but they not willing to kill, hey man, I get upset when I think about it, I get upset, and that is one of the reasons I don't live in this country, cause there is no protection https://www.tumblr.com/afriblaq/764152297355984896 https://www.tumblr.com/afriblaq/764152297355984896 my thoughts Can I get an Amen. But Nina Simone's point is huge here. What Nina Simone is really saying is the Black Church, Historical Black Colleges+ Institutions, Black elected officials, Black business owners didn't protect Black advocates or black artists, and she is correct. I love how she said black people ran both Malcolm + martin away which I know from black people who lived in the 1960s is true, but you never hear from black people alive then in media today. The only two groups that honestly talked of honest protection were the panthers+ nation of islam. but the nation of islam outside Malcolm's leadership did it only for members. While the panthers were criminalized by black churches/black elected officials/black business owners for their stance on defense. So many black artist+ advocates were injured or attacked in the usa and never had any protection, and the black church being the most important black institution had to be most responsible.
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Financial Federalism This edition of the Economic Corner has three articles in the following chronological order, after my thoughts 1) The legality of the Executive branch in the second term of Schrumpf 2) The need for efficiency in the Federal Government and how it became ever more inefficient in the nineteen hundreds 3) The failure of presidencies before Schrumpfs first term from elephants or donkeys to diminish the federal governments bureaucracy while make it a better operator. Financially, the Black populace in the usa has a heritage in the united states of America few mention; it is the following. Only the federal government in the united states of America has been positive in some course of time to the black populace in the usa as a bureaucratic body. I restate, each town/city/county/state in the usa have provided negative environments, legal or communal, for black people, averaging out their history. This means the federal government of the usa relates to Black people in the usa, especially Black Descended Of Enslaved (BDOS), other than non blacks, especially whites, in the usa. Whites of European descent talk of the usa, but tend to relate to the town, the city, the county, the state because even though the federal government protects/defends the overall system, the specificity of local law, the flexibility of local law, provided and provides to whites of European descent opportunity/safety/comfort. While for blacks , said towns/cities/counties/states provide horror/abuse/terror. Said heritage, led to a federalism in the black populace in the usa unlike any other demographic in the usa. Said federalism is an advocate of greater bureaucracy in the federal government to undo state/county/city/town governments negativity. The more the federal government can watch/penalize the lower ranked municipalities the better. I think of two black women. Years ago, one said to me privately, she lives in the Midwest region, that only the federal government has ever supported the black people in her region. It isn't impossible to live there, she does, but it is never welcoming, never with ease, always with a barrier. And more recently, the other said on local news in NYC, that maybe the states need to go in the united states of America. The only person I ever heard publicly say the states in the union need to all go, was a black person, for honesty's sake said person is a she. When I think of these two points, it exposes why Whites despise or fear or dislike ever expanding federal bureaucracy. White people's local power requires local strength or local allowance. Black towns exist, but they exist in White counties. Black counties exist , but they exist in White States. So all majority black , in populace, municipal zones in the united states of America, exist within a larger municipal zone lower than the federal government majority white. The situation of Black Farmers proves this reality more than anything else. [ https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/11483-economiccorner014/ ] United States America system allows for local empowerment, but for Blacks who never had control of a state within the union, such local power has never existed. So, with the Federalism in the Schrumpf era which is to diminish/lessen/delete any place where Black presence has been or can be aided. For example, the Department of Education is a large reason why in many states, the funds to Black schools exist. States like Mississippi had for years and some argue still now managed ways to have black schools non funded. Not underfunded, none funded. If a school gets no government money but is a public school it is financially a private school. But the problem is, the black populace in Mississippi for example don't have the financial means to support all that children need. Ivy League schools still get federal money and they have huge private endowments so federal money shouldn't be deemed a negative when given to all white organizations in the usa. But living under a state, like Mississippi, influences black financial reality. The Question is simple, with no governmental aspect aiding Black people [no federal, no state, no county, no city], what does the black business owner in the usa do? Black buying power has a serious problem, most of the firms have always been white. I challenge any Black person in the usa to go one whole month without buying something from a white owned firm. How do you eat? How do you buy clothes? How do you wash clothes ? How can you do this in a city? To the Articles below 1) I said to another the president of the usa already has a post at their privy, it is called the white house chief of staff which came from the Presidents Personal Secretary. So having Musk as a person at their privy isn't illegal. And the constitution doesn't say a limit exists to a person at the president's privy and by extension, the D.O.G.E. is equivalent to the Staff at the White House Chief of Staff. The issue isn't illegality but change. Not change you need believe in but change you are living in. 2) Again, a majority of whites in the 1960s despised the advance of federalism but the same whites local environments is what led the Kerner Commission, with only one black person in leadership, to suggest to Lyndon B Johnson, a complete overhaul of the usa is needed. Johnson wasn't amused but what the Kerner Commission exposed is the problem I say in hindsight. [ Kerner Commission- https://1drv.ms/b/c/ea9004809c2729bb/Ea852rXxcnFEteIzm8I5Y0IBOmiGCYl_rT1lsPKEio-5mg?e=OiDxRo ; https://aalbc.com/tc/profile/6477-richardmurray/?status=2685&type=status ] 3) It is clear the impotency of Presidents from Reagan to Biden, old elephant or donkey, to make the government more efficient opened the door to Scrumptf. Many said they would and never did. They all kept growing the federal government and , yes made some important administrative elements, but the overall inefficiency grew and grew aided by a congress , which in reflecting the multiracial populace of the usa, became deadlocked. Is Trump Acting Illegally U.R.L. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/constitutional-scholar-on-whether-trumps-actions-are-executive-overreach VIDEO TRANSCRIPT Geoff Bennett: The first weeks of the Trump administration have brought dramatic changes to the shape, scope and function of the federal government. Our new series On Democracy is taking a step back to look at big questions about the institutions, norms and laws that have shaped the country and the challenges they face today. Ilya Shapiro is director of constitutional studies at the conservative-leaning Manhattan Institute and the author of "Lawless: The Miseducation of America's Elites." Thanks for being here. Appreciate it. * Ilya Shapiro, Manhattan Institute: Great to be with you. * Geoff Bennett: Well, as we sit here and speak, we have got another case that is raising questions about the rule of law in this new Trump era. At least seven prosecutors and officials have stepped down over the DOJ order to dismiss corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams. Danielle Sassoon, who was Manhattan's top federal prosecutor, she describes an explicit quid pro quo, whereby the Trump DOJ would dismiss the criminal charges against Adams in exchange for his support for President Trump's agenda. What questions does all of this raise for you? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, I think it's a disagreement of political judgment between different prosecutors. The U.S. attorney disagrees with what her superiors say. The principals are denying that there's a quid pro quo, so we don't quite have evidence of that. And Eric Adams, for the last year or so, has been moving in a direction to crack down on illegal immigration anyway. So I don't know whether he'd be behaving differently in the first place. But, ultimately, this is a judgment call. And the U.S. attorneys, whether in the Southern District of New York, which sometimes thinks of itself as its own sovereign, Sovereign District, they sometimes call it, doesn't get to make that call at the end of the day. And if the superiors decide that the underlying evidence is flimsy or the prosecution itself was politically motivated and doesn't serve the purposes of justice, that's their call to make. And, ultimately, the voters will evaluate that. * Geoff Bennett: The deputy A.G. in his letter explaining why the case against Adams should be dropped, he cited the need for Adams to help with Donald Trump's immigration policy. And then Adams and the immigration czar, Tom Homan, were on FOX News this morning. And Homan said: "If he doesn't come through, I will be in his office up his butt saying, where the hell is the agreement we came to?" I mean, hardly anything about this is subtle. I mean, how is this not a breach of… * Ilya Shapiro: I don't know if that agreement means the dropping of the prosecution. It might be an agreement of, here's how we can help New York, because clearly there's a crisis, a law and order crisis in New York, and Adams wants to prolong his political career in some way. The primary is coming up, what have you, and he wants to clean it up. And so there's some agreement. It may involve the quid pro quo that everyone's talking about, but it could just mean here's what I will do, open up Rikers, what have you, and we will send you federal funds or we will send you more law enforcement. I don't know what the agreement might be. But Adams wants to work with this administration on the illegal immigration problem. * Geoff Bennett: So, in your view, this is not, so far as we know, a fundamental breach of justice? * Ilya Shapiro: We don't have — there's no evidence in the record, a prosecutor would say, to say that. There are allegations, and you could make a case. But on the face of what has come out, the dueling letters and what have you, this is just a disagreement on prosecutorial discretion. * Geoff Bennett: President Trump, the Trump administration, they have frozen domestic spending, frozen foreign aid without congressional approval. They have dismantled USAID, threatened to dismantle the Education Department. There are dispassionate observers who look at this and say that this is textbook executive overreach. How do you see it? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, executive overreach is when you're creating new programs out of thin air, like Barack Obama with his pen and phone government with DACA or DAPA or all of these other things, or President Biden forgiving student loans that was blocked by the Supreme Court, said, I will do it another way, or vaccine mandates, all of these things that are creating new authorities that didn't exist. Here, they're putting a pause on spending. They're reorganizing the executive branch, which is within the executive's power. * Geoff Bennett: Why not go through Congress, as the framers intended? He's got a pliant House Republican majority, a Senate majority as well. And if you legislate this, the impact would be enduring. Why not? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, it depends what the "this" is. I do hope that the Trump administration goes to Congress and asks for restructuring of these various agencies and things like that, because if it's all done through executive action, then, as we see, you live by the executive action, you die by it, and the next Democratic president will just reverse it. So it would take an act of Congress to eliminate the USAID or to eliminate the Department of Education, but reorganizing certain things, shifting funding priorities, auditing the accounting and the finances and things like that, that all is fully within the purvey of the government, including of DOGE. * Geoff Bennett: I want to ask you about Elon Musk, because President Trump, by all outward appearances, has given him a fairly broad mandate. Any cause for concern about the lack of checks on Musk's actions and the fact that he is in many ways the arbiter of his own conflicts of interest, given his very lucrative government contracts? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, the conflict of interest is a political story. I mean, if the administration takes political hits for having a lax conflict of interest policy for President Trump himself, for example, that's a judgment call for the voters to make, ultimately, in the midterms coming up and what have you. Musk is a special government employee, which means he has authority to run this. He has his tech gurus, these guys with spreadsheets and green eye shades and whatever else that are identifying money that looks like it's mismanaged, misspent. Again, not saying Congress had spent that on this, but we're not going to do that. That's not the case. Whether it's discretion by the agency, they're looking at things that this administration might have different priorities. * Geoff Bennett: There have been arguments, as you well know, that we are either in or that we're approaching a constitutional crisis. I'd imagine you would disagree with that. But what to you would signal a constitutional crisis? What to you would signal that this democratic experiment is in peril? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, it's interesting that you say democratic experiment, because when the executive branch, when the bureaucracy does not implement the directives of the political leadership that's responsible to the voters, that's a problem. I mean, a constitutional crisis is something like one branch going and doing things that are not within its authority that courts are telling it to stop and to do, ignoring court orders. Trump has said he's not going to ignore court orders. He's going to appeal them and he's taking it to the Supreme Court. And, almost certainly, most of these things won't get to the Supreme Court. Certain things, he might win on. Certain things, he might lose on, but that's the process. The American people are not buying this language that is simply an indication from the left that they don't like this restructuring of government, the new priorities, all of these certain things. Fair enough. That's a political argument to be had, but this is not any sort of a constitutional crisis. * Geoff Bennett: Ilya Shapiro with the Manhattan Institute, thanks for coming in. * Ilya Shapiro: Thank you. What should be made efficient in the federal government? U.R.L. https://www.pbs.org/video/philip-k-howard-and-will-marshall-awjvp6/ VIDEO TRANSCRIPT - Are Donald Trump and Elon Musk dismantling the Deep State or doing something else? This week on "Firing Line." - The people voted for major government reform. And that's what people are gonna get. They're gonna get what they voted for. - We've already found billions of dollars of abuse, incompetence, and corruption. - [Margaret] Some people are saying that Trump's newly-established Department of Government Efficiency is moving fast and breaking things. - We have this unelected branch of government, which is the bureaucracy. So it's just something we've gotta fix. - [Margaret] But will this blitz on the bureaucracy really make government more efficient? - So Musk is right, in my view, that it's broken, but he's not really focusing on fixing it. - [Margaret] Attorney and author Philip Howard has championed the cause of government efficiency for decades, with books including "The Death of Common Sense." - Well, the tragically-missed opportunity here is that Elon Musk could have done us a lot of good. - [Margaret] Will Marshall is the founder and president of the Progressive Policy Institute, and has recently written that Democrats need a DOGE of their own. I sat down with these two reform advocates before a student audience at Hofstra University to discuss what DOGE is getting right, what it's getting wrong, and whether America is careening toward a constitutional crisis. - [Announcer] "Firing Line" with Margaret Hoover is made possible, in part, by Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, the Fairweather Foundation, Peter and Mary Kalikow, Cliff and Laurel Asness, the Meadowlark Foundation, and by the following. Corporate funding is provided by Stephens Inc. - Philip Howard and Will Marshall, welcome to Hofstra University, and this episode of "Firing Line." - Thank you. - Listen, Philip, in November, you called in the Wall Street Journal for Elon Musk, not to hobble government, but to make it work again. Since Trump established the Department of Government Efficiency, Musk has moved to gut USAID, gained access to Treasury payment systems, and has worked to eliminate the employment of tens of thousands of federal workers. You have spent your life thinking, and writing, and talking about how to make government work better. Is this what you had in mind? - No. Musk is focusing on cutting what government does that he thinks is stupid. He's not focusing on changing and improving how government works, which I think is the bigger opportunity. Most of Americans think government needs major overhaul. So Musk is right, in my view, that it's broken, but he's not really focusing on fixing it. Efficiency means actually being responsive and delivering the goods to the public that the public needs. - How do you know he's not focused on fixing it? - Because that's not what he's doing. He's focused on cutting costs, cutting people, which I don't think is actually going to add up to much in the way of cost. Whereas, for example, if he changed the way the Defense Department procured new weaponry, he could save, pick a number, a third of the money that's spent, by getting rid of all the red tape processes that take years and deliver poor products with too much delay. - Will, you have recently written in The Hill that Democrats need a plan for fixing government that's their own. You said, quote, "Before Democrats dismiss DOGE as just MAGA trollery, it's fair to ask, what is their plan for making government more efficient and effective? Inexplicably, that plank is missing from the platform of the party that believes in active government." Should Democrats have their own version of DOGE? - Absolutely, or not DOGE, they should absolutely have their own plan to make government work better. The public demand for that is palpable and it's nothing new. We all know that trust in government's been tanking, really since the '60s. 21% of people trust the federal government to do the right thing most of the time. So to not have a set of ideas that is responsive to a public that wants deep change in government is a sort of political malpractice. - Given the speed and ruthlessness, perhaps efficiency, at which DOGE is operating, or which Elon Musk is operating, will there be a government to reform? (Will chuckles) - Yeah. - When he's finished. - It'll survive, I mean, what's happening now is that there are lawsuits proliferating all over the landscape. There're gonna be a million checkpoints here, and I think this is going to slow down. But this is the shock and awe phase, and I think we're gonna pass through it pretty quickly because reality is beginning to intrude. These are real lives, these are real functions. We have deep investments here. I'm a government reformer, but this is not the way to go about it. Elon Musk is a great entrepreneur, but this isn't the private sector, this is the government, and it's not an optional thing. I don't have to buy a Tesla, but I've gotta get services from my government. - This isn't something you can change, in my view, by pruning the jungle. You can't just clip, here and there, the red tape. You actually have to go back to a system which the framers contemplated in the Constitution, where law provides a framework of goals, and principles, and accountability, and checks and balances, but real people make choices, and they're politically accountable. Today in Washington, you can't find a real person who has authority to give a permit. And that's the reason we never get permits. - How did we end up in a place where it was the process that hamstrung us? - It was a change in legal philosophy. We came out of the '60s feeling guilty for lots of good reasons. We woke up to racism, pollution, lots of other things. So we wanted to create a system where there were no more abuses of authority, and it just doesn't work. Now you have no authority, and so you have a government that's increasingly paralyzed by the kind of stuff that Will's written about and others, by this red tape state. And the goal is not to, in my view, to get rid of government. The goal is actually to pull it back so we can do it, pull the law back so it can do its job. - Your solution is for government to unshackle itself from laws and regulations to empower individuals to make decisions and use their judgment. - Within the framework of law. And courts would only get involved when an official transgresses those boundaries. - So then, how are individuals held accountable? - Well, any way you want, but by someone. - For their judgment. - By someone above them. - No, no, no, that's where we get hamstrung by this process, right? Because there's so much process, and the process is ultimately what takes any sort of agency away from individuals to make these decisions. - That's right. So if you go to a, say to give a permit for a transmission line, you can't have 16 agencies bickering over whether to give the permit. One agency has to have the authority to make the decision, and that's subject to the approval of the White House in a democracy. Today, you get 16 agencies bickering about it around the table, and it goes on for years. - And it's unclear who has the ultimate authority. - Well, no one has the ultimate authority. - Well, so then isn't this what Musk is trying to fix? And how do you keep Musk? I mean, if the idea is to give an individual the authority to make the decision, isn't that what Musk is doing? - Well, Musk is taking the authority himself to tear apart agencies, but he's not trying to change the operating structure to give anybody else the authority. The problem with government is that the people inside it have been disempowered by all this process and all these procedures. They're also not accountable, by the way. So the American public is. - Musk has a bad theory. The theory is that there's waste everywhere, there's abuse, there's fraud. He calls AID, our foreign aid agency, a criminal organization. Now I have my criticisms of AID, they could be reformed, should be, but they're basically doing good humanitarian work around most of the world, they're not a criminal organization. But why does this freelance billionaire get to come and superimpose his judgements on what's working and what's not? There's no theory of change here. There's no good analysis of where we're failing. It's just he's bringing the entrepreneur's methodology, which is I'm gonna cut everything by 60%, wipe the slate clean, and we're gonna start over, and that'll yield efficiencies. It's not the way it works in the public sector. - Right, and what's, where's the vision for the day after these changes? How's government gonna work better after Musk finishes going through all these agencies? And so again, I think what's missing here is not the diagnosis that it's broken. It is broken, it is paralyzed, and broken, and wasteful, and not delivering things. But the proper cure is to actually let it do its job. Pull back the red tape, let there be permits, let Defense Department officials use their judgment and be accountable up the chain of authority for whether they do a good job or not. - We have fetishized process, and legal obstacles, and veto points, and everybody having their say. And it all adds up to a retreat from the exercise of public authority. But that's not what Musk is talking about. He's just getting rid of whole agencies he doesn't happen to like. It's all on a whim, there's no analysis, there's no predicate being laid for any of these changes. - Both of you have been critical of certain processes, review processes. One of them is environmental review processes. You've both written about how environmental review processes actually have inhibited government efficiency, and in doing so, have actually made outcomes for the environment worse. How do you account for environmental priorities in a more efficient way that doesn't inhibit a project from actually moving forward? - Well, I mean, the problem here is more political. We have a lot of folks on the Democratic side who do not want to take away the permitting. They don't want to relax the permitting process because they think that's their best protection against environmentally ruinous things. But what they don't understand is that if you can't upgrade and modernize your energy grid, you're building in higher pollution. You're not laying the framework for a cleaner grid. And that's happening all over the country. It's not just the grid, it's everything on the environmental side. - Well, delays are bad for the environment. We need new transmission lines to take power from the solar, wind farms in the Midwest to Chicago. Well, you can't get a permit for it. And every permit is not, it's not a question of legal compliance, it's a question of trade-offs. Are the benefits of the transmission line worth the harm of cutting through a pristine forest? That's not a legal question, that's a political question. - And it's a judgment question. - It's a judgment call. And we've, and so the purpose of environmental review, as it was initially enacted, was to have a few months of review in dozens of pages that would alert the public to the fact that there are these issues that are political in nature that are gonna be decided. Instead, it's become this years-long, no pebble left unturned kind of process that virtually never, never ends. And we have to make trade off judgements in order for the country to move forward. - You've written, Philip, that, quote, "Rebuilding government requires not just a wrecking ball, but trust." Polls suggests that Musk is losing the public's trust. In a recent YouGov poll, only 13% of Americans, and 26% of Republicans, said they want Musk to have a lot of influence in the Trump administration. So can an initiative like DOGE survive if it doesn't have the trust of the American people, Philip? - One, no, and two, it also can't survive if he doesn't have the trust of people who work for government. One of the biggest problems in government today is if you make a decision to give a permit, there's always somebody who doesn't like it. - Yeah. - So they will attack you. So in my view, what senior civil servants need is, not to live in fear, but to have cover for important decisions. They need to be, to feel that the people in charge, Musk or whomever, will actually protect them when they make decisions. And so no organization works in an atmosphere of distrust, whether it's government or society. - We need radical disruptors. We need 'em in the entrepreneurial sectors of our economy, that's what we want. But that's not what we, that's not how you fix government's problems, for the reasons we just talked about. And Elon Musk doesn't really know what he's trying to do. He wants to cut $2 trillion in spending. Well, that's a nice goal. If you got rid of every single federal employee, 2.3 million of them, you would cut 5% of public spending and you wouldn't come anywhere near that goal. So he doesn't even really have an understanding, I think, of the end game. The end game seems to be here just disruption for its own sake, sowing fear, telling employees they're no longer wanted, tell 'em to stay home, sort of putting down whole agencies as worthless. And again, pretending that the problem is waste, fraud, and abuse, which is a really kind of simple-minded understanding of what's wrong with government. He thinks that there's just waste in large quantities lying around that he's gonna excise through this radical surgery. - There's one area with hundreds of billions of dollars in savings that requires major overhaul, which is in the healthcare administration area. And if Musk and Trump really wanted to save big amounts of money, they would simplify the healthcare reimbursement and regulatory system, because 30% of the healthcare dollar goes to administration, which is over $1 million per every American doctor in red tape. That system is crazy. And it needs to be completely, basically replaced. - Well, there is waste all across the government, okay. But it isn't sitting there in large piles that you can just go into a room and find. You have, it's like Elaine Kamarck, who was the re-inventor-in-chief for Bill Clinton, said, "It's like fat marbled in the steak." And so the point is, you have to go and find it. And the people that know where it is are the people who work in government. So if you go in there and you attack them and say they're worthless, and they're idiots, and they have to get going and pack up, and we're gonna shut their agency down because we don't need it, and everything they've been doing for 15 years is worthless, well, they're not gonna be very cooperative to you. So if you were serious about trying to find pockets of waste, or even fraud, these are the people that could help you find it. So again, it's just a marker of seriousness to me. If you were serious about changing government, you wouldn't go about it by attacking everybody in sight. - As Will said, it can't be done by just by amputation. It needs to be done somewhat more surgically. And I will say that the biggest supporters of my somewhat radical reform efforts have been the senior civil servants. They want more authority to manage the civil servants below them. They want more authority to cut through the process and get permits. They actually want to do these things. And they exist in this red tape jungle that doesn't allow them to. - Why do you think that is? Why do you think they are the ones who are most eager to see reform? - These are the senior executive service, which are the top civil servants, are people who have generally devoted their lives to public service and are experts in specific areas. And they actually get, their life work is making. - You're saying they're serious people. - These agencies happen and deliver the goods, and they can't do what they feel is necessary. - Over the course of American history, there have been several attempts to reform government, starting in 1883 with the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act that established the modern civil service. And there was the Taft Commission, there were two Hoover Commissions, the Grace Commission under Ronald Reagan's presidency, and then of course, the National Performance Review, in which you participated, and you both contributed under President Clinton's presidency. What can Elon Musk learn, if he wanted to learn from American history, from these previous efforts? - Well, what I would hope he would learn is that he's right that periodically government has to be reorganized to look at if it's meeting its goals and to change how it meets its goal. What's happened through history is, actually, you've had changes in operating philosophy over the years. The last real change in philosophy was in the 1960s. - So what was the change in that governing philosophy, Phil? - The change in philosophy was don't trust anyone to use their judgment, because human judgment is fallible. And we need to create a new system that will guarantee that all choices are correct. Let everyone who complains have a hearing. And the result of that is paralysis. So I think the solution is to actually change our operating philosophy and go back to the one that the framers contemplated, which is one based on human responsibility. Law sets goals, law sets guardrails, law sets a hierarchy of authority to make sure that people don't do stupid things, but people make decisions. Law can't govern. And we've created this massive system over the, only in the last 50 years, on the premise that actually we can make government into a kind of a software program. - Will, do you agree with Phil's diagnosis of the governing philosophy that changed in the '60s. - I think I partially agree with it. It clearly did. We got a lot more liberal process-oriented attempts to protect citizens against abuses of government power, which was, government was getting bigger, and it was intruding itself in more parts of American life. And in the '60s, we radically expanded government under the Great Society, and we have been doing that ever since. And so it just became a more intrusive thing with tentacles everywhere. And that just built this kind of resistance, has built antagonism from the public that now saw government trying to do too much, trying to spend too much, and trying to direct them too much. And so I do think it has to do with the scope of government's responsibilities, and we need to have a serious conversation about that. - We have a question from one of our Hofstra University students, Mark Lussier. - Hello, my name is Mark, I'm from Connecticut, and one of my senators, Chris Murphy, said that we are in the midst of a constitutional crisis. I wanna know if you agree, and the step, and I also want to know the steps that the other two branches can take to address that, and their odds of succeeding at addressing it. - Are we in a constitutional crisis? Let me add to that, actually. Where are the other branches of government? We know that the judiciary is exerting itself, but why couldn't these reforms be legislated and then signed in by the executive branch? - That's a very good question. - Are we in a constitutional crisis? - Oh, yes, we are. I mean, I wrote a piece this week about ruling by decree. It's un-American, there's no basis for it in American history and no basis for it in the Constitution. The president can't just make policy willy nilly across the whole scope of what federal government does. That's why the courts are getting involved. We've got a raft of lawsuits. I think a lot of this is gonna slow down. But the point is the courts are doing their job. Who's not doing its job is Congress, and it's because it's under Republican control. He's got them absolutely cowed, and they're not raising objection to his taking over the power of the purse, which is clearly delegated to the legislative branch. So yes, that's a crisis. - Phil, do you think we're in a crisis? - Well, we're certainly building towards one, and now we have Trump saying that maybe the courts don't have authority. And if they really disavow court rulings, then we will have a constitutional crisis. - Do you have anything you wanna follow up on with, Mark? I wanna make sure you're fully answered because you had a couple of different questions. - Actually, one piece was what's the likelihood of them succeeding and like being able to address those concerns of a crisis, if we get to that point? - Well, hey Phil, you said we're getting there. You think we're there, you said we're getting there, especially if they just defy the court orders, then we'll be there. - Right. - So then what? - Well, here's what scares me. Suppose he defies the courts, in other words, the court's are the only thing that are, is the only source of resistance now to Trump's imperial will. What if he just says, "No, I'm not gonna do what the court's prescribed." The other possibility is that the higher courts, the Supreme Court, might side with him on some of these issues. - Well, you know, I do think they're gray areas, and I've written about this in large arguments and such about the scope of executive power. But whatever gray areas there are, you still have to respect the rule of law in this country. And I believe that the rule of law is a foundation that most Americans believe in, and that once you abandon it or disavow it, then we really are in trouble as a society, and we have to sort of come together and do something different. - Let me ask you both this. In 1990, William F. Buckley Jr's original "Firing Line" hosted a debate that was titled, "Government Is Not the Solution, It's the Problem." And of course, borrowing from Ronald Reagan's line, listen to this defense of government from none other than George McGovern. - This debate proposition reminds me of Groucho Marx's observation that marriage is the chief cause of divorce. (audience laughs) The answer is not to abolish marriage, but to strive for better marriages. And so it is with government. Government has caused some problems, no question about that. And I've spoken out against some of those problems. But it has also come up with some inspired solutions. - Right, so the question is, is DOGE's attempt to fix government an example of getting rid of divorce by abolishing marriage? - I'd say, so far, yes. And while it's true that, and Musk is right, the government isn't working very well, to the point that government is the problem, government should get out of people's daily lives. I mean, much of the resentment that got Trump elected was government telling people how to talk, how to get along in the workplace, how you run the local school. And I do think government is the problem when it gets in our daily lives. But I think government, in a crowded, global, really fearful environment of warring powers and such, government is incredibly important to make government strong. We can't be strong abroad if we're weak at home. So we need to make government work better, not get rid of it. - Will. - Well, you know, the problem with what Mr. McGovern said is that it's not about whether you like government or you dislike government. I mean, it's a necessary evil, as Jefferson said, we're gonna have it. And so the question is how can you make it a better servant of the popular will, but also how you constrain what it does so that it doesn't try to do everything, which when it tries to do that, it doesn't do anything well. - Last question to both of you. If you had one piece of advice you would offer to Elon Musk to get it right, if there were still an opportunity for him to correct course, what would it be? - I'd say focus on how government makes decisions. If you can streamline government decisions, give people authority to take responsibility, you will save countless billions, probably hundreds of billions of dollars, and make government much more responsive to public needs. - Will. - Well, the tragically-missed opportunity here is that Elon Musk could have done us a lot of good. If Trump had sent him over to the Pentagon, for example, and said, "Modernize this. Let's get software, let's get modern IT, let's get AI working." This is something he actually knows how to do. And what he's been set on is tasks that he doesn't know how to do, doesn't understand even how to define the problems properly. - Okay, so that's your analysis. What's your advice for Elon Musk? - Go back to the private sector and leave us a alone, please. - All right, all right. (laughs) With that, Will Marshall and Phil Howard, thank you for joining me on "Firing Line," here at Hofstra University. - Thank you. - Thank you. (audience applauds) - [Announcer] "Firing Line," with Margaret Hoover is made possible in part by Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, the Fairweather Foundation, Peter and Mary Kalikow, Cliff and Laurel Asness, the Meadowlark Foundation, and by the following. Corporate funding is provided by Stephens Inc. (intense music) (intense music continues) (gentle music) (peaceful music) - You're watching PBS. Executive Power usage URL https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/capehart-and-continetti-on-trump-pushing-the-limits-of-executive-power VIDEO must click the link above to see TRANSCRIPT Geoff Bennett: From Elon Musk gaining unprecedented access to sensitive government information, to Democrats trying to build what they call a bigger and better party, we turn tonight to the analysis of Capehart and Continetti. That's Washington Post associate editor Jonathan Capehart and Matthew Continetti with the American Enterprise Institute. David Brooks is away this evening. It's good to see you both. Matthew Continetti, American Enterprise Institute: Good to see you. Geoff Bennett: So, Donald Trump and his allies are making quick progress toward their stated goal of the deconstruction of the administrative state. We have got takeovers and the hollowing out of major government agencies, offering severance agreements to government workers, pausing federal grants and loans, which, of course, is now tied up in the courts. Jonathan, are the shockwaves being felt across the government signs of a super committed new administration shaking up the status quo, or are we witnessing the full assault on the limits of executive power? Jonathan Capehart: Both, Geoff. Both. Remember, Donald Trump campaigned. He told us this is what he was going to do. Project 2025 is all about doing what is happening right now. And so they are trying to deconstruct, as I think of Steve Bannon, who said, the administrative state. And they are — as I said last week, President Trump and Elon Musk, in particular, are taking a wrecking ball to the federal government by sowing, sure, chaos and confusion and fear. But he's following through on what he promised to do. Geoff Bennett: How do you see it, Matt? Matthew Continetti: I think Jonathan's right. This was a promise made, promised kept, as they like to say in Trump world. And I think what's important to understand about Trump and how he's going about these initial weeks is, he wants to deliver results. Trump always feels as though the political class that preceded him talked a big game, but never accomplished anything. So we had the Grace Commission during Reagan. We had Al Gore's reinventing government. We had the commissions dealing with the debt and taxes during the Obama years. Nothing happened. And so here he is. Elon Musk says he wants to treat the federal government like a new acquisition. Well, Donald Trump says, go for it. Let's see what happens. Geoff Bennett: What about the question Democrats are raising, Jonathan? Where are the guardrails? Who's going to stop any of this? Democrats in Congress obviously don't have any power. Republicans in Congress are moving in lockstep with this administration. The courts have stepped in where they deem appropriate, but obviously can't keep up with the velocity of the Trump administration. Is there any guard against his instinct to wield, to really claim and wield expansive power? Jonathan Capehart: Well, see, here's the thing. Right now, the courts are the only guardrail. And I think people need to understand that the courts operate on a timetable that is completely different than the rest of us. And we just have to appreciate that. The fact that citizens and lawmakers and organizations have gone to court to stop President Trump on a whole host of things, from birthright citizenship to the buyout plans, that is right now sort of the, for lack of a better saying, court of last resort. In the old days, Geoff and Matthew, it used to be that Congress would be the backstop, would be the entity, the legislative branch standing up for its prerogatives and saying, Mr. President, no, we are the ones who decide what agencies come and go. We are the ones who decide what the budget will be. But, instead, the MAGA Republicans who were there in Congress, from Speaker Johnson on down, they're happy. They're happy to go along with what President Trump and Elon Musk are doing, which is why they are silent on a whole host of things that even 10 years ago would have had Congress up in arms. Geoff Bennett: How do you view Congress really abdicating their role, ceding their power to the executive? Matthew Continetti: Well, I think this process of ceding power to the executive is decades in the making, and it's bipartisan. Congress has really just become an investigatory body that delegates tremendous authority to the executive branch of government and the bureaucracy. And we now see the results when you have Trump come in his second term wanting to leave a profoundly changed government in his wake when he departs the Oval Office. And you see that, because of acts of Congress, Congress' own denial of its role, the president has enormous power to wield. And let's remember, when President Obama said he had a pen and a phone, the first Trump administration used a lot of executive orders. Joe Biden tried to cancel student debt through executive order. This process we're seeing is long in the making. And I think one reason Washington is stunned is that you have an outsider in Elon Musk actually punching the delete button on some of these programs. Geoff Bennett: Jonathan, Matthew raised the question I was going to ask you, because that's what I have heard from Republicans this past week, that Democrats can't in good faith criticize Donald Trump, when Joe Biden tried to unilaterally without Congress waive $400 billion worth of student loan debt. And when the Supreme Court said no, you can't do that, he basically shrugged and then tried to do it via piecemeal approach. Jonathan Capehart: This is like comparing apples and cannonballs. What we're seeing coming from the Trump administration is executive orders uprooting and upending the federal government. And what makes this all the more galling and terrifying for a lot of people is that he has delegated a lot of power to someone who was elected to no office, to someone who was not confirmed by the Senate. He is accountable to no one, except for maybe, except for maybe President Trump. And President Trump has already said, well, he will only do things that we want him to do. Well, so far, Elon Musk is doing everything that Donald Trump wants to do. That is what is so terrifying about this moment, is that you have an unelected person, who also happens to be the wealthiest person in the world, and also the wealthiest person in the world who owns a huge social media megaphone, and is able to manipulate the information that the people on that huge platform receive. That's what is so dangerous about what is happening now. And as we're trying to compare President Biden's executive order on student loans and what Donald Trump is doing, Donald Trump is destroying. President Biden signed an executive order and, yes, pushed the limits of executive action, but to the benefit of people who were drowning in student debt. He did it in order to help people, not to destroy the government that the American people depend on for a whole host, a whole host of things. Geoff Bennett: Let's shift our focus back to Elon Musk for a second, because, Jonathan, we actually have the sound that you mentioned. Here is how President Trump responded to a reporter's question about whether he gave Elon Musk any red lines. Question: Is there anything you have told Elon Musk he cannot touch? Donald Trump, President of the United States: Well, we haven't discussed that much. I will tell him to go here, go there. He does it. He's got a very capable group of people, very, very, very, very capable. They know what they're doing. They will ask questions and they will see immediately if somebody gets tongue-tied that they're either crooked or don't know what they're doing. Geoff Bennett: So, Matt, it would appear that Elon Musk has a fairly broad mandate, in that it's not spelled out at all, I mean, if you take into account what President Trump is saying there. Matthew Continetti: I think President Trump has told Elon Musk, let's change the government, let's slim it down, let's dramatically reduce the federal work force. And if you need to go fast and break things, as they say in Silicon Valley, to do that, that's fine. I will say that if Elon Musk were the health care czar or the energy czar coming up with big plans for government spending or to combat global warming, I'd think there'd be a lot less uproar in Washington, D.C. It's the fact that he has the goal of changing the federal government and limiting it, at a time when we have record deficits and debts, that I think is angering a lot of people who are invested in the current system. Geoff Bennett: In the time that remains, I want to return to this open question about the path forward for Democrats, because, Jonathan, you wrote a column for The Washington Post this past week, the thesis of which is that the Democratic Party's issue isn't rooted in policy. It's rooted in perception. Tell us more about that and whether Ken Martin, the newly elected head of the DNC, can effectively change that. Jonathan Capehart: Well, the perception of the Democratic Party is it's filled with elites who only care about niche issues and don't listen to the rest of us. And, as everyone knows, in a lot of instances, perception is reality. I was one of three people, MSNBC anchors, who hosted the last DNC forum. And there were two instances that happened that sort of put this perception in high relief. One was a question asking for a commitment to dedicated seats for transgender folks within the party to be — the serve within the party in the governing structure. Another was protesters who were loudly screaming about climate change and getting big money out of politics, something that everyone on that stage was for. And yet no one wanted to listen to what they had to say. And what was great about — good about those two moments that were instructive, Faiz Shakir, a friend of "PBS News Hour," was the only person the stage who did not raise his hand on the transgender question. There was also one on the question for seats for Muslim DNC members. He said, I don't think we should be dividing people up by identity. We should focus on people who are up for the mission and the program of the DNC and have them bring their identity to the table. He's absolutely right. And then with the protesters, Jason Paul said, this is the way people in the country view the Democratic Party, and that is our problem. That's why I say the policy isn't the problem. Democrats have policies that address the American people's issues. It's the perception. And that is what Ken Martin has to do. And we're about to find out if he's able to do it, to change that perception. Geoff Bennett: Jonathan Capehart and Matthew Continetti, thanks again for being with us. I appreciate it. Jonathan Capehart: Thanks, Geoff. Prior Economic Corner : https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/11483-economiccorner014/ Financial Federalism POST URL https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/11488-economiccorner015/ PRIOR EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/195-economic-corner-14-02152025/ NEXT EDITION https://aalbc.com/tc/events/event/199-economic-corner-16-02222025/
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Financial Federalism This edition of the Economic Corner has three articles in the following chronological order, after my thoughts 1) The legality of the Executive branch in the second term of Schrumpf 2) The need for efficiency in the Federal Government and how it became ever more inefficient in the nineteen hundreds 3) The failure of presidencies before Schrumpfs first term from elephants or donkeys to diminish the federal governments bureaucracy while make it a better operator. Financially, the Black populace in the usa has a heritage in the united states of America few mention; it is the following. Only the federal government in the united states of America has been positive in some course of time to the black populace in the usa as a bureaucratic body. I restate, each town/city/county/state in the usa have provided negative environments, legal or communal, for black people, averaging out their history. This means the federal government of the usa relates to Black people in the usa, especially Black Descended Of Enslaved (BDOS), other than non blacks, especially whites, in the usa. Whites of European descent talk of the usa, but tend to relate to the town, the city, the county, the state because even though the federal government protects/defends the overall system, the specificity of local law, the flexibility of local law, provided and provides to whites of European descent opportunity/safety/comfort. While for blacks , said towns/cities/counties/states provide horror/abuse/terror. Said heritage, led to a federalism in the black populace in the usa unlike any other demographic in the usa. Said federalism is an advocate of greater bureaucracy in the federal government to undo state/county/city/town governments negativity. The more the federal government can watch/penalize the lower ranked municipalities the better. I think of two black women. Years ago, one said to me privately, she lives in the Midwest region, that only the federal government has ever supported the black people in her region. It isn't impossible to live there, she does, but it is never welcoming, never with ease, always with a barrier. And more recently, the other said on local news in NYC, that maybe the states need to go in the united states of America. The only person I ever heard publicly say the states in the union need to all go, was a black person, for honesty's sake said person is a she. When I think of these two points, it exposes why Whites despise or fear or dislike ever expanding federal bureaucracy. White people's local power requires local strength or local allowance. Black towns exist, but they exist in White counties. Black counties exist , but they exist in White States. So all majority black , in populace, municipal zones in the united states of America, exist within a larger municipal zone lower than the federal government majority white. The situation of Black Farmers proves this reality more than anything else. [ https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/11483-economiccorner014/ ] United States America system allows for local empowerment, but for Blacks who never had control of a state within the union, such local power has never existed. So, with the Federalism in the Schrumpf era which is to diminish/lessen/delete any place where Black presence has been or can be aided. For example, the Department of Education is a large reason why in many states, the funds to Black schools exist. States like Mississippi had for years and some argue still now managed ways to have black schools non funded. Not underfunded, none funded. If a school gets no government money but is a public school it is financially a private school. But the problem is, the black populace in Mississippi for example don't have the financial means to support all that children need. Ivy League schools still get federal money and they have huge private endowments so federal money shouldn't be deemed a negative when given to all white organizations in the usa. But living under a state, like Mississippi, influences black financial reality. The Question is simple, with no governmental aspect aiding Black people [no federal, no state, no county, no city], what does the black business owner in the usa do? Black buying power has a serious problem, most of the firms have always been white. I challenge any Black person in the usa to go one whole month without buying something from a white owned firm. How do you eat? How do you buy clothes? How do you wash clothes ? How can you do this in a city? To the Articles below 1) I said to another the president of the usa already has a post at their privy, it is called the white house chief of staff which came from the Presidents Personal Secretary. So having Musk as a person at their privy isn't illegal. And the constitution doesn't say a limit exists to a person at the president's privy and by extension, the D.O.G.E. is equivalent to the Staff at the White House Chief of Staff. The issue isn't illegality but change. Not change you need believe in but change you are living in. 2) Again, a majority of whites in the 1960s despised the advance of federalism but the same whites local environments is what led the Kerner Commission, with only one black person in leadership, to suggest to Lyndon B Johnson, a complete overhaul of the usa is needed. Johnson wasn't amused but what the Kerner Commission exposed is the problem I say in hindsight. [ Kerner Commission- https://1drv.ms/b/c/ea9004809c2729bb/Ea852rXxcnFEteIzm8I5Y0IBOmiGCYl_rT1lsPKEio-5mg?e=OiDxRo ; https://aalbc.com/tc/profile/6477-richardmurray/?status=2685&type=status ] 3) It is clear the impotency of Presidents from Reagan to Biden, old elephant or donkey, to make the government more efficient opened the door to Scrumptf. Many said they would and never did. They all kept growing the federal government and , yes made some important administrative elements, but the overall inefficiency grew and grew aided by a congress , which in reflecting the multiracial populace of the usa, became deadlocked. Is Trump Acting Illegally U.R.L. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/constitutional-scholar-on-whether-trumps-actions-are-executive-overreach VIDEO TRANSCRIPT Geoff Bennett: The first weeks of the Trump administration have brought dramatic changes to the shape, scope and function of the federal government. Our new series On Democracy is taking a step back to look at big questions about the institutions, norms and laws that have shaped the country and the challenges they face today. Ilya Shapiro is director of constitutional studies at the conservative-leaning Manhattan Institute and the author of "Lawless: The Miseducation of America's Elites." Thanks for being here. Appreciate it. * Ilya Shapiro, Manhattan Institute: Great to be with you. * Geoff Bennett: Well, as we sit here and speak, we have got another case that is raising questions about the rule of law in this new Trump era. At least seven prosecutors and officials have stepped down over the DOJ order to dismiss corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams. Danielle Sassoon, who was Manhattan's top federal prosecutor, she describes an explicit quid pro quo, whereby the Trump DOJ would dismiss the criminal charges against Adams in exchange for his support for President Trump's agenda. What questions does all of this raise for you? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, I think it's a disagreement of political judgment between different prosecutors. The U.S. attorney disagrees with what her superiors say. The principals are denying that there's a quid pro quo, so we don't quite have evidence of that. And Eric Adams, for the last year or so, has been moving in a direction to crack down on illegal immigration anyway. So I don't know whether he'd be behaving differently in the first place. But, ultimately, this is a judgment call. And the U.S. attorneys, whether in the Southern District of New York, which sometimes thinks of itself as its own sovereign, Sovereign District, they sometimes call it, doesn't get to make that call at the end of the day. And if the superiors decide that the underlying evidence is flimsy or the prosecution itself was politically motivated and doesn't serve the purposes of justice, that's their call to make. And, ultimately, the voters will evaluate that. * Geoff Bennett: The deputy A.G. in his letter explaining why the case against Adams should be dropped, he cited the need for Adams to help with Donald Trump's immigration policy. And then Adams and the immigration czar, Tom Homan, were on FOX News this morning. And Homan said: "If he doesn't come through, I will be in his office up his butt saying, where the hell is the agreement we came to?" I mean, hardly anything about this is subtle. I mean, how is this not a breach of… * Ilya Shapiro: I don't know if that agreement means the dropping of the prosecution. It might be an agreement of, here's how we can help New York, because clearly there's a crisis, a law and order crisis in New York, and Adams wants to prolong his political career in some way. The primary is coming up, what have you, and he wants to clean it up. And so there's some agreement. It may involve the quid pro quo that everyone's talking about, but it could just mean here's what I will do, open up Rikers, what have you, and we will send you federal funds or we will send you more law enforcement. I don't know what the agreement might be. But Adams wants to work with this administration on the illegal immigration problem. * Geoff Bennett: So, in your view, this is not, so far as we know, a fundamental breach of justice? * Ilya Shapiro: We don't have — there's no evidence in the record, a prosecutor would say, to say that. There are allegations, and you could make a case. But on the face of what has come out, the dueling letters and what have you, this is just a disagreement on prosecutorial discretion. * Geoff Bennett: President Trump, the Trump administration, they have frozen domestic spending, frozen foreign aid without congressional approval. They have dismantled USAID, threatened to dismantle the Education Department. There are dispassionate observers who look at this and say that this is textbook executive overreach. How do you see it? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, executive overreach is when you're creating new programs out of thin air, like Barack Obama with his pen and phone government with DACA or DAPA or all of these other things, or President Biden forgiving student loans that was blocked by the Supreme Court, said, I will do it another way, or vaccine mandates, all of these things that are creating new authorities that didn't exist. Here, they're putting a pause on spending. They're reorganizing the executive branch, which is within the executive's power. * Geoff Bennett: Why not go through Congress, as the framers intended? He's got a pliant House Republican majority, a Senate majority as well. And if you legislate this, the impact would be enduring. Why not? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, it depends what the "this" is. I do hope that the Trump administration goes to Congress and asks for restructuring of these various agencies and things like that, because if it's all done through executive action, then, as we see, you live by the executive action, you die by it, and the next Democratic president will just reverse it. So it would take an act of Congress to eliminate the USAID or to eliminate the Department of Education, but reorganizing certain things, shifting funding priorities, auditing the accounting and the finances and things like that, that all is fully within the purvey of the government, including of DOGE. * Geoff Bennett: I want to ask you about Elon Musk, because President Trump, by all outward appearances, has given him a fairly broad mandate. Any cause for concern about the lack of checks on Musk's actions and the fact that he is in many ways the arbiter of his own conflicts of interest, given his very lucrative government contracts? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, the conflict of interest is a political story. I mean, if the administration takes political hits for having a lax conflict of interest policy for President Trump himself, for example, that's a judgment call for the voters to make, ultimately, in the midterms coming up and what have you. Musk is a special government employee, which means he has authority to run this. He has his tech gurus, these guys with spreadsheets and green eye shades and whatever else that are identifying money that looks like it's mismanaged, misspent. Again, not saying Congress had spent that on this, but we're not going to do that. That's not the case. Whether it's discretion by the agency, they're looking at things that this administration might have different priorities. * Geoff Bennett: There have been arguments, as you well know, that we are either in or that we're approaching a constitutional crisis. I'd imagine you would disagree with that. But what to you would signal a constitutional crisis? What to you would signal that this democratic experiment is in peril? * Ilya Shapiro: Well, it's interesting that you say democratic experiment, because when the executive branch, when the bureaucracy does not implement the directives of the political leadership that's responsible to the voters, that's a problem. I mean, a constitutional crisis is something like one branch going and doing things that are not within its authority that courts are telling it to stop and to do, ignoring court orders. Trump has said he's not going to ignore court orders. He's going to appeal them and he's taking it to the Supreme Court. And, almost certainly, most of these things won't get to the Supreme Court. Certain things, he might win on. Certain things, he might lose on, but that's the process. The American people are not buying this language that is simply an indication from the left that they don't like this restructuring of government, the new priorities, all of these certain things. Fair enough. That's a political argument to be had, but this is not any sort of a constitutional crisis. * Geoff Bennett: Ilya Shapiro with the Manhattan Institute, thanks for coming in. * Ilya Shapiro: Thank you. What should be made efficient in the federal government? U.R.L. https://www.pbs.org/video/philip-k-howard-and-will-marshall-awjvp6/ VIDEO TRANSCRIPT - Are Donald Trump and Elon Musk dismantling the Deep State or doing something else? This week on "Firing Line." - The people voted for major government reform. And that's what people are gonna get. They're gonna get what they voted for. - We've already found billions of dollars of abuse, incompetence, and corruption. - [Margaret] Some people are saying that Trump's newly-established Department of Government Efficiency is moving fast and breaking things. - We have this unelected branch of government, which is the bureaucracy. So it's just something we've gotta fix. - [Margaret] But will this blitz on the bureaucracy really make government more efficient? - So Musk is right, in my view, that it's broken, but he's not really focusing on fixing it. - [Margaret] Attorney and author Philip Howard has championed the cause of government efficiency for decades, with books including "The Death of Common Sense." - Well, the tragically-missed opportunity here is that Elon Musk could have done us a lot of good. - [Margaret] Will Marshall is the founder and president of the Progressive Policy Institute, and has recently written that Democrats need a DOGE of their own. I sat down with these two reform advocates before a student audience at Hofstra University to discuss what DOGE is getting right, what it's getting wrong, and whether America is careening toward a constitutional crisis. - [Announcer] "Firing Line" with Margaret Hoover is made possible, in part, by Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, the Fairweather Foundation, Peter and Mary Kalikow, Cliff and Laurel Asness, the Meadowlark Foundation, and by the following. Corporate funding is provided by Stephens Inc. - Philip Howard and Will Marshall, welcome to Hofstra University, and this episode of "Firing Line." - Thank you. - Listen, Philip, in November, you called in the Wall Street Journal for Elon Musk, not to hobble government, but to make it work again. Since Trump established the Department of Government Efficiency, Musk has moved to gut USAID, gained access to Treasury payment systems, and has worked to eliminate the employment of tens of thousands of federal workers. You have spent your life thinking, and writing, and talking about how to make government work better. Is this what you had in mind? - No. Musk is focusing on cutting what government does that he thinks is stupid. He's not focusing on changing and improving how government works, which I think is the bigger opportunity. Most of Americans think government needs major overhaul. So Musk is right, in my view, that it's broken, but he's not really focusing on fixing it. Efficiency means actually being responsive and delivering the goods to the public that the public needs. - How do you know he's not focused on fixing it? - Because that's not what he's doing. He's focused on cutting costs, cutting people, which I don't think is actually going to add up to much in the way of cost. Whereas, for example, if he changed the way the Defense Department procured new weaponry, he could save, pick a number, a third of the money that's spent, by getting rid of all the red tape processes that take years and deliver poor products with too much delay. - Will, you have recently written in The Hill that Democrats need a plan for fixing government that's their own. You said, quote, "Before Democrats dismiss DOGE as just MAGA trollery, it's fair to ask, what is their plan for making government more efficient and effective? Inexplicably, that plank is missing from the platform of the party that believes in active government." Should Democrats have their own version of DOGE? - Absolutely, or not DOGE, they should absolutely have their own plan to make government work better. The public demand for that is palpable and it's nothing new. We all know that trust in government's been tanking, really since the '60s. 21% of people trust the federal government to do the right thing most of the time. So to not have a set of ideas that is responsive to a public that wants deep change in government is a sort of political malpractice. - Given the speed and ruthlessness, perhaps efficiency, at which DOGE is operating, or which Elon Musk is operating, will there be a government to reform? (Will chuckles) - Yeah. - When he's finished. - It'll survive, I mean, what's happening now is that there are lawsuits proliferating all over the landscape. There're gonna be a million checkpoints here, and I think this is going to slow down. But this is the shock and awe phase, and I think we're gonna pass through it pretty quickly because reality is beginning to intrude. These are real lives, these are real functions. We have deep investments here. I'm a government reformer, but this is not the way to go about it. Elon Musk is a great entrepreneur, but this isn't the private sector, this is the government, and it's not an optional thing. I don't have to buy a Tesla, but I've gotta get services from my government. - This isn't something you can change, in my view, by pruning the jungle. You can't just clip, here and there, the red tape. You actually have to go back to a system which the framers contemplated in the Constitution, where law provides a framework of goals, and principles, and accountability, and checks and balances, but real people make choices, and they're politically accountable. Today in Washington, you can't find a real person who has authority to give a permit. And that's the reason we never get permits. - How did we end up in a place where it was the process that hamstrung us? - It was a change in legal philosophy. We came out of the '60s feeling guilty for lots of good reasons. We woke up to racism, pollution, lots of other things. So we wanted to create a system where there were no more abuses of authority, and it just doesn't work. Now you have no authority, and so you have a government that's increasingly paralyzed by the kind of stuff that Will's written about and others, by this red tape state. And the goal is not to, in my view, to get rid of government. The goal is actually to pull it back so we can do it, pull the law back so it can do its job. - Your solution is for government to unshackle itself from laws and regulations to empower individuals to make decisions and use their judgment. - Within the framework of law. And courts would only get involved when an official transgresses those boundaries. - So then, how are individuals held accountable? - Well, any way you want, but by someone. - For their judgment. - By someone above them. - No, no, no, that's where we get hamstrung by this process, right? Because there's so much process, and the process is ultimately what takes any sort of agency away from individuals to make these decisions. - That's right. So if you go to a, say to give a permit for a transmission line, you can't have 16 agencies bickering over whether to give the permit. One agency has to have the authority to make the decision, and that's subject to the approval of the White House in a democracy. Today, you get 16 agencies bickering about it around the table, and it goes on for years. - And it's unclear who has the ultimate authority. - Well, no one has the ultimate authority. - Well, so then isn't this what Musk is trying to fix? And how do you keep Musk? I mean, if the idea is to give an individual the authority to make the decision, isn't that what Musk is doing? - Well, Musk is taking the authority himself to tear apart agencies, but he's not trying to change the operating structure to give anybody else the authority. The problem with government is that the people inside it have been disempowered by all this process and all these procedures. They're also not accountable, by the way. So the American public is. - Musk has a bad theory. The theory is that there's waste everywhere, there's abuse, there's fraud. He calls AID, our foreign aid agency, a criminal organization. Now I have my criticisms of AID, they could be reformed, should be, but they're basically doing good humanitarian work around most of the world, they're not a criminal organization. But why does this freelance billionaire get to come and superimpose his judgements on what's working and what's not? There's no theory of change here. There's no good analysis of where we're failing. It's just he's bringing the entrepreneur's methodology, which is I'm gonna cut everything by 60%, wipe the slate clean, and we're gonna start over, and that'll yield efficiencies. It's not the way it works in the public sector. - Right, and what's, where's the vision for the day after these changes? How's government gonna work better after Musk finishes going through all these agencies? And so again, I think what's missing here is not the diagnosis that it's broken. It is broken, it is paralyzed, and broken, and wasteful, and not delivering things. But the proper cure is to actually let it do its job. Pull back the red tape, let there be permits, let Defense Department officials use their judgment and be accountable up the chain of authority for whether they do a good job or not. - We have fetishized process, and legal obstacles, and veto points, and everybody having their say. And it all adds up to a retreat from the exercise of public authority. But that's not what Musk is talking about. He's just getting rid of whole agencies he doesn't happen to like. It's all on a whim, there's no analysis, there's no predicate being laid for any of these changes. - Both of you have been critical of certain processes, review processes. One of them is environmental review processes. You've both written about how environmental review processes actually have inhibited government efficiency, and in doing so, have actually made outcomes for the environment worse. How do you account for environmental priorities in a more efficient way that doesn't inhibit a project from actually moving forward? - Well, I mean, the problem here is more political. We have a lot of folks on the Democratic side who do not want to take away the permitting. They don't want to relax the permitting process because they think that's their best protection against environmentally ruinous things. But what they don't understand is that if you can't upgrade and modernize your energy grid, you're building in higher pollution. You're not laying the framework for a cleaner grid. And that's happening all over the country. It's not just the grid, it's everything on the environmental side. - Well, delays are bad for the environment. We need new transmission lines to take power from the solar, wind farms in the Midwest to Chicago. Well, you can't get a permit for it. And every permit is not, it's not a question of legal compliance, it's a question of trade-offs. Are the benefits of the transmission line worth the harm of cutting through a pristine forest? That's not a legal question, that's a political question. - And it's a judgment question. - It's a judgment call. And we've, and so the purpose of environmental review, as it was initially enacted, was to have a few months of review in dozens of pages that would alert the public to the fact that there are these issues that are political in nature that are gonna be decided. Instead, it's become this years-long, no pebble left unturned kind of process that virtually never, never ends. And we have to make trade off judgements in order for the country to move forward. - You've written, Philip, that, quote, "Rebuilding government requires not just a wrecking ball, but trust." Polls suggests that Musk is losing the public's trust. In a recent YouGov poll, only 13% of Americans, and 26% of Republicans, said they want Musk to have a lot of influence in the Trump administration. So can an initiative like DOGE survive if it doesn't have the trust of the American people, Philip? - One, no, and two, it also can't survive if he doesn't have the trust of people who work for government. One of the biggest problems in government today is if you make a decision to give a permit, there's always somebody who doesn't like it. - Yeah. - So they will attack you. So in my view, what senior civil servants need is, not to live in fear, but to have cover for important decisions. They need to be, to feel that the people in charge, Musk or whomever, will actually protect them when they make decisions. And so no organization works in an atmosphere of distrust, whether it's government or society. - We need radical disruptors. We need 'em in the entrepreneurial sectors of our economy, that's what we want. But that's not what we, that's not how you fix government's problems, for the reasons we just talked about. And Elon Musk doesn't really know what he's trying to do. He wants to cut $2 trillion in spending. Well, that's a nice goal. If you got rid of every single federal employee, 2.3 million of them, you would cut 5% of public spending and you wouldn't come anywhere near that goal. So he doesn't even really have an understanding, I think, of the end game. The end game seems to be here just disruption for its own sake, sowing fear, telling employees they're no longer wanted, tell 'em to stay home, sort of putting down whole agencies as worthless. And again, pretending that the problem is waste, fraud, and abuse, which is a really kind of simple-minded understanding of what's wrong with government. He thinks that there's just waste in large quantities lying around that he's gonna excise through this radical surgery. - There's one area with hundreds of billions of dollars in savings that requires major overhaul, which is in the healthcare administration area. And if Musk and Trump really wanted to save big amounts of money, they would simplify the healthcare reimbursement and regulatory system, because 30% of the healthcare dollar goes to administration, which is over $1 million per every American doctor in red tape. That system is crazy. And it needs to be completely, basically replaced. - Well, there is waste all across the government, okay. But it isn't sitting there in large piles that you can just go into a room and find. You have, it's like Elaine Kamarck, who was the re-inventor-in-chief for Bill Clinton, said, "It's like fat marbled in the steak." And so the point is, you have to go and find it. And the people that know where it is are the people who work in government. So if you go in there and you attack them and say they're worthless, and they're idiots, and they have to get going and pack up, and we're gonna shut their agency down because we don't need it, and everything they've been doing for 15 years is worthless, well, they're not gonna be very cooperative to you. So if you were serious about trying to find pockets of waste, or even fraud, these are the people that could help you find it. So again, it's just a marker of seriousness to me. If you were serious about changing government, you wouldn't go about it by attacking everybody in sight. - As Will said, it can't be done by just by amputation. It needs to be done somewhat more surgically. And I will say that the biggest supporters of my somewhat radical reform efforts have been the senior civil servants. They want more authority to manage the civil servants below them. They want more authority to cut through the process and get permits. They actually want to do these things. And they exist in this red tape jungle that doesn't allow them to. - Why do you think that is? Why do you think they are the ones who are most eager to see reform? - These are the senior executive service, which are the top civil servants, are people who have generally devoted their lives to public service and are experts in specific areas. And they actually get, their life work is making. - You're saying they're serious people. - These agencies happen and deliver the goods, and they can't do what they feel is necessary. - Over the course of American history, there have been several attempts to reform government, starting in 1883 with the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act that established the modern civil service. And there was the Taft Commission, there were two Hoover Commissions, the Grace Commission under Ronald Reagan's presidency, and then of course, the National Performance Review, in which you participated, and you both contributed under President Clinton's presidency. What can Elon Musk learn, if he wanted to learn from American history, from these previous efforts? - Well, what I would hope he would learn is that he's right that periodically government has to be reorganized to look at if it's meeting its goals and to change how it meets its goal. What's happened through history is, actually, you've had changes in operating philosophy over the years. The last real change in philosophy was in the 1960s. - So what was the change in that governing philosophy, Phil? - The change in philosophy was don't trust anyone to use their judgment, because human judgment is fallible. And we need to create a new system that will guarantee that all choices are correct. Let everyone who complains have a hearing. And the result of that is paralysis. So I think the solution is to actually change our operating philosophy and go back to the one that the framers contemplated, which is one based on human responsibility. Law sets goals, law sets guardrails, law sets a hierarchy of authority to make sure that people don't do stupid things, but people make decisions. Law can't govern. And we've created this massive system over the, only in the last 50 years, on the premise that actually we can make government into a kind of a software program. - Will, do you agree with Phil's diagnosis of the governing philosophy that changed in the '60s. - I think I partially agree with it. It clearly did. We got a lot more liberal process-oriented attempts to protect citizens against abuses of government power, which was, government was getting bigger, and it was intruding itself in more parts of American life. And in the '60s, we radically expanded government under the Great Society, and we have been doing that ever since. And so it just became a more intrusive thing with tentacles everywhere. And that just built this kind of resistance, has built antagonism from the public that now saw government trying to do too much, trying to spend too much, and trying to direct them too much. And so I do think it has to do with the scope of government's responsibilities, and we need to have a serious conversation about that. - We have a question from one of our Hofstra University students, Mark Lussier. - Hello, my name is Mark, I'm from Connecticut, and one of my senators, Chris Murphy, said that we are in the midst of a constitutional crisis. I wanna know if you agree, and the step, and I also want to know the steps that the other two branches can take to address that, and their odds of succeeding at addressing it. - Are we in a constitutional crisis? Let me add to that, actually. Where are the other branches of government? We know that the judiciary is exerting itself, but why couldn't these reforms be legislated and then signed in by the executive branch? - That's a very good question. - Are we in a constitutional crisis? - Oh, yes, we are. I mean, I wrote a piece this week about ruling by decree. It's un-American, there's no basis for it in American history and no basis for it in the Constitution. The president can't just make policy willy nilly across the whole scope of what federal government does. That's why the courts are getting involved. We've got a raft of lawsuits. I think a lot of this is gonna slow down. But the point is the courts are doing their job. Who's not doing its job is Congress, and it's because it's under Republican control. He's got them absolutely cowed, and they're not raising objection to his taking over the power of the purse, which is clearly delegated to the legislative branch. So yes, that's a crisis. - Phil, do you think we're in a crisis? - Well, we're certainly building towards one, and now we have Trump saying that maybe the courts don't have authority. And if they really disavow court rulings, then we will have a constitutional crisis. - Do you have anything you wanna follow up on with, Mark? I wanna make sure you're fully answered because you had a couple of different questions. - Actually, one piece was what's the likelihood of them succeeding and like being able to address those concerns of a crisis, if we get to that point? - Well, hey Phil, you said we're getting there. You think we're there, you said we're getting there, especially if they just defy the court orders, then we'll be there. - Right. - So then what? - Well, here's what scares me. Suppose he defies the courts, in other words, the court's are the only thing that are, is the only source of resistance now to Trump's imperial will. What if he just says, "No, I'm not gonna do what the court's prescribed." The other possibility is that the higher courts, the Supreme Court, might side with him on some of these issues. - Well, you know, I do think they're gray areas, and I've written about this in large arguments and such about the scope of executive power. But whatever gray areas there are, you still have to respect the rule of law in this country. And I believe that the rule of law is a foundation that most Americans believe in, and that once you abandon it or disavow it, then we really are in trouble as a society, and we have to sort of come together and do something different. - Let me ask you both this. In 1990, William F. Buckley Jr's original "Firing Line" hosted a debate that was titled, "Government Is Not the Solution, It's the Problem." And of course, borrowing from Ronald Reagan's line, listen to this defense of government from none other than George McGovern. - This debate proposition reminds me of Groucho Marx's observation that marriage is the chief cause of divorce. (audience laughs) The answer is not to abolish marriage, but to strive for better marriages. And so it is with government. Government has caused some problems, no question about that. And I've spoken out against some of those problems. But it has also come up with some inspired solutions. - Right, so the question is, is DOGE's attempt to fix government an example of getting rid of divorce by abolishing marriage? - I'd say, so far, yes. And while it's true that, and Musk is right, the government isn't working very well, to the point that government is the problem, government should get out of people's daily lives. I mean, much of the resentment that got Trump elected was government telling people how to talk, how to get along in the workplace, how you run the local school. And I do think government is the problem when it gets in our daily lives. But I think government, in a crowded, global, really fearful environment of warring powers and such, government is incredibly important to make government strong. We can't be strong abroad if we're weak at home. So we need to make government work better, not get rid of it. - Will. - Well, you know, the problem with what Mr. McGovern said is that it's not about whether you like government or you dislike government. I mean, it's a necessary evil, as Jefferson said, we're gonna have it. And so the question is how can you make it a better servant of the popular will, but also how you constrain what it does so that it doesn't try to do everything, which when it tries to do that, it doesn't do anything well. - Last question to both of you. If you had one piece of advice you would offer to Elon Musk to get it right, if there were still an opportunity for him to correct course, what would it be? - I'd say focus on how government makes decisions. If you can streamline government decisions, give people authority to take responsibility, you will save countless billions, probably hundreds of billions of dollars, and make government much more responsive to public needs. - Will. - Well, the tragically-missed opportunity here is that Elon Musk could have done us a lot of good. If Trump had sent him over to the Pentagon, for example, and said, "Modernize this. Let's get software, let's get modern IT, let's get AI working." This is something he actually knows how to do. And what he's been set on is tasks that he doesn't know how to do, doesn't understand even how to define the problems properly. - Okay, so that's your analysis. What's your advice for Elon Musk? - Go back to the private sector and leave us a alone, please. - All right, all right. (laughs) With that, Will Marshall and Phil Howard, thank you for joining me on "Firing Line," here at Hofstra University. - Thank you. - Thank you. (audience applauds) - [Announcer] "Firing Line," with Margaret Hoover is made possible in part by Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, the Fairweather Foundation, Peter and Mary Kalikow, Cliff and Laurel Asness, the Meadowlark Foundation, and by the following. Corporate funding is provided by Stephens Inc. (intense music) (intense music continues) (gentle music) (peaceful music) - You're watching PBS. Executive Power usage URL https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/capehart-and-continetti-on-trump-pushing-the-limits-of-executive-power VIDEO must click the link above to see TRANSCRIPT Geoff Bennett: From Elon Musk gaining unprecedented access to sensitive government information, to Democrats trying to build what they call a bigger and better party, we turn tonight to the analysis of Capehart and Continetti. That's Washington Post associate editor Jonathan Capehart and Matthew Continetti with the American Enterprise Institute. David Brooks is away this evening. It's good to see you both. Matthew Continetti, American Enterprise Institute: Good to see you. Geoff Bennett: So, Donald Trump and his allies are making quick progress toward their stated goal of the deconstruction of the administrative state. We have got takeovers and the hollowing out of major government agencies, offering severance agreements to government workers, pausing federal grants and loans, which, of course, is now tied up in the courts. Jonathan, are the shockwaves being felt across the government signs of a super committed new administration shaking up the status quo, or are we witnessing the full assault on the limits of executive power? Jonathan Capehart: Both, Geoff. Both. Remember, Donald Trump campaigned. He told us this is what he was going to do. Project 2025 is all about doing what is happening right now. And so they are trying to deconstruct, as I think of Steve Bannon, who said, the administrative state. And they are — as I said last week, President Trump and Elon Musk, in particular, are taking a wrecking ball to the federal government by sowing, sure, chaos and confusion and fear. But he's following through on what he promised to do. Geoff Bennett: How do you see it, Matt? Matthew Continetti: I think Jonathan's right. This was a promise made, promised kept, as they like to say in Trump world. And I think what's important to understand about Trump and how he's going about these initial weeks is, he wants to deliver results. Trump always feels as though the political class that preceded him talked a big game, but never accomplished anything. So we had the Grace Commission during Reagan. We had Al Gore's reinventing government. We had the commissions dealing with the debt and taxes during the Obama years. Nothing happened. And so here he is. Elon Musk says he wants to treat the federal government like a new acquisition. Well, Donald Trump says, go for it. Let's see what happens. Geoff Bennett: What about the question Democrats are raising, Jonathan? Where are the guardrails? Who's going to stop any of this? Democrats in Congress obviously don't have any power. Republicans in Congress are moving in lockstep with this administration. The courts have stepped in where they deem appropriate, but obviously can't keep up with the velocity of the Trump administration. Is there any guard against his instinct to wield, to really claim and wield expansive power? Jonathan Capehart: Well, see, here's the thing. Right now, the courts are the only guardrail. And I think people need to understand that the courts operate on a timetable that is completely different than the rest of us. And we just have to appreciate that. The fact that citizens and lawmakers and organizations have gone to court to stop President Trump on a whole host of things, from birthright citizenship to the buyout plans, that is right now sort of the, for lack of a better saying, court of last resort. In the old days, Geoff and Matthew, it used to be that Congress would be the backstop, would be the entity, the legislative branch standing up for its prerogatives and saying, Mr. President, no, we are the ones who decide what agencies come and go. We are the ones who decide what the budget will be. But, instead, the MAGA Republicans who were there in Congress, from Speaker Johnson on down, they're happy. They're happy to go along with what President Trump and Elon Musk are doing, which is why they are silent on a whole host of things that even 10 years ago would have had Congress up in arms. Geoff Bennett: How do you view Congress really abdicating their role, ceding their power to the executive? Matthew Continetti: Well, I think this process of ceding power to the executive is decades in the making, and it's bipartisan. Congress has really just become an investigatory body that delegates tremendous authority to the executive branch of government and the bureaucracy. And we now see the results when you have Trump come in his second term wanting to leave a profoundly changed government in his wake when he departs the Oval Office. And you see that, because of acts of Congress, Congress' own denial of its role, the president has enormous power to wield. And let's remember, when President Obama said he had a pen and a phone, the first Trump administration used a lot of executive orders. Joe Biden tried to cancel student debt through executive order. This process we're seeing is long in the making. And I think one reason Washington is stunned is that you have an outsider in Elon Musk actually punching the delete button on some of these programs. Geoff Bennett: Jonathan, Matthew raised the question I was going to ask you, because that's what I have heard from Republicans this past week, that Democrats can't in good faith criticize Donald Trump, when Joe Biden tried to unilaterally without Congress waive $400 billion worth of student loan debt. And when the Supreme Court said no, you can't do that, he basically shrugged and then tried to do it via piecemeal approach. Jonathan Capehart: This is like comparing apples and cannonballs. What we're seeing coming from the Trump administration is executive orders uprooting and upending the federal government. And what makes this all the more galling and terrifying for a lot of people is that he has delegated a lot of power to someone who was elected to no office, to someone who was not confirmed by the Senate. He is accountable to no one, except for maybe, except for maybe President Trump. And President Trump has already said, well, he will only do things that we want him to do. Well, so far, Elon Musk is doing everything that Donald Trump wants to do. That is what is so terrifying about this moment, is that you have an unelected person, who also happens to be the wealthiest person in the world, and also the wealthiest person in the world who owns a huge social media megaphone, and is able to manipulate the information that the people on that huge platform receive. That's what is so dangerous about what is happening now. And as we're trying to compare President Biden's executive order on student loans and what Donald Trump is doing, Donald Trump is destroying. President Biden signed an executive order and, yes, pushed the limits of executive action, but to the benefit of people who were drowning in student debt. He did it in order to help people, not to destroy the government that the American people depend on for a whole host, a whole host of things. Geoff Bennett: Let's shift our focus back to Elon Musk for a second, because, Jonathan, we actually have the sound that you mentioned. Here is how President Trump responded to a reporter's question about whether he gave Elon Musk any red lines. Question: Is there anything you have told Elon Musk he cannot touch? Donald Trump, President of the United States: Well, we haven't discussed that much. I will tell him to go here, go there. He does it. He's got a very capable group of people, very, very, very, very capable. They know what they're doing. They will ask questions and they will see immediately if somebody gets tongue-tied that they're either crooked or don't know what they're doing. Geoff Bennett: So, Matt, it would appear that Elon Musk has a fairly broad mandate, in that it's not spelled out at all, I mean, if you take into account what President Trump is saying there. Matthew Continetti: I think President Trump has told Elon Musk, let's change the government, let's slim it down, let's dramatically reduce the federal work force. And if you need to go fast and break things, as they say in Silicon Valley, to do that, that's fine. I will say that if Elon Musk were the health care czar or the energy czar coming up with big plans for government spending or to combat global warming, I'd think there'd be a lot less uproar in Washington, D.C. It's the fact that he has the goal of changing the federal government and limiting it, at a time when we have record deficits and debts, that I think is angering a lot of people who are invested in the current system. Geoff Bennett: In the time that remains, I want to return to this open question about the path forward for Democrats, because, Jonathan, you wrote a column for The Washington Post this past week, the thesis of which is that the Democratic Party's issue isn't rooted in policy. It's rooted in perception. Tell us more about that and whether Ken Martin, the newly elected head of the DNC, can effectively change that. Jonathan Capehart: Well, the perception of the Democratic Party is it's filled with elites who only care about niche issues and don't listen to the rest of us. And, as everyone knows, in a lot of instances, perception is reality. I was one of three people, MSNBC anchors, who hosted the last DNC forum. And there were two instances that happened that sort of put this perception in high relief. One was a question asking for a commitment to dedicated seats for transgender folks within the party to be — the serve within the party in the governing structure. Another was protesters who were loudly screaming about climate change and getting big money out of politics, something that everyone on that stage was for. And yet no one wanted to listen to what they had to say. And what was great about — good about those two moments that were instructive, Faiz Shakir, a friend of "PBS News Hour," was the only person the stage who did not raise his hand on the transgender question. There was also one on the question for seats for Muslim DNC members. He said, I don't think we should be dividing people up by identity. We should focus on people who are up for the mission and the program of the DNC and have them bring their identity to the table. He's absolutely right. And then with the protesters, Jason Paul said, this is the way people in the country view the Democratic Party, and that is our problem. That's why I say the policy isn't the problem. Democrats have policies that address the American people's issues. It's the perception. And that is what Ken Martin has to do. And we're about to find out if he's able to do it, to change that perception. Geoff Bennett: Jonathan Capehart and Matthew Continetti, thanks again for being with us. I appreciate it. Jonathan Capehart: Thanks, Geoff. Prior Economic Corner : https://aalbc.com/tc/topic/11483-economiccorner014/
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POTUS Ronald Reagan came from California as a former actor. Among the GOP, POTUS Reagan is considered one of the greatest. POTUS George W. Bush Jr., was never considered the sharpest knife on the cutting board. However, POTUS GWB Jr. served 2 consecutive terms. POTUS Donald J. Trump aka Orange Jackazz (OJ) was elected in 2016 and again 2024. What do all of these men have in common other than the title of POTUS? The American people elected these guys. No matter how dumb and stupid POTUS OJ comes across, he is an avatar for for millions of white folks. POTUS OJ says and does what many white folks *think* but are too afraid to express. He is their leader. They will support him.
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The voice of a generation… This week on Firing Line.
NOONAN: I was there for a party beginning to change, and I could feel the populist impulses beginning to gather.
Peggy Noonan ‘was there’ as a speechwriter for Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, and her writing helped presidents meet the moment again and again…..
REAGAN: These are the boys of Pointe du Hoc. / These are the heroes who won a war.
REAGAN: We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them as they “slipped the surly bonds of earth”
BUSH: …for an endless, enduring dream and a thousand points of light. [55:44]
She went on to become a best selling author, and one of the most influential columnists in America. A life long conservative who never voted for Trump, she won a Pulitzer Prize for Commentary in 2017. Donald Trump has called her a “simplistic writer” and “stuck in the past glory of Reagan.”
NOONAN: A lot had to happen for Donald Trump to win. What had to happen? The entire Republican establishment, and I would say the Democratic establishment, would have to blow it big time for about 20 years. And that is what happened.
As she reflects on the transformation of the Republican Party, and the country, what does Peggy Noonan say now?
‘Firing Line’ with Margaret Hoover is made possible in part by: Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, The Fairweather Foundation, Peter and Mary Kalikow, and by the following… Corporate funding is provided by Stephens Inc.
HOOVER: Peggy Noonan, welcome to Firing Line.
NOONAN: Thank you, Margaret. It’s great to be here.
HOOVER: I’ve known you for many years. And it is a great pleasure to welcome you to this program. Your new book, “A Certain Idea of America,” is a compilation of 80 columns that you have written between 2016 and now. As we sit here in the wake of a divisive election in which a twice-impeached convicted felon, a man for whom you never voted, and even called for his removal from office after January 6th, has been democratically reelected. In this moment, what is your idea of America?
NOONAN: What is my certain idea?
HOOVER: What is your certain idea of America?
NOONAN: The phrase ‘a certain idea’ of America comes from the famous first sentence of Charles de Gaulle’s war memoirs, “All of my life I’ve had a certain idea of France.” And I remember that when I read it, read that translation, I thought, ‘oh my gosh that is true of me.’ All of my life I feel I’ve had a certain idea of America; that it is new, that it is good, that it is great, that it is a startling and original thing in history, that it must be continued, that our proper generational attitude towards it is protectiveness. Receive it from the older folk. Keep it in your hands. Shine it up a little bit. Hand it on safely to the next generation. And the pieces I picked for the book, I think, kind of reflect that, that general feeling and appreciation and affection.
HOOVER: So how do you square the reelection of a man, who you’re very clear about doesn’t uphold the same set of standards as any of the modern American conservative movements forbearers, in this moment?
NOONAN: Well, I guess, you know, I continue feeling mellow and perhaps surprisingly to others, almost surprisingly to me. My mellow feeling is this: if you believe in democracy, in this big, messy, inadequate system, which is still better than all the other messy, inadequate systems. If you believe in it, you believe in its outcomes, you must accept with as much grace as you can muster the outcomes that you did not want.
HOOVER: Before you went into politics, you began your career as a writer at CBS News Radio working with Dan Rather.
NOONAN: Yes.
HOOVER: And you described the newsroom in the mainstream media environment in 1980 on the night that Ronald Reagan was elected.
NOONAN: Yes.
HOOVER: And you describe a silence that overcame the newsroom that actually made me think of how newsrooms across America must have felt in 2016 and in 2024.
NOONAN: Totally. Look, they’re pretty similar. That night at CBS News in New York at the big broadcast center on West 57th Street, I was a young professional. But I notice, I’m looking around at the other young professionals all my age, in our 30s, late 20s to early 40s. They were like in a shocked disapproval at this horrible thing that had happened to America. This movie star actor named Ronald Reagan had come along and, amazingly enough, been given the presidency by the crazy American people. And I was just, jeez, I kind of like him, I think this is good news. But the thing I will never forget is that my level of people were upset; the producers, the anchors, the writers. But I would look up and see two people. One was the cameramen, regular working guys from Long Island and Jersey, and the secretaries who were working late to help the anchor. And they were happy. And I would give them a look and go like this. They’d give me the look. Okay, that’s 1980. I am here to tell you that of course that same dynamic kicked in on election night 2016. It is a class division that was starting with the Reagan Democrats back in the 70s and 80s that has continued and become more so.
HOOVER: Yeah. You criticize the mainstream media for losing its head, that’s a direct quote, during Donald Trump’s first term. What advice do you have for the press heading into Donald Trump’s second term?
NOONAN: People look at the news now, say a big broadcast news shows and also newspapers, and they think, oh there should be more conservative commentary. That’s not it. That’s not my advice. There’s enough conservative commentary. It’s all over the place. There’s enough liberal commentary. You know what I’d say to newspapers right now? Keep giving us information. We don’t need your views, your attitude, your sneaky, snarky headlines. Newspapers and broadcast news, they’ve become lazy about reporting the news. Young reporters age, say, 23 to 40 think that their job is thinking aloud about our culture and news things that happen, and our ideology. They’re not such good reporters. Become reporters again. Dig. New York Times, Wall Street Journal put six people on a story that may take a year to report, but it’s a life changing story. So my advice for the news would be, why don’t you take your energy and brilliance and find the news.
HOOVER: You started in the news, but you went on to write some of Ronald Reagan’s most poignant and memorable speeches.
NASA feed: Challenger now heading down range.
HOOVER: When the space shuttle, the Challenger exploded in 1986, you have a story about how when Ronald Reagan delivered the final line of the speech that you wrote, which, by the way you mentioned, was not heavily staffed or edited because it was rushed to the president…
NOONAN: It’s what saved it. It’s what saves anything. Don’t have a thousand spoons in the fondue pot, you know. Just have one or two.
REAGAN: We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and slipped the surly bonds of earth to touch the face of God. Thank you.
HOOVER: How does a speech like that reflect your idea of the role of a president in a moment of national crisis?
NOONAN: I was quite aware that the country was rattled and… and saddened. I was aware that everybody had watched the trauma at the same moment. You know, when John F. Kennedy was shot, most of us didn’t see the tape until days, the Zapruder film for weeks. We all watched the Challenger explode together and our kids were watching it at school. So I thought the president simply must address what his nation has just experienced and he must address it as he is, which is a leader who knows, first of all, be truthful. Don’t shade this in any way. We just saw a disaster. But the disaster had meaning. The disaster has repercussions. He will address them. That is what a real leader does.
HOOVER: After the Republican National Convention, you observed that the Republican Party that we have today is an explicitly Trumpian party. It has come a very long way. I would say it’s fallen a long way – that’s my editorialization, not yours – from Ronald Reagan. How do you think and understand the party’s transformation.
NOONAN: A lot had to happen for Donald Trump to stand up, gain purchase, move forward and win. What had to happen? The entire Republican establishment, and I would say the Democratic establishment, would have to blow it big time for about 20 years. And that is what happened. That is the launching pad of Donald Trump. We had two big, long, un-won wars that were the biggest foreign policy mistake in America since Vietnam, which was a horror. And the Republican Party somehow never even got around to admitting it. We had a 2008 economic crash. One of the things you hire Republicans for is to understand money, understand what’s going on on Wall Street, keep their little eagle eyes on those traders. The entire economy just blows up. A bunch of fraudsters were kiting the American economy and the Republicans in power didn’t notice. So the Republican establishment had to die through harakiri. It killed itself. Then it was extremely indignant when an opportunist named Donald Trump said, You are yesterday, you are a failure.’ They were so surprised to be told that and they were so surprised that he won. They were so surprised when he said we didn’t need those wars. They were so surprised when he said 2008 was your fault. Why were they so surprised? Margaret, my own politics and political views, I guess, are a little more poignant in that I felt what Donald Trump felt and had been writing it for some time about the Republican establishment. My politics as I’ve grown older has become more populist. It’s been… I relaxed about government spending. I thought America is in trouble. I would rather we spend too much than we ignore people in the Midwest who are on these terrible drugs and seem to be giving up on life. So I was politically more and more where Trump was while looking at Trump and thinking, I’ve known him for 40 years as a figure in New York. He’s not a serious man. This is not a man of substance, thoughtfulness and depth. He says things that no American president should ever say. I think he’s nuts. So I’m not going to support him. But yeah, his issues, yeah, they’re my issues. Especially, by the way, when we talked about the Republican establishment committing harakiri, refusing to control the American border for 20 years. That’s a form of harakiri, too. Donald Trump looked at it and thought, are you insane, you people? So that’s where he came from. But my own feelings are mixed and, for me, poignant.
MARGARET CHASE SMITH
HOOVER: You say at one point that moving lives move you? And many of the columns in the book are about lives that have moved you.
NOONAN: Yeah.
HOOVER: Historical figures, contemporary cultural icons like Taylor Swift.
NOONAN: Yes.
HOOVER: But one recurring character is Margaret Chase Smith…
NOONAN: Yes.
HOOVER: …the first Republican female senator from the state of Maine, and the first Republican to speak out against Joe McCarthy.
NOONAN: Yes. Isn’t that funny? The only Republican senator and she was the only one who stood up to that bad man.
HOOVER: You wrote, ‘this kind of courage is the kind of courage’—I’m paraphrasing, and not as beautifully as you— ‘that we would like to see now, against the backdrop of a lie about our elections.’ And it was a more subtle criticism, it seemed to me, of Donald Trump in 2020 not accepting the election results, but without bamming him on the nose. Right. It used…
NOONAN: I achieved subtlety. Yay. I picked my columns that I wanted to give another chance, and I realized there was a theme to those I wanted to give another life to. And it was that we need to remember as we self-criticize and beat ourselves up, as we take another look at our history, try to remember the great ones who lived difficult, arduous lives, but who produced wonder, who did fabulous things in politics, in art. I just think it’s an important thing for us now to hold on to a certain amount of wonder and awe about what wonderful people can do. Like Billy Graham, Tom Wolfe, all these people. So– and I just realized also that the thing that has given me most pleasure in my long career is giving honest, fact-based praise of human beings.
HOOVER: There are a lot of journalists who would prefer to be honest, fact based and critical.
NOONAN: And that has its place. It may have taken up a bigger space than it should.
HOOVER: But praise…
NOONAN: I mean, look, the news is always bad and criticism is something we can always do. And it’s so often so warranted. But when praise is in order, do that. It’s rarer, and more helpful in some way… You know, I sort of go through life thinking: No matter who you are, you’re trying to keep up your morale. Everybody’s trying to keep up their morale. You’re just trying to think, ‘I can get through another day. I can do this. I can do it. It’s okay. I’m doing my best.’ It’s not bad to help people keep up their morale.
HOOVER: You’re a devout Catholic.
NOONAN: I am.
HOOVER: You know that the original host of this program, William Buckley, Jr., was also a devout Catholic.
NOONAN: Yeah.
HOOVER: I want you to listen to this clip in 1978 of an interview that he had with a Catholic traditionalist about the pope that had just died, Paul the Sixth, and Paul the Sixth’s approach to communism.
MARTIN: But he has a left wing touch. And Paul was doing this deliberately from a rather cold blooded and rational policy because he was persuaded from the year 1967 that come what may, we couldn’t stop the efforts of the communist parties legally or by violence. And hence his idea was let’s survive by making friends.
HOOVER: You wrote a book about Pope John Paul the Second and also worked for Ronald Reagan. And the two of them, we know, partnered in an effort that ultimately helped lead to the end of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. Why did the church’s stance on communism shift?
NOONAN: Because they got a pope in John Paul who had lived under communism, knew what it was, survived it, he was from Poland. Part of the Warsaw Pact countries that were kept down, taken by Stalin and kept down and made communist and made ridiculous. And one of the first things he did as pope was go back to Poland. Amazingly, the Soviet Union allowed him to. And to have, a huge mass held on an open field a million people showed up. It was at that point the biggest mass, Catholic mass in human history. And a kind of psychic break began at that point that was very helpful to the Western disapproval and resistance of communism. It became part of – it was part of Ronald Reagan anyway – but after that it, it was more understandable that he would speak of the ‘evil empire.’ Do you know what I mean? It was really part of a big thing.
HOOVER: Let me ask you then about the Vatican’s position today towards the Chinese Communist Party and the criticism that the Catholic Church is receiving for failing to stand up for human rights abuses in China and for failing to, what critics say, take a stand consistent with its history.
NOONAN: Yes. And consistent with its beliefs. I think it is legitimate criticism, I must say. I see the church right now as a great blur. It is a confusing thing. I do not understand what Pope Francis is up to or how internally he really sees things. He confuses me, he confuses me.
TRUMP NOMINEES
HOOVER: You have said that you have faith in the institutions of our country even against the backdrop of a second Trump presidency. When there have been threats to the media and promises of retribution that I think, I think it’s fair to say we don’t know how seriously to take them. I think some people are taking them more seriously than others.
NOONAN: Yeah, I think that’s fair. I think we’re gonna learn a lot, maybe by what happens with the FBI. I think the candidate to lead it, Kash Patel, is… not someone who leaves you immediately impressed as to his accomplishments and attainments and ability to run that organization with a marvelous, impartial fairness and adherence to the law. So I’m worried about that. I have a funny feeling where I always sense, as a conservative, that our institutions are frail. They are man made, man led. They are frail. At the same time, they’ve gotten us through a lot of the crap of history. They’ve gotten us through a lot of life. They’ve taken a lot of pressure and there’s a lot of good people in them. But I guess we’re going to learn a few things about the strength of certain institutions in the next few years.
HOOVER: Kash Patel has a list in his book of executive branch members who might be targeted in a second Trump administration, like Bill Barr and Mark Milley and lower level staffers many people that you and I both know personally. Is that to be taken seriously?
NOONAN: Yes. And one of the marvels of our republican set up is that there’s a Senate and the Senate is going to have confirmation hearings on Kash Patel. And the Senate is pretty close now—isn’t that 40…
HOOVER: 53.
NOONAN: 53-47? Okay. That’s close enough where I would hope, and even trust, where malignant or malevolent individuals do not get past the scrutiny of 53 serious men and women. So I’m glad Mr. Patel will be there. I am glad he’s gonna testify. I would say bring him out, get him going on his thoughts. Will he say—as he might, and it might be true— ‘You know what, five years ago I was blowing off steam on a podcast. I said stupid things that I don’t mean.’ Everybody does and says stupid things. But draw him out and get him going. If this is a guy who means to get in there and do mischief that he thinks will please the boss and the podcasters, that ain’t good. So let’s see how it goes.
HOOVER: You’ve also registered your concern about the nomination of Pete Hegseth to be defense secretary. And what we’ve seen since that nomination is a full on campaign to intimidate senators prior to these hearings. What do you make of that? That seems to be a new tactic.
NOONAN: I don’t like it. It’s not good. Fabulous people like– I mean, just really solid conservatives like Joni Ernst of Iowa, Lisa Murkowski, coming under pressure for asking serious, correct, mature questions about the ability of this man to head the Department of Defense. And these questions are not all based on, there was a woman who reported he was extremely inappropriate, there are friends or associates who report he drinks too much or drank too much– Guys, there is the central question of, the head of the Defense Department must be one of your wise men, must be someone who knows where everything is, what is all possible throughout the world. The head of your Defense Department is going to be in the Oval Office when North Korea launches, and we’re not quite sure of the warhead or the trajectory. This must be a person of depthful experience, depthful knowledge of history on a George C Marshall, former Defense Secretary, Robert Gates, former Defense Secretary, Frank Carlucci level. Big, smart people. Pete Hegseth is a young man, has never worked in such an organization as Defense. He is a culture warrior. That’s good, the world needs culture warriors. He’s a morning TV host. I’m glad. The world needs them too. Is that person right for that job? Again, I’m so glad our republican set-up, the Senate, will sit down, ask him every question. I’m sure he’ll have been speed-reading Thucydides and will have quotes. Do you know what I mean? But you better be serious about this, senators. You better make sure he’s the right one for this job. He doesn’t have to be. And if you decide he is not, very good. Withstand the pressure. Make your decision. Make your vote. These are life and death questions for the country. They’re not just, ‘Gee, Trump put up six appointments. And they’re the bad ones. He had six good ones. Six bad ones. How many can I reject without getting in trouble?’ That’s not the question. The question is what will be safe for America?
HOOVER: How much confidence do you have in the Senate’s constitutional responsibility to advise and consent, and to actually serve as a check against the executive branch, even if it’s the same party?
NOONAN: You know, I don’t know if they will, but they better.
HOOVER: Yeah.
NOONAN: If they do not, they will regret it.
HOOVER: Peggy Noonan, the book is A Certain Idea of America. Thank you for joining me on Firing Line.
NOONAN: Margaret, it was the best interview. Thank you very much.
https://www.pbs.org/wnet/firing-line/video/peggy-noonan-fokip8/
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@Pioneer1 because immediately after carter lost the 1980 election to ronald reagan iran freed them. So what you are asking is why didn't the democrats publicly accuse the republicans of a form of treason. Well that accusation has to be proven in a court of law and with reagan as president, meaning head of the armed forces which include the fbi + cia who all had a role in iran, i doubt reagan was going to allow such a thing. under national security and as the head of the executive branch or armed forces, reagan could stop any inquest. And remember as well, in 1980 the republicans won all the congress, house + senate , so...your not only asking why the donkeys didn't accuse the elephants of cheating under a reagan administration, that the military loved, that police loved. But also being in minority in the house or senate. Yes , the congress isn't impotent but one of the results of the war between the states circa 1965 is the presidency from lincoln onward is more powerful than the congress. That is what destroyed the Whigs party which became the Republicans. The whigs believed the presidency/executive branch shouldn't be too powerful but the power of the presidency catapulted in that war and has only gotten stronger. Empires tend to be this way, as they grow in power the positions of singular power grow. By the time of reagan, it is too powerful to be attacked in such a way from the legislative branch. Mitt Romney signed it but the massachusetts affordable care act had to happen. the state of massachusetts before romney had set up laws that made massachusetts have drastic changes starting in the 1980s. so something had to be done. The funny thing about healthcare in the usa, is it has always been a for profit enterprise , as an industry stemming from the days of enslavement. so, thus both affordable care acts. MAssachusetts + USA is because people in the usa want healthcare bu the industry is settled and very powerful. Obama didn't wait for it, but the reality is, pelosi was in congress and like in massachusetts, which is supposed to be liberal, many elected officials oppose universal healthcare even though the general populace say they want it and it goes down to how universal healthcare by default will force hospitals/doctors/insurers to change their financial models extremely.
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Election 2024 retrospective
richardmurray replied to richardmurray's topic in Culture, Race & Economy
@Chevdove well listen, when ronald reagan ran for president initially,1979, he promised to get rid of the department of education. so the point is, many have disliked the existence of that department since it was founded, like the post office, which had detractors from its founding. many governmental organizations have millions who have opposed them from day one, but the bureaucracy as well as those benefitting from it, make t hard to undo. The FBI have detractors from day one. I don't think Schrumpft will kill the department of education. i hear he wants to break it apart, and shove the pieces in other departments, so he wants to quiet it essentially. not delete it but quiet it under the bureaucracy of the government, which will lead to less oversight for states. The thing people forget is jmmy carter was from georgia:) he comprehended that many southern states and in fact all states need oversight for their education because all states have a history of natural inequality or dysfunction to certain groups. we will see:) -
A lot of older Black people liked him.....especially compared with Ronald Reagan. I was just a kid and not very interested in politics when he was in office so don't know much about him or his administration. My favorite U.S. President so far would be Franklin D. Roosevelt....based on the little I know of him. ....yes, even over Abraham Lincoln....my second favorite.....so far.
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@ProfD who knows, it isn't over, the reality is, Schrumpf maintains the ronald reagan era of presidential campaigning but schrumpf has opened the door for all to have opportunity in government. Is it likely Adams is gone, yes, the odds are against but it isn't 100%,
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OK, where was I? Oh yeah, "shoddy construction"! The buildings still stood for 28 years and had to withstand gravity and the wind. The original specs claim that the buildings were supposed to sway 36 inches at the top in a 150 mph wind. Someone told me on some website that the wind had reached 100 mph on 6 occasions during the life of the buildings. I was never able to find that information however. Ha, I can ask ChatGPT: ÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷ For example: 1. **Hurricane Floyd (1999):** Brought strong winds to New York City, although the exact wind speeds at the height of the Twin Towers are not specifically recorded. 2. **Nor'easters:** These powerful storms, common in the northeastern United States, can produce very high winds, especially at higher elevations like those of the Twin Towers. 3. **Hurricane Gloria (1985):** Another strong storm that passed close enough to New York City to produce high winds. Engineers designed the Twin Towers to withstand wind speeds of up to 150 mph, anticipating that such conditions might occur during their lifespan. ÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷ The force of the wind applied to the Towers would be greater than that of an airliner, the difference would be one of concentration in a small area. In 1991 tests were conducted with accelerometers at the tops of the towers. I presume that synchronized motion and wind data they could do strength calculations on the towers looking for weaknesses. This was reported in the NCSTAR1 by the NIST but only that it was done. So how does "shoddy construction" construction take that for 28 years. And there was a fire in the 70s and a bomb in '93. On 9/11 there was a digital camera pointed towards the South Tower catching at the 70th floor. I presume that it was pointed at the top of the North Tower and happened to catch the South Tower at the moment of impact. The building deflected 12 inches at the 70th floor even though the plane impacted at the 81st floor. It should have deflected 14 to 15 inches there. The building then oscillated for four minutes after impact getting progressively smaller exhibiting a behavior known as "damped oscillation". Knowing the mass and velocity of the plane I would think that NIST could have extracted some information about the condition of the building from analyzing the motion. But they did not say anything further about it. This was the motivation for the second video called the Mass Impact Test. The collapse of the South Tower presents some different issues than the North. It was hit second an yet came down first. It was hit lower down than the North Tower, at level 81 instead of 94. Also the South Tower impact did not go directly into the core. The fuselage of the aircraft scraped the corner of the core and went into the open office area and exploded. That is why so many pictures show a huge fireball outside of the building. This resulted in less damage to the core and an intact stairwell by which a few people who were above the impact zone escaped. Since the 81st level had to support more weight it should have contained more steel than the impact region of WTC1. That combined with sustaining less damage due to the airliner trajectory, how can the earlier collapse of WTC2 be explained? More steel should have taken longer to heat up to the point of weakening. Firemen reached the 78th floor of the South Tower of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, and at 9:52 a m. sent out the message: "Battalion Seven...Ladder 15, we've got two isolated pockets of fire. We should be able to knock it down with two lines. 78th floor numerous 10-45 Code Ones (victims)." It was Battalion Chief Orio Palmer of the New York City Fire Department (FDNY) on the radio. He and Fire Marshal Ronald Bucca managed to reach the impact zone before the tower collapsed at 9:59 a.m. Palmer's radio message provided crucial information about the situation on the upper floors. How could "two isolated pockets of fire" cause what happened Seven Minutes later? Was someone else monitoring the Fire Department's radio communications and concluded that putting the fires out could not be allowed, so they took 7 minutes to decide to activate their own radio controls? Two Decades go by without discussion of the steel and concrete distributions! Why is the Eiffel Tower shaped like that? Bang, bang, Smash!!! You are under arrest umbrarchist for unauthorized paranoid speculation!
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The Isley Brothers were the best rock ‘n’ roll band ever!
ProfD replied to Troy's topic in Culture, Race & Economy
No other band can make that claim. The Isley Brothers can own it. However, the most successful, longest tenured band is The Rolling Stones (Bones). I'm glad Ronald and Ernie Isley are still performing and sounding great. -
I don't known about writing phenomenon but my theory is that you're in that percentile of folks who get to exceed life expectancy in a very good and healthy way. Reminds me of my grandmother who will be 94 years old next month. Her mind and wit is still very sharp. No ailments. No medication routine. She still lives independently. Only stopped driving because she doesn't have too. I cook and host several family functions. My grandma shows up at everything and talks trash and eats and cuts up better than people half her age. @aka Contrarian , you're playing with house money at this point in the game and looking great while doing it. Enjoy. Both you and my grandma are living miracles especially compared to those seniors who who think Ronald Reagan was the last POTUS.
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Model/Artist: Derrick Hodge @ Napa Valley
PHotographer: Ronald Reed ronwiredhttps://www.flickr.com/photos/ronwired/52257536213/in/feed-849661-1659412312-1-72157721630380574
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Model/Artist: Isaiah Sharky @ Blue Note Jazz Festival
PHotographer: Ronald Reed ronwiredhttps://www.flickr.com/photos/ronwired/52259305689/in/feed-849661-1659469349-1-72157721630481703
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Model/Artist: Miss Faye Carol with Kev Choice and band
PHotographer: Ronald Reed ronwiredhttps://www.flickr.com/photos/ronwired/52246158539/in/feed-849661-1658959799-1-72157721629658209
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Model/Artist: west coast blues society caravan of all stars
PHotographer: Ronald Reed ronwiredhttps://www.flickr.com/photos/ronwired/52237281729/in/feed-849661-1658636561-1-72157721629129650
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They had Ronald Reagan in the 1980s.
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Model/Artist: west coast blues society caravan of all stars
PHotographer: Ronald Reed ronwired
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ProfD Despite being replaced as a voter block, none of that will make Black folks look at the Democratic party sideways. It's that "lesser of two evils" shit again. Most Black folks....have FINALLY REALIZED that the Democrat party leadership don't give a damn about them. However they realize the alternative "may" be worse if they do nothing and allow the right-wingers to just come in and take over. It's one thing to have someone in office who doesn't think about you at all. It's another to have someone in office who does nothing BUT think about you...and different ways to harm you. More of our people need to start thinking about forming an independent political party . This current setup isn't working for Black folks at all. Facts. How long have we collectively known this though? Chev I hear the news reports of thousands upon thousands of immigrants coming into North America, but they are NOT illegal. From what I hear is that it is the Biden administration that opened the borders especially for people from South America and Mexico. What is going on!? It's true, but it's not JUST Biden. ALL of the President Administrations have done this since atleast back to Ronald Reagan...and quite likely before him. Something is wrong with American government. Actually it's the opposite.... It's working EXACTLY how they want it to. A sista told me the other day that something is wrong with the schools now a days because the kids ain't learning shit. I said no...nothing is wrong with the schools. They're operating exactly how they were designed...to keep the children ignorant. How can this government welcome them in the face of all of the problems already part of our government? Because the same ones allowing them in are the same ones CAUSING the problems you're speaking of. The same ones COMPLAINING about crime and locking people up left and right are the same ones INSTIGATING and PROMOTING crime and criminal activity in society. Like Malcolm X said.... "Now you check him out.... A White man will SELL you the liquor... then turn around and lock you up for being drunk!"



