richardmurray

@ProfD Pioneer made a quote in another post Pioneer's quote delivers a present, modern, sense in the very forum we communicate in. Pioneer stated a goal that is a larger sense of black potency or ownership but what pioneer state secondarily is the current activity of many ,and I say most, black people in the usa. Sequentially, regardless of other intentions, joining into white organizations can only lead to a peaceful coexistence to whites in the usa as the end goal. You say reparations, profd says black self rule, but what black leaders guide most black people to do is merely integration to create peaceful multiracial participation into the usa, rightly or wrongly. Getting reparations anywhere near warranted or a measure of self rule for a majority of black people can not occur through integrated participation side whites in organizations in the usa.

@Pioneer1 I have a question, for clarity. Are you saying the Black American community in the USA needs to 1) make our own laws 2) enforce said laws ourselves? If the answer to the prior question is no, then please clarify where or the location. If the answer to the prior question is yes. I ask cause isn't that a very challenging goal? The USA has many non Black people. nothing is impossible but your goal is quite the challenge , i must admit. It would had been better if more black people adopted the exoduster movement in the past for your stated goal. What you state Pioneer has been the strategy by the majority of black leaders since frederick douglass in the usa. In the end, I argue what you call the next best thing has been and is the primary thing for black people in the usa, rightly or wrongly.

@Pioneer1 I guess my section of harlem growing up as a child was different. but in defense the black community of harlem in manhattan is significantly older than a number of black communities in nyc, especially queens or brooklyn, or in other major cities. The following are the differences. The first two points we are on in the same but the following are differences, between experiences. I never ate by candlelight as a child. More people have had issues with crime in this section of harlem since white people became the majority. As a kid , my section of harlem was tranquil really. I went down south many times, but no one waved us away. I was fortunate to not lose either parent as a child. My blood kin lived all over, some in new jersey, some in various southern states, georgia/tennessee/et cetera so we didn't have those kinds of mass gatherings. And I never watched soul train till teenage.

thanks:) @Dee Miller When you used at the end of your presented segment, "free at last , thank god almighty i am free at last " and I recalled mlk jr's speech, i remember him referring to speaking of the negro spiritual in the line immediately before the closing, so I thought why not use a negro spiritual to design my next reply:) ... for the record I am not christian. If anyone suggest anything to me from this. The title of the negro spiritual i used as a reference is : "There is a balm in gilead" I think you can see what I used. There is a balm in Gilead To make the wounded whole; There is a balm in Gilead To heal the sin-sick soul. Some times I feel discouraged, And think my work’s in vain, But then the Holy Spirit Revives my soul again. If you cannot sing like angels, If you can’t preach like Paul, You can tell the love of Jesus, And say He died for all.

@ProfD I daresay, without proof, more than many, but most. and that matters because when you say if most black americans are looking for an end goal as a civil arrangement to whites or all others in the usa, then you are part of a minority in the black community in the usa. Reparations used to be what most black americans wanted, I don't think that is the truth today. I can be wrong. I have no way to prove this. But if I am correct, then the goal of reparations doesn't have enough support in the black community itself. but remember one thing that is very important , that Black Americans don't say enough. We, Blacks in the USA, put ourselves on this path. Our leaders in the USA guided us this way, rightly or wrongly. And we all know from the multilogs within the black church leadership at the end of the war between the states, to the thoughts or view between Black soldiers during the commonly called world war one, to the various transcriptions or letters in the nation of islam or the southern black christian leadership conference that black leaders debated on the agenda and rightly or wrongly, the end of the debates ended with civil union side all in the usa over other ideas, including reparations, as the goal for black people in the usa. So, it may be unfortunate, but black people planned this:) this isn't about what power.

This one took a structure from a relative well known poem, can you figure it out? I am an angry black woman against storms made from scorn I am an angry black woman so I will live untorn Sometimes I drop my head, or shame a part of myself But then the love from me, lord! Revive me from my delf I took inspiration from your ending quote and used a negro spiritual to derive the structure of this, do you know the spiritual?:) @Dee Miller

As nations are among the largest and the most complete divisions into which society is formed, the grandest aggregations of organized human power; as they raise to observation and distinction the world’s greatest men, and call into requisition the highest order of talent and ability for their guidance, preservation and success, they are ever among the most attractive, instructive and useful subjects of thought, to those just entering upon the duties and activities of life. The simple organization of a people into a National body, composite or otherwise, is of itself and impressive fact. As an original proceeding, it marks the point of departure of a people, from the darkness and chaos of unbridled barbarism, to the wholesome restraints of public law and society. It implies a willing surrender and subjection of individual aims and ends, often narrow and selfish, to the broader and better ones that arise out of society as a whole. It is both a sign and a result of civilization. A knowledge of the character, resources and proceedings of other nations, affords us the means of comparison and criticism, without which progress would be feeble, tardy, and perhaps, impossible. It is by comparing one nation with another, and one learning from another, each competing with all, and all competing with each, that hurtful errors are exposed, great social truths discovered, and the wheels of civilization whirled onward. I am especially to speak to you of the character and mission of the United States, with special reference to the question whether we are the better or the worse for being composed of different races of men. I propose to consider first, what we are, second, what we are likely to be, and, thirdly, what we ought to be. Without undue vanity or unjust depreciation of others, we may claim to be, in many respects, the most fortunate of nations. We stand in relation to all others, as youth to age. Other nations have had their day of greatness and glory; we are yet to have our day, and that day is coming. The dawn is already upon us. It is bright and full of promise. Other nations have reached their culminating point. We are at the beginning of our ascent. They have apparently exhausted the conditions essential to their further growth and extension, while we are abundant in all the material essential to further national growth and greatness. The resources of European statesmanship are now sorely taxed to maintain their nationalities at their ancient height of greatness and power. American statesmanship, worthy of the name, is now taxing its energies to frame measures to meet the demands of constantly increasing expansion of power, responsibility and duty. Without fault or merit on either side, theirs or ours, the balance is largely in our favor. Like the grand old forests, renewed and enriched from decaying trunks once full of life and beauty, but now moss-covered, oozy and crumbling, we are destined to grow and flourish while they decline and fade. This is one view of American position and destiny. It is proper to notice that it is not the only view. Different opinions and conflicting judgments meet us here, as elsewhere. It is thought by many, and said by some, that this Republic has already seen its best days; that the historian may now write the story of its decline and fall. Two classes of men are just now especially afflicted with such forebodings. The first are those who are croakers by nature—the men who have a taste for funerals, and especially National funerals. They never see the bright side of anything and probably never will. Like the raven in the lines of Edgar A. Poe they have learned two words, and these are “never more.” They usually begin by telling us what we never shall see. Their little speeches are about as follows: You will never see such Statesmen in the councils of the nation as Clay, Calhoun and Webster. You will never see the South morally reconstructed and our once happy people again united. You will never see the Government harmonious and successful while in the hands of different races. You will never make the negro work without a master, or make him an intelligent voter, or a good and useful citizen. The last never is generally the parent of all the other little nevers that follow. During the late contest for the Union, the air was full of nevers, every one of which was contradicted and put to shame by the result, and I doubt not that most of those we now hear in our troubled air, will meet the same fate. It is probably well for us that some of our gloomy prophets are limited in their powers, to prediction. Could they command the destructive bolt, as readily as they command the destructive world, it is hard to say what might happen to the country. They might fulfill their own gloomy prophesies. Of course it is easy to see why certain other classes on men speak hopelessly concerning us. A Government founded upon justice, and recognizing the equal rights of all men; claiming higher authority for existence, or sanction for its laws, that nature, reason, and the regularly ascertained will of the people; steadily refusing to put its sword and purse in the service of any religious creed or family is a standing offense to most of the Governments of the world, and to some narrow and bigoted people among ourselves. To those who doubt and deny the preponderance of good over evil in human nature; who think the few are made to rule, and many to serve; who put rank above brotherhood, and race above humanity; who attach more importance to ancient forms than to the living realities of the present; who worship power in whatever hands it may be lodged and by whatever means it may have been obtained; our Government is a mountain of sin, and, what is worse, its [sic] seems confirmed in its transgressions. One of the latest and most potent European prophets, one who has felt himself called upon for a special deliverance concerning us and our destiny as a nation, was the late Thomas Carlyle. He described us as rushing to ruin, not only with determined purpose, but with desperate velocity. How long we have been on this high road to ruin, and when we may expect to reach the terrible end our gloomy prophet, enveloped in the fogs of London, has not been pleased to tell us. Warnings and advice are not to be despised, from any quarter, and especially not from one so eminent as Mr. Carlyle; and yet Americans will find it hard to heed even men like him, if there be any in the world like him, while the animus is so apparent, bitter and perverse. A man to whom despotism is Savior and Liberty the destroyer of society,—who, during the last twenty years of his life, in every contest between liberty and oppression, uniformly and promptly took sides with the oppressor; who regarded every extension of the right of suffrage, even to white men in his own country, as shooting Niagara; who gloats over deeds of cruelty, and talked of applying to the backs of men the beneficent whip, to the great delight of many, the slave drivers of America in particular, could have little sympathy with our Emancipated and progressive Republic, or with the triumphs of liberty anywhere. But the American people can easily stand the utterances of such a man. They however have a right to be impatient and indignant at those among ourselves who turn the most hopeful portents into omens of disaster, and make themselves the ministers of despair when they should be those of hope, and help cheer on the country in the new and grand career of justice upon which it has now so nobly and bravely entered. Of errors and defects we certainly have not less than our full share, enough to keep the reformer awake, the statesman busy, and the country in a pretty lively state of agitation for some time to come. Perfection is an object to be aimed at by all, but it is not an attribute of any form of Government. Neutrality is the law for all. Something different, something better, or something worse may come, but so far as respects our present system and form of Government, and the altitude we occupy, we need not shrink from comparison with any nation of our times. We are today the best fed, the best clothed, the best sheltered and the best instructed people in t he world. There was a time when even brave men might look fearfully at the destiny of the Republic. When our country was involved in a tangled network of contradictions; when vast and irreconcilable social forces fiercely disputed for ascendancy and control; when a heavy curse rested upon our very soil, defying alike the wisdom and the virtue of the people to remove it; when our professions were loudly mocked by our practice and our name was a reproach and a by word to a mocking earth; when our good ship of state, freighted with the best hopes of the oppressed of all nations, was furiously hurled against the hard and flinty rocks of derision, and every cord, bolt, beam and bend in her body quivered beneath the shock, there was some apology for doubt and despair. But that day has happily passed away. The storm has been weathered, and portents are nearly all in our favor. There are clouds, wind, smoke and dust and noise, over head and around, and there always will be; but no genuine thunder, with destructive bolt, menaces from any quarter of the sky. The real trouble with us was never our system or form of Government, or the principles underlying it; but the peculiar composition of our people, the relations existing between them and the compromising spirit which controlled the ruling power of the country. We have for along time hesitated to adopt and may yet refuse to adopt, and carry out, the only principle which can solve that difficulty and give peace, strength and security to the Republic, and that is the principle of absolute equality. We are a country of all extremes—, ends and opposites; the most conspicuous example of composite nationality in the world. Our people defy all the ethnological and logical classifications. In races we range all the way from black to white, with intermediate shades which, as in the apocalyptic vision, no man can name a number. In regard to creeds and faiths, the condition is no better, and no worse. Differences both as to race and to religion are evidently more likely to increase than to diminish. We stand between the populous shores of two great oceans. Our land is capable of supporting one fifth of all the globe. Here, labor is abundant and here labor is better remunerated than any where else. All moral, social and geographical causes, conspire to bring to us the peoples of all other over populated countries. Europe and Africa are already here, and the Indian was here before either. He stands today between the two extremes of black and white, too proud to claim fraternity with either, and yet too weak to withstand the power of either. Heretofore the policy of our government has been governed by race pride, rather than by wisdom. Until recently, neither the Indian nor the negro has been treated as a part of the body politic. No attempt has been made to inspire either with a sentiment of patriotism, but the hearts of both races have been diligently sown with the dangerous seeds of discontent and hatred. The policy of keeping the Indians to themselves, has kept the tomahawk and scalping knife busy upon our borders, and has cost us largely in blood and treasure. Our treatment of the negro has slacked humanity, and filled the country with agitation and ill-feeling and brought the nation to the verge of ruin. Before the relations of these two races are satisfactorily settled, and in spite of all opposition, a new race is making its appearance within our borders, and claiming attention. It is estimated that not less than one hundred thousand Chinamen, are now within the limits of the United States. Several years ago every vessel, large or small, of steam or sail, bound to our Pacific coast and hailing from the Flowery kingdom, added to the number and strength of this new element of our population. Men differ widely as to the magnitude of this potential Chinese immigration. The fact that by the late treaty with China, we bind ourselves to receive immigrants from that country only as the subjects of the Emperor, and by the construction, at least, are bound not to [naturalize] them, and the further fact that Chinamen themselves have a superstitious devotion to their country and an aversion to permanent location in any other, contracting even to have their bones carried back, should they die abroad, and from the fact that many have returned to China, and the still more stubborn [fact] that resistance to their coming has increased rather than diminished, it is inferred that we shall never have a large Chinese population in America. This however is not my opinion. It may be admitted that these reasons, and others, may check and moderate the tide of immigration; but it is absurd to think that they will do more than this. Counting their number now, by the thousands, the time is not remote when they will count them by the millions. The Emperor’s hold upon the Chinamen may be strong, but the Chinaman’s hold upon himself is stronger. Treaties against naturalization, like all other treaties, are limited by circumstances. As to the superstitious attachment of the Chinese to China, that, like all other superstitions, will dissolve in the light and heat of truth and experience. The Chinaman may be a bigot, but it does not follow that he will continue to be one, tomorrow. He is a man, and will be very likely to act like a man. He will not be long in finding out that a country which is good enough to live in, is good enough to die in; and that a soil that was good enough to hold his body while alive, will be good enough to hold his bones when he is dead. Those who doubt a large immigration, should remember that the past furnishes no criterion as a basis of calculation. We live under new and improved conditions of migration, and these conditions are constantly improving. America is no longer an obscure and inaccessible country. Our ships are in every sea, our commerce in every port, our language is heard all around the globe, steam and lightning have revolutionized the whole domain of human thought. Changed all geographical relations, make a day of the present seem equal to a thousand years of the past, and the continent that Columbus only conjectured four centuries ago is now the centre of the world. I believe that Chinese immigration on a large scale will yet be our irrepressible fact. The spirit of race pride will not always prevail. The reasons for this opinion are obvious; China is a vastly overcrowded country. Her people press against each other like cattle in a rail car. Many live upon the water, and have laid out streets upon the waves. Men, like bees, want elbow room. When the hive is overcrowded, the bees will swarm, and will be likely to take up their abode where they find the best prospect for honey. In matters of this sort, men are very much like bees. Hunger will not be quietly endured, even in the celestial empire, when it is once generally known that there is bread enough and to spare in America. What Satan said of Job is true of the Chinaman, as well as of other men, “All that a man hath will he give for his life.” They will come here to live where they know the means of living are in abundance. The same mighty forces which have swept our shores the overflowing populations of Europe; which have reduced the people of Ireland three millions below its normal standard; will operate in a similar manner upon the hungry population of China and other parts of Asia. Home has its charms, and native land has its charms, but hunger, oppression, and destitution, will desolve these charms and send men in search of new countries and new homes. Not only is there a Chinese motive behind this probable immigration, but there is also an American motive which will play its part, one which will be all the more active and energetic because there is in it an element of pride, of bitterness, and revenge. Southern gentlemen who led in the late rebellion, have not parted with their convictions at this point, any more than at others. They want to be independent of the negro. They believed in slavery and they believe in it still. They believed in an aristocratic class and they believe in it still, and though they have lost slavery, one element essential to such a class, they still have two important conditions to the reconstruction of that class. They have intelligence and they have land. Of these, the land is the more important. They cling to it with all the tenacity of a cherished superstition. They will neither sell to the negro, nor let the carpet baggers have it in peace, but are determined to hold it for themselves and their children forever. They have not yet learned that when a principle is gone, the incident must go also; that what was wise and proper under slavery, is foolish and mischievous in a state of general liberty; that the old bottles are worthless when the new wine has come; but they have found that land is a doubtful benefit where there are no hands to it. Hence these gentlemen have turned their attention to the Celestial Empire. They would rather have laborers who will work for nothing; but as they cannot get the negroes on these terms, they want Chinamen who, they hope, will work for next to nothing. Companies and associations may be formed to promote this Mongolian invasion. The loss of the negro is to gain them, the Chinese; and if the thing works well, abolition, in their opinion, will have proved itself to be another blessing in disguise. To the statesman it will mean Southern independence. To the pulpit it will be the hand of Providence, and bring about the time of the universal dominion of the Christian religion. To all but the Chinaman and the negro, it will mean wealth, ease and luxury. But alas, for all the selfish inventions and dreams of men! The Chinaman will not long be willing to wear the cast off shoes of the negro, and if he refuses, there will be trouble again. The negro worked and took his pay in religion and the lash. The Chinaman is a different article and will want the cash. He may, like the negro, accept Christianity, but unlike the negro he will not care to pay for it in labor under the lash. He had the golden rule in substance, five hundred years before the coming of Christ, and has notions of justice that are not to be confused or bewildered by any of our “Cursed be Canaan” religion. Nevertheless, the experiment will be tried. So far as getting the Chinese into our country is concerned, it will yet be a success. This elephant will be drawn by our Southern brethren, though they will hardly know in the end what to do with him. Appreciation of the value of Chinamen as laborers will, I apprehend, become general in this country. The North was never indifferent to Southern influence and example, and it will not be so in this instance. The Chinese in themselves have first rate recommendations. They are industrious, docile, cleanly, frugal; they are dexterious of hand, patient of toil, marvelously gifted in the power of imitation, and have but few wants. Those who have carefully observed their habits in California, say they can subsist upon what would be almost starvation to others. The conclusion of the whole will be that they will want to come to us, and as we become more liberal, we shall want them to come, and what we want will normally be done. They will no longer halt upon the shores of California. They will borrow no longer in her exhausted and deserted gold mines where they have gathered wealth from bareness, taking what others left. They will turn their backs not only upon the Celestial Empire, but upon the golden shores of the Pacific, and the wide waste of waters whose majestic waves spoke to them of home and country. They will withdraw their eyes from the glowing west and fix them upon the rising sun. They will cross the mountains, cross the plains, descend our rivers, penetrate to the heart of the country and fix their homes with us forever. Assuming then that this immigration already has a foothold and will continue for many years to come, we have a new element in our national composition which is likely to exercise a large influence upon the thought and the action of the whole nation. The old question as to what shall be done with [the] negro will have to give place to the greater question, “what shall be done with the Mongolian” and perhaps we shall see raised one even still greater question, namely, what will the Mongolian do with both the negro and the whites? Already has the matter taken this shape in California and on the Pacific Coast generally. Already has California assumed a bitterly unfriendly attitude toward the Chinamen. Already has she driven them from her altars of justice. Already has she stamped them as outcasts and handed them over to popular contempt and vulgar jest. Already are they the constant victims of cruel harshness and brutal violence. Already have our Celtic brothers, never slow to execute the behests of popular prejudice against the weak and defenseless, recognized in the heads of these people, fit targets for their shilalahs. Already, too, are their associations formed in avowed hostility to the Chinese. In all this there is, of course, nothing strange. Repugnance to the presence and influence of foreigners is an ancient feeling among men. It is peculiar to no particularly race or nation. It is met with not only in the conduct of one nation toward another, but in the conduct of the inhabitants of different parts of the same country, some times of the same city, and even of the same village. “Lands intersected by a narrow frith, abhor each other. Mountains interposed, make enemies of nations.” To the Hindoo, every man not twice born, is Mleeka. To the Greek, every man not speaking Greek, is a barbarian. To the Jew, every one not circumcised, is a gentile. To the Mahometan, every man not believing in the prophet, is a kaffe. I need not repeat here the multitude of reproachful epithets expressive of the same sentiment among ourselves. All who are not to the manor born, have been made to feel the lash and sting of these reproachful names. For this feeling there are many apologies, for there was never yet an error, however flagrant and hurtful, for which some plausible defense could not be framed. Chattel slavery, king craft, priest craft, pious frauds, intolerance, persecution, suicide, assassination, repudiation, and a thousand other errors and crimes, have all had their defenses and apologies. Prejudice of race and color has been equally upheld. The two best arguments in its defense are, first, the worthlessness of the class against which it was directed; and, second; that he feeling itself is entirely natural. The way to overcome the first argument is, to work for the elevation of those deemed worthless, and thus make them worthy of regard and they will soon become worthy and not worthless. As to the natural argument it may be said, that nature has many sides. Many things are in a certain sense natural, which are neither wise nor best. It is natural to walk, but shall men therefore refuse to ride? It is natural to ride on horseback, shall men therefore refuse steam and rail? Civilization is itself a constant war upon some forces in nature; shall we therefore abandon civilization and go back to savage life? Nature has two voices, the one is high, the other low; one is in sweet accord with reason and justice, and the other apparently at war with both. The more men really know of the essential nature of things, and on of the true relation of mankind, the freer they are from prejudices of every kind. The child is afraid of the giant form of his own shadow. This is natural, but he will part with his fears when he is older and wiser. So ignorance is full of prejudice, but it will disappear with enlightenment. But I pass on. I have said that the Chinese will come, and have given some reasons why we may expect them in very large numbers in no very distant future. Do you ask, if I favor such immigration, I answer I would. Would you have them naturalized, and have them invested with all the rights of American citizenship? I would. Would you allow them to vote? I would. Would you allow them to hold office? I would. But are there not reasons against all this? Is there not such a law or principle as that of self-preservation? Does not every race owe something to itself? Should it not attend to the dictates of common sense? Should not a superior race protect itself from contact with inferior ones? Are not the white people the owners of this continent? Have they not the right to say, what kind of people shall be allowed to come here and settle? Is there not such a thing as being more generous than wise? In the effort to promote civilization may we not corrupt and destroy what we have? Is it best to take on board more passengers than the ship will carry? To all of this and more I have one among many answers, together satisfactory to me, though I cannot promise that it will be so to you. I submit that this question of Chinese immigration should be settled upon higher principles than those of a cold and selfish expediency. There are such things in the world as human rights. They rest upon no conventional foundation, but are external, universal, and indestructible. Among these, is the right of locomotion; the right of migration; the right which belongs to no particular race, but belongs alike to all and to all alike. It is the right you assert by staying here, and your fathers asserted by coming here. It is this great right that I assert for the Chinese and Japanese, and for all other varieties of men equally with yourselves, now and forever. I know of no rights of race superior to the rights of humanity, and when there is a supposed conflict between human and national rights, it is safe to go to the side of humanity. I have great respect for the blue eyed and light haired races of America. They are a mighty people. In any struggle for the good things of this world they need have no fear. They have no need to doubt that they will get their full share. But I reject the arrogant and scornful theory by which they would limit migratory rights, or any other essential human rights to themselves, and which would make them the owners of this great continent to the exclusion of all other races of men. I want a home here not only for the negro, the mulatto and the Latin races; but I want the Asiatic to find a home here in the United States, and feel at home here, both for his sake and for ours. Right wrongs no man. If respect is had to majorities, the fact that only one fifth of the population of the globe is white, the other four fifths are colored, ought to have some weight and influence in disposing of this and similar questions. It would be a sad reflection upon the laws of nature and upon the idea of justice, to say nothing of a common Creator, if four fifths of mankind were deprived of the rights of migration to make room for the one fifth. If the white race may exclude all other races from this continent, it may rightfully do the same in respect to all other lands, islands, capes and continents, and thus have all the world to itself. Thus what would seem to belong to the whole, would become the property only of a part. So much for what is right, now let us see what is wise. And here I hold that a liberal and brotherly welcome to all who are likely to come to the United states, is the only wise policy which this nation can adopt. It has been thoughtfully observed, that every nation, owing to its peculiar character and composition, has a definite mission in the world. What that mission is, and what policy is best adapted to assist in its fulfillment, is the business of its people and its statesmen to know, and knowing, to make a noble use of said knowledge. I need to stop here to name or describe the missions of other and more ancient nationalities. Ours seems plain and unmistakable. Our geographical position, our relation to the outside world, our fundamental principles of Government, world embracing in their scope and character, our vast resources, requiring all manner of labor to develop them, and our already existing composite population, all conspire to one grand end, and that is to make us the make perfect national illustration of the unit and dignity of the human family, that the world has ever seen. In whatever else other nations may have been great and grand, our greatness and grandeur will be found in the faithful application of the principle of perfect civil equality to the people of all races and of all creeds, and to men of no creeds. We are not only bound to this position by our organic structure and by our revolutionary antecedents, but by the genius of our people. Gathered here, from all quarters of the globe by a common aspiration for rational liberty as against caste, divine right Governments and privileged classes, it would be unwise to be found fighting against ourselves and among ourselves; it would be madness to set up any one race above another, or one religion above another, or proscribe any on account of race color or creed. The apprehension that we shall be swamped or swallowed up by Mongolian civilization; that the Caucasian race may not be able to hold their own against that vast incoming population, does not seem entitled to much respect. Though they come as the waves come, we shall be stronger if we receive them as friends and give them a reason for loving our country and our institutions. They will find here a deeply rooted, indigenous, growing civilization, augmented by an ever increasing stream of immigration from Europe; and possession is nine points of the law in this case, as well as in others. They will come as strangers, we are at home. They will come to us, not we to them. They will come in their weakness, we shall meet them in our strength. They will come as individuals, we will meet them in multitudes, and with all the advantages of organization. Chinese children are in American schools in San Francisco, none of our children are in Chinese schools, and probably never will be, though in some things they might well teach us valuable lessons. Contact with these yellow children of The Celestial Empire would convince us that the points of human difference, great as they, upon first sight, seem, are as nothing compared with the points of human agreement. Such contact would remove mountains of prejudice. It is said that it is not good for man to be alone. This is true not only in the sense in which our woman’s rights friends so zealously and wisely teach, but it is true as to nations. The voice of civilization speaks an unmistakable language against the isolation of families, nations and races, and pleads for composite nationality as essential to her triumphs. Those races of men which have maintained the most separate and distinct existence for the longest periods of time; which have had the least intercourse with other races of men, are a standing confirmation of the folly of isolation. The very soil of the national mind becomes, in such cases, barren, and can only be resuscitated by assistance from without. Look at England, whose mighty power is now felt, and for centuries has been felt, all around the world. It is worthy of special remark, that precisely those parts of that proud Island which have received the largest and most diverse populations, are today, the parts most distinguished for industry, enterprise, invention and general enlightenment. In Wales, and in the Highlands of Scotland, the boast is made of their pure blood and that they were never conquered, but no man can contemplate them without wishing they had been conquered. They are far in the rear of every other part of the English realm in all the comforts and conveniences of life, as well as in mental and physical development. Neither law nor learning descends to us from the mountains of Wales or from the Highlands of Scotland. The ancient Briton whom Julius Caesar would not have a slave, is not to be compared with the round, burly, a[m]plitudinous Englishman in many of the qualities of desirable manhood. The theory that each race of men has come special faculty, some peculiar gift or quality of mind or heart, needed to the perfection and happiness of the whole is a broad and beneficent theory, and besides its beneficence, has in its support, the voice of experience. Nobody doubts this theory when applied to animals and plants, and no one can show that it is not equally true when applied to races. All great qualities are never found in any one man or in any one race. The whole of humanity, like the whole of everything else, is ever greater than a part. Men only know themselves by knowing others, and contact is essential to this knowledge. In one race we perceive the predominance of imagination; in another, like Chinese, we remark its total absence. In one people, we have the reasoning faculty, in another, for music; in another, exists courage; in another, great physical vigor; and so on through the whole list of human qualities. All are needed to temper, modify, round and complete. Not the least among the arguments whose consideration should dispose to welcome among us the peoples of all countries, nationalities and color, is the fact that all races and varieties of men are improvable. This is the grand distinguishing attribute of humanity and separates man from all other animals. If it could be shown that any particular race of men are literally incapable of improvement, we might hesitate to welcome them here. But no such men are anywhere to be found, and if there were, it is not likely that they would ever trouble us with their presence. The fact that the Chinese and other nations desire to come and do come, is a proof of their capacity for improvement and of their fitness to come. We should take council of both nature and art in the consideration of this question. When the architect intends a grand structure, he makes the foundation broad and strong. We should imitate this prudence in laying the foundation of the future Republic. There is a law of harmony in departments of nature. The oak is in the acorn. The career and destiny of individual men are enfolded in the elements of which they are composed. The same is true of a nation. It will be something or it will be nothing. It will be great, or it will be small, according to its own essential qualities. As these are rich and varied, or poor and simple, slender and feeble, broad and strong, so will be the life and destiny of the nation itself. The stream cannot rise higher than its source. The ship cannot sail faster than the wind. The flight of the arrow depends upon the strength and elasticity of the bow; and as with these, so with a nation. If we would reach a degree of civilization higher and grander than any yet attained, we should welcome to our ample continent all nations, kindreds [sic] tongues and peoples; and as fast as they learn our language and comprehend the duties of citizenship, we should incorporate them into the American body politic. The outspread wings of the American eagle are broad enough to shelter all who are likely to come. As a matter of selfish policy, leaving right and humanity out of the question, we cannot wisely pursue any other course. Other Governments mainly depend for security upon the sword; our depends mainly upon the friendship of its people. In all matters,—in time of peace, in time of war, and at all times,—it makes its appeal to all the people, and to all classes of the people. Its strength lies in their friendship and cheerful support in every time of need, and that policy is a mad one which would reduce the number of its friends by excluding those who would come, or by alienating those who are already here. Our Republic is itself a strong argument in favor of composite nationality. It is no disparagement to Americans of English descent, to affirm that much of the wealth, leisure, culture, refinement and civilization of the country are due to the arm of the negro and the muscle of the Irishman. Without these and the wealth created by their sturdy toil, English civilization had still lingered this side of the Alleghanies [sic], and the wolf still be howling on their summits. To no class of our population are we more indebted to valuable qualities of head, heart and hand than the German. Say what we will of their lager, their smoke and their metaphysics they have brought to us a fresh, vigorous and child-like nature; a boundless facility in the acquisition of knowledge; a subtle and far reaching intellect, and a fearless love of truth. Though remarkable for patient and laborious thought the true German is a joyous child of freedom, fond of manly sports, a lover of music, and a happy man generally. Though he never forgets that he is a German, he never fails to remember that he is an American. A Frenchman comes here to make money, and that is about all that need be said of him. He is only a Frenchman. He neither learns our language nor loves our country. His hand is on our pocket and his eye on Paris. He gets what he wants and like a sensible Frenchman, returns to France to spend it. Now let me answer briefly some objections to the general scope of my arguments. I am told that science is against me; that races are not all of one origin, and that the unity theory of human origin has been exploded. I admit that this is a question that has two sides. It is impossible to trace the threads of human history sufficiently near their starting point to know much about the origin of races. In disposing of this question whether we shall welcome or repel immigration from China, Japan, or elsewhere, we may leave the differences among the theological doctors to be settled by themselves. Whether man originated at one time and one or another place; whether there was one Adam or five, or five hundred, does not affect the question. The grand right of migration and the great wisdom of incorporating foreign elements into our body politic, are founded not upon any genealogical or archeological theory, however learned, but upon the broad fact of a common human nature. Man is man, the world over. This fact is affirmed and admitted in any effort to deny it. The sentiments we exhibit, whether love or hate, confidence or fear, respect or contempt, will always imply a like humanity. A smile or a tear has not nationality; joy and sorrow speak alike to all nations, and they, above all the confusion of tongues, proclaim the brotherhood of man. It is objected to the Chinaman that he is secretive and treacherous, and will not tell the truth when he thinks it for his interest to tell a lie. There may be truth in all this; it sounds very much like the account of man’s heart given in the creeds. If he will not tell the truth except when it is for his interest to do so, let us make it for this interest to tell the truth We can do it by applying to him the same principle of justice that we apply ourselves. But I doubt if the Chinese are more untruthful than other people. At this point I have one certain test,—mankind are not held together by lies. Trust is the foundation of society. Where there is no truth, there can be no trust, and where there is no trust there can be no society. Where there is society, there is trust, and where there is trust, there is something upon which it is supported. Now a people who have confided in each other for five thousand years; who have extended their empire in all direction till it embraces on e fifth of the population of the glove; who hold important commercial relations with all nations; who are now entering into treaty stipulations with ourselves, and with all the great European powers, cannot be a nation of cheats and liars, but must have some respect for veracity. The very existence of China for so long a period, and her progress in civilization, are proofs of her truthfulness. But it is said that the Chinese is a heathen, and that he will introduce his heathen rights and superstitions here. This is the last objection which should come from those who profess the all conquering power of the Christian religion. If that religion cannot stand contact with the Chinese, religion or no religion, so much the worse for those who have adopted it. It is the Chinaman, not the Christian, who should be alarmed for his faith. He exposes that faith to great dangers by exposing it to the freer air of America. But shall we send missionaries to the heathen and yet deny the heathen the right to come to us? I think that a few honest believers in the teachings of Confucius would be well employed in expounding his doctrines among us. The next objection to the Chinese is that he cannot be induced to swear by the Bible. This is to me one of his best recommendations. The American people will swear by anything in the heavens above or in the earth beneath. We are a nation of swearers. We swear by a book whose most authoritative command is to swear not at all. It is not of so much importance what a man swears by, as what he swears to, and if the Chinaman is so true to his convictions that he cannot be tempted or even coerced into so popular a custom as swearing by the Bible, he gives good evidence of his integrity and his veracity. Let the Chinaman come; he will help to augment the national wealth. He will help to develop our boundless resources; he will help to pay off our national debt. He will help to lighten the burden of national taxation. He will give us the benefit of his skill as a manufacturer and tiller of the soil, in which he is unsurpassed. Even the matter of religious liberty, which has cost the world more tears, more blood and more agony, than any other interest, will be helped by his presence. I know of no church, however tolerant; of no priesthood, however enlightened, which could be safely trusted with the tremendous power which universal conformity would confer. We should welcome all men of every shade of religious opinion, as among the best means of checking the arrogance and intolerance which are the almost inevitable concomitants of general conformity. Religious liberty always flourishes best amid the clash and competition of rival religious creeds. To the minds of superficial men, the fusion of different races has already brought disaster and ruin upon the country. The poor negro has been charged with all our woes. In the haste of these men they forgot that our trouble was not ethnographical, but moral; that it was not a difference of complexion, but a difference of conviction. It was not the Ethiopian as a man, but the Ethiopian as a slave and a covetted [sic] article of merchandise, that gave us trouble. I close these remarks as I began. If our action shall be in accordance with the principles of justice, liberty, and perfect human equality, no eloquence can adequately portray the greatness and grandeur of the future of the Republic. We shall spread the network of our science and civilization over all who seek their shelter whether from Asia, Africa, or the Isles of the sea. We shall mold them all, each after his kind, into Americans; Indian and Celt; negro and Saxon; Latin and Teuton; Mongolian and Caucasian; Jew and Gentile; all shall here bow to the same law, speak the same language, support the same Government, enjoy the same liberty, vibrate with the same national enthusiasm, and seek the same national ends. Referral https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/1867-frederick-douglass-describes-composite-nation/ PDF images of original speech https://nyhs-prod.cdn.prismic.io/nyhs-prod/071a94b5-388a-4546-b798-7439b35e2061_Composite+Nation_Composite+Nation+Speech.docx.pdf

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself in exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men — yes, Black men as well as white men — would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds. But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to his hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, when will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: for whites only. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our Northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. So even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little Black boys and Black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrims' pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring. And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, Black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, we are free at last. REFERRAL https://www.npr.org/2010/01/18/122701268/i-have-a-dream-speech-in-its-entirety

@ProfD Well the question is progress to what? Again, the goal matters. One of the problems with many human movements throughout all humanity is people all to often don't see the goal they are reaching for over the journey. Look at Russia. I was a child, but I remember hoopla over the end of the USSR. Later as a teen I read things. As an adult I have seen Russia go through its changes from a distance as an unconcerned observer. But it is a lesson. The russian people who fled russia during the evil soviet years, still haven't returned but supported russians who wanted to make a version of the monarchic days in russia and that is what happened. Yeah, the oppression of the soviets is gone and russia is in a version of the czarist days with an american stylistic visage. But that is what the goal was. What is the progress toward in the black community in the usa? yes, because the goal hasn't changed. the goal is the same that frederick championed over 150 years ago, peaceful coexistence sides whites in the usa. Yeah, a marcus garvey/fannie lou hamer/malcolm x/shirley chisholm happen but they are all outcast in that something about them leads to a goal different than what frederick douglass and most black leaders: booker t washington/w.e.b. dubois the younger/ the black club women of church/the mlk jr/the nation of islam/ fred hampton/the southern black christian leadership conference/jesse jackson/maxine waters/al sharpton/robert johnson/oprah winfrey/ michael jordan/barrack obama side michelle obama/hakeem jeffries/lebron james/ or similar all lead to peaceful coexistence side whites in the usa. Yes,the agenda is as it was set at the end of the war between the states, peaceful coexistence between blacks side all in the usa. That demands a code of nonviolence to whites regardless of white activity/participation in white organizations even styming black ones/forgiveness to whites even it isn't warranted/allegiance to the usa. And black people in the usa in majority have done that. To finalize, they are interested in ending the system of white supremacy through reaching the goal of peaceful multiracial coexistence in the usa. Which as the center of the current global empire has global implications. In conclusion I said in this forum before and I repeat with no hesitancy, I think Frederick Douglass was wrong and his agenda implemented by latter leaders has cost black people in the usa their lives or led to their suffering at the hands of whites with no escape, and influenced the black communities outside the usa negatively. But, the point is the black community in the usa has an agenda, has organizations that follow it with its code. It is a challenge cause it is in spite of what black people in the usa in majority wanted, but that is the situation. And it has its levels or forms of success.

Nintendo had a new nintendo direct video and the best news for game players in my home is the following two games. Fantasy Life i and Professor Layton and the New World of Steam. I know some feel fantasy life has a repetitive or boring structure but I don't. I think people enjoy the ability to change lives and functionality in a game like that. I know the new game will have two islands that a character must traverse, but I hope they didn't get rid of the local multiplayer, and I wonder how they will make the crafting. The resistive touch screen of the ds line I like cause while sensitive to force, as it is two screens that complete a circuit by being pressed together , it is better for drawing and fine movements in my view than the capacitive screen which you find in the nintendo switch or most common phones sold in the usa today. The capacitive screen reads the electromagnetic field and thus can be used with a bare finger, but I think that is a dysfunctional technology, personally. And in fantasy life, I can't imagine using my finger to do all the various crafting, that does not please me. and buying a stylus with a piece of metal in it, while is the answer for capacitive screens i call that an extra expense for nothing. But, as it is, I will have to buy the capacitive pen to do the crafting if the crafting is the same and then I will have fun as i did in the original. As for layton, that for me is a classic line. I hope the puzzles are similar but the gameplay is the same. we shall see... FANTASY LIFE I < https://www.fantasylife.jp/fli/ > Nintendo buying page < https://www.nintendo.com/store/products/fantasy-life-i-the-girl-who-steals-time-switch/ > PROFESSOR LAYTON AND THE NEW WORLD OF STEAM < https://www.layton.jp/jouki/en/ > REFERRAL ARTICLE https://www.msn.com/en-us/entertainment/gaming/professor-layton-revival-leads-a-surprise-nintendo-ds-comeback-tour/ar-AA17hp9O

@Rodney campbell I havent played the game or watched the show at all, just cause the game description didn't pull me, i have games i am playing currently or interested in the future. and those apocalypto shows bore me as a writer

@ProfD 1)All people's have leadership profd, all peoples, the question is how successful is that leadership and humanity proves it is a range, from those who seem to have it all together, who of course do not, to those who seem to have nothing, who of course do not either. Black Americans have leadership, and I argue, the Black American community in the usa has reflected the goals of many Black American leaders in the past ala frederick douglass or mlk jr. 2) true, Black Americans don't have a unified structure and I add have not made efforts to make one in the usa at least , which does coincide with the wishes or beliefs of frederick douglass. 3) true, and I add many leaders in humanity in general are finding their potency limited. 4)true, though that is most countries in humanity for the record including most white ones. So far the only point I oppose is your first one. That is not true. Your subpoints True, even though said black united nations if it existed would have an influence on all black people globally, and I add I think Black Americans in the usa , in uncontestable majority, want to be part of an internally peaceful or prosperous while multiracial usa True, and I add the best proof of qualifying for the role of controlling group is simply if said group controls, beyond how they are assessed. I can only say I can concur if by white supremacy , white european supremacy is meant. If not, I oppose the framing of your point. humanity is complicated, always has been. The roman empire had an implosion but didn't die at that moment. It reorganized. Emperor justinian of nova roma centered on constantinople had reclaimed most of the empire lost in the implosion when the capitol was last centered on the city commonly called rome today. The roman empire died by age and opponents. The roman empire died a city state. Like most empires, the neighbors took a long time but learned from it and then attacked it over the course of many years from all sides. It died by withering not implosion. And the USA unlike the roman empire is more influenced by factors of withering internally while like rome is surrounded by learning opponents. In conclusion, you stated i miscomprehended your points. from my own comprehension. I didn't, and I only contested three of them. and you answered all my questions. I simply reframed your answers using your own words, which is a paraphrasing but is not mischaracterizing your points.

@ProfD I am happy for your answers. Based on your words You think the black community is too far removed to concern itself with its own internal design or structure while it needs to focus on a unity absent an internal structure or design. Based on your words You think the current white empire is not able to withstand everything but is only susceptible to , and I rephrase you, an act of god. Sequentially, you think no human activity can undo the current white empire. Thank you for your answers.

haha it is ok ,thank you for your praises. @Dee Miller I love collective poetry. I will make a phrase to continue your poetry. It is free verse. The glance from her eyes, but did you see the worry from her brows. The purse from her lips, but did you hear the joy in her vestibule. The hum from her chest, but did you feel the love from her soul. What you remember or note or foretell may be the scorching light from anger. But if you dare risk the ignorant darkness, you will find your partner in life, was or is or will be happily there.

@ProfD my question didn't undercut leadership or unity. My question ask about the design and structure of leadership and unity and you said that shouldn't be a concern? So you are not suggesting the modern white empire is an exception so the length of their empire then isn't a concern.

@ProfD yes, one white group controls other white groups and they all accept that control as pertains to non whites. so which black group is going to control the other black groups then? That is the question. This forum alone proves black people as no human community can truly come together en masse as equals. This forum plus simple black history proves black people can unite globally, we did it already before, but when the next time happens, it will need one or a few to manage the whole as in the past. But, you are very sure about white power. Based on what you said white folks will do, should black people simply be penitent to whites? Any option displaying whites will fail you didn't mention. An old saying exist, war is never a game. I do not know the truth, i am not in the halls of power in humanity. But I will say this, that smokescreen you refer to is red with blood. true, non white europeans have spent the last two to five centuries being killed or dominated by white europeans. Survivors in such a scenario are not the native americans who fought the colonists and was shot, the blacks who jumped off the boats and tried to swim back, the asians who revolted by hand against arms. But history proves again, all empires fall, no exceptions exist. Are you suggesting the modern white empire in humanity is an exception?

This is just hilarious, from mergirl dunne

@ProfD the question is, were law enforcement organizations in majority, in general , started to protect and serve citizens? The answer is no in my view. I can't speak for every single law enforcement agency. But, the LAPD, the chicago police department, the texas rangers, the canadian mounties, the us marshalls, all were started by government officials looking to gain votes, manipulate populaces and gave the ones they chose an avenue to profit from various illegal or criminals activities safe from accusal or prosecution based on their badge. If Law enforcement agencies were born militarized or criminal and live militarized or criminal then what is the real problem when they act criminal? The real problem isn't them. We all know they are criminal. The problem is those who are not law enforcers, suggesting/wanting/desiring law enforcers not to be criminal or illegal actors. How many black people say one of the following: Most cops are good It is only a few bad cops My relative is a cop and isn't bad law enforcement is tough, people don't comprehend the life People need to learn how to interact to cops The training of cops is the problem cops should protect of help the people Those phrases and similar phrases to them are the problem. Said phrases are the problem. If non law enforcers just accept the true nature of law enforcement in the usa, then it isn't news anymore. They shot some one in the back? yeah ok. They chocked someone till they couldn't breath? yeah ok. The clans of the deceased take the government to court and the government pay out. No marches needed. No big news. A dirty organization acted dirty. ok. The need for people, especially black people who are not law enforcers to speak of law enforcements and needing to be something they are not, i argue is the problem.

@ProfD Well, Black Americans include Black people in the american continent which is from canada to argentina so black jamaicans who are rastafarian at odds with black jamaicans who are not is part of the course so to speak. but in my travels to africa, i find binds are weak as well. My personal experience is in north western africa, but the hutu or tutsi in rwanda are the most public example. And to be honest, whites are no better. Brexit wasn't about people of color, white people of england didn't want want people of eastern europe and now the white people of poland and nearby countries are trying to stop white ukranians from entering their countries. So it seems the lack unity is more a human reality than a problem. HEll, even white jews in nyc oppose the commonly called conservative white jews in nyc. So, I argue unity isn't the problem between the black majority and the black minorities as much as poor leadership or planning or coexistence. Maybe the problem isn't that the black minorities need to be united with the black majorities but maybe they need a better way of coexisting than simple crude unity , which is not present in humanity historically. If white unity had that power, why are the irish still at it with the english.

@ProfD The beginning of your prose relates to what I feel are law enforcements biggest problem, people referring to them in terms of supposed things or suggesting they were once better. That is the problem with law enforcement, that prose is a lie. History has value when you look at any organization for one key point, history will show an organizations truth, and the history of the NYPD isn't what you state. The NYPD wasn't started to serve or protect citizens. the NYPD was started because Boss Tweed wanted the irish vote and he knew the best way to get any communities vote is to give them industry. He started the NYPD grabbing irish people you will call thugs or criminals off the street and gave them a badge, it is that simple. So when you say at some point they became militarized, if by they you mean the NYPD , you are wrong. the NYPD were always militarized. The irish community in NYC was terrorized by the NYPD first and foremost cause the irish thugs now had a badge and the mayors protections. But the mayor, tweed, created the nypd , do you comprehend. Your words suggest the NYPD for example, should be protecting or serving, wasn't an overseer in the past. that is not true. The NYPD was started to make a powerful growing voting block in an ever growing city that can be used by potential or current officials to gain or maintain power. The NYPD is a legalized gang, who profit off of many things. The NYPD also serve a necessary function for a city of individuals who don't have strong communal affiliations in an extremely multiracial city, by instilling fear in the populace, the very condensed populace not to break the law. The NYPD is needed, but like all other law enforcement agencies, at their core they have nothing to do with the common good. They are agencies for government profit/government control whose members achieve various levels of illegal or criminal wealth.

I quote @Rodney campbell concerning Bob Marley in italics. I never could embrace his leaf smoking cultural habits. Which became propagandized as being somehow a Jamaican normal behaviour. Which. At that TIME it was not. I respected his position as a spearhead for the black people. I respected his outright denouncement of the racial negativity. But thanks to propaganda the documentaries that focus on those aspects are few and far apart. Instead we have generations of leaf inhalers who have been convinced they are contributing to the black experience by being high. Like that is somehow a black thing. I was not interested in doing anything but honoring bob marley on his birthday. But now that it is past, Rodney's thoughts to me, lead to a very valuable issue in the Black community globally, which is not present straightly in his prose. And that is the issue of minority communities in the black community. I am not rastafarian. To be blunt, I think Ras Tafari , or duke Tafari, more commonly known by his appointed name, Haille Sellasie made tremendous errors as king of ethiopia. And my views towards ethiopia like haiti are particular. For anyone black in humanity who looks for inspiration based on black achievement in total opposition to non blacks, then haiti/ethiopia/karnataka are the rare examples of black achievement before the 1960s that is not within a white fold.<No black achievements post 1960 exist outside a white fold> So ethiopia is beyond haille selassie, and I don't think he earned the praise the ras tafarians gave him, though I think he should be praised for some things. But gardless what anyone black thinks of the ras tafarians in jamaica or the greater caribbean or greater still american continent the rastafarians are a minority community in the black community, and in Black history month I think one of the problems with the black community globally , while definitely in the USA is the relationship the black majority has to black minorities. The gullah of the carolinas /the creoles of louisiana/the rastafarians of jamaica are not the majority in the black community in those places but they each with other similars tend to have a cultural relationship that can be at odds with the majority in the black community about them. To be blunt, the gullah's language is at odds with the culture of the majority in the black community who are zealous anglophiles. The creoles unique cultural makeup , that fusion of poly african/french catholic/ anglo protestant doesn't fit the very christian very statian culture of the majority in the black community. The rastafarians are in the same scenario. Most jamaicans in the past and many jamaicans now are anglophiles. I know a number of jamaican families. the women's hair is straight, they try to speak english with a slight english accent, and they are very much in the rigid black church mold. Not all , but many. I think Rodney's point leads to a deeper issue in the black community globally or in parts and that is how black majorities handle black minorities. In my experience , many black people who are part of a majority tend to have a negative view toward black minorities. And the reason why is obvious. All minorities, like the white jew in the white community, have to deal with the fact that the majority doesn't care for your heritage or culture. WHich is obvious why, it is different. But, the black majority has a tendency to want to universalize in the black community whereas whites in the usa at least have a more white union appeal in modernity, I don't think black people in the usa at least, are as interested in a pan black approach. The full quote from Rodney Campbell is at the following forum post

A simple question , you can relate it to any law enforcement agency. I only repeat what law enforcement agencies need is someone to say they are needed while also corrupt. The problem with law enforcement agencies is too many wish to make them out to be honor guards or mythical comraderies when they are simply havens for mostly bullies or reared wrong or financially proud in the worst sense people who serve a necessary function when they are not killing, maiming, spitting, clubbing, violating, cheating, stealing.. or all the other many crimes or illegalities or negatives they are free from being penalized from including not incarcerating or giving testimony to other law enforcers when they act illegally or criminally which is called aiding or abetting, if you want to access the 590 page assement fo the nypd in 2020 from the ccrb then use the following link? https://aalbc.com/tc/profile/6477-richardmurray/?status=2240&type=status